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Sexual coercion proclivity : effect on appeal of sexual aggression and behaviour in response to environmental… Thomas, Lindsey Anne 2009

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SEXUAL COERCION PROCLIVITY: EFFECT ON APPEAL OF SEXUAL AGGRESSION AND BEHAVIOUR IN RESPONSE TO ENVIRONMENTAL CUES  by  Lindsey Anne Thomas  B.A., University of British Columbia, 2000 M.A., University of British Columbia, 2002  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in The Faculty of Graduate Studies (Psychology)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)  August 2009  © Lindsey Anne Thomas, 2009  ii  ABSTRACT The present research endeavours to predict prospectively sexually aggressive behaviours among heterosexual university males, while manipulating attitudes and emotions conducive to such behaviour. In both studies described below, questionnaires were used to assess risk for sexual aggression. For the first study (n = 65), participants were assigned to conditions: (1) insult/non-sexually coercive fantasy material; (2) no insult/sexually coercive fantasy material; and, (3) insult/sexually coercive fantasy material. Those deemed high risk for sexual coercion were more easily frustrated than the low group, especially when exposed to Condition 3. Changes in negative affect predicted likelihood of engaging in sexual aggression for the low but not the high risk group and anticipated enjoyment of sexual coercion in the high but not the low group. Controlling for degree of acculturation eliminated any differences between Chinese and Caucasian males. The results suggest that the appeal of sexually aggressive thoughts/fantasies is largely influenced by emotional reactivity in response to environmental stimuli. In the second study (n = 142), participants were assigned to conditions involving either an innocuous or a sexually aggressive cognitive priming task. Regardless of condition, high risk males were more likely to engage in sexual aggression in the laboratory than those deemed low risk. When the effects of discomfort were controlled, a significant interaction between risk and condition on sexual aggression was observed. While engaging in significantly less sexual aggression than the high group when assigned to the innocuous cognitive priming task, the low risk group assigned to the sexually  iii aggressive cognitive priming task was indistinguishable from the high group. Chinese men were significantly more likely than Caucasian men to be deemed high risk and yet, this did not result in differential rates of sexual aggression in the laboratory. Discomfort in response to the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task did, however, result in Chinese men engaging in more sexual aggression than those assigned to the innocuous task. These findings suggest that even those not previously inclined towards sexual aggression can do so under opportunistic circumstances, following an increase in discomfort associated with exposure to and involvement with sexually coercive material.  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ...............................................................................................iv LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................vii LIST OF FIGURES......................................................................................................viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS............................................................................................ix DEDICATION ................................................................................................................x CO-AUTHORSHIP STATEMENT................................................................................xi 1 INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................1 1.1 Introduction.......................................................................................................1 1.2 Definition of Sexual Assault in Canada's Criminal Code ...................................3 1.3 Male versus Female perpetrators of Sexually Aggressive Behaviours ................5 1.4 Sexual Assault Statistics....................................................................................5 1.5 Problems with Research ....................................................................................6 1.6 Rape Proclivity Literature .................................................................................9 1.7 Factors Thought to be Key to Determining Sexual Coercion Proclivity ...........10 1.7.1 Use of Sexually Coercive Fantasy ............................................................10 1.7.2 Attitudes Supportive of Sexual Aggression...............................................12 1.7.3 Anger and Hostility ..................................................................................13 1.7.4 Need for Power/Domination.....................................................................16 1.7.5 Experience with being the Perpetrator of Sexual Aggression ....................18 1.8 Operationally Defining Sexual Coercion Proclivity .........................................19 1.8.1 Likelihood of Raping ...............................................................................19 1.8.2 Sexual Experiences ..................................................................................21 1.8.3 Rape Myth Acceptance ............................................................................21 1.8.4 Hostility Toward Women .........................................................................22 1.9 Importance of Using a Comprehensive Approach to Estimate Sexual Coercion Proclivity...................................................................................................................23 1.10 Role of Ethnicity..........................................................................................25 1.11 Summary and Objective...............................................................................28 1.12 References ...................................................................................................34 2 SEXUAL COERCION PROCLIVITY: EFFECT OF EMOTION AND FANTASY ON APPEAL OF SEXUAL AGGRESSION .................................................................47 2.1 Introduction.....................................................................................................47 2.2 Fantasy............................................................................................................48 2.3 Pornography as a Vehicle for Sexual Fantasy ..................................................49 2.4 Emotion ..........................................................................................................51 2.5 Ethnicity..........................................................................................................53 2.6 Purpose and Hypotheses..................................................................................54 2.7 Method............................................................................................................55 2.7.1 Participants ..............................................................................................55 2.7.2 Measures..................................................................................................55 2.7.2.1 The Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMA) ...........................................55 2.7.2.2 Sexual Experiences Survey (SES)........................................................56  v 2.7.2.3 Likelihood of Raping Item (LR) ..........................................................56 2.7.2.4 Hostility Toward Women Scale (HTW) ...............................................56 2.7.2.5 Affect Adjective Checklist (AAC) .......................................................57 2.7.2.6 Vancouver Index of Acculturation (VIA).............................................57 2.7.2.7 Balanced Inventory of Desirable Responding-Version 6 (BIDR-6) ......58 2.7.3 Procedure.................................................................................................58 2.8 Results ............................................................................................................62 2.8.1 Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Ratings of Anticipated Likelihood and Enjoyment of Engaging in Sexual Aggression .......................................................63 2.8.2 Sexual Coercion Proclivity, Condition and Negative Affect .....................64 2.8.3 Sexual Coercion Proclivity, Changes in Negative Affect and Rated Likelihood and Enjoyment of Engaging in Sexual Aggression ...............................65 2.8.4 Identification with the Main Character in the Sexually Coercive Vignette and Ratings of Likelihood and Enjoyment of Engaging in Sexual Coercion ...........66 2.8.5 Ethnicity, Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Negative Affect.......................66 2.9 Discussion.......................................................................................................68 2.10 References ...................................................................................................79 3 EFFECT OF SEXUAL COERCION PROCLIVITY ON BEHAVIOUR................88 3.1 Introduction.....................................................................................................88 3.2 Analogue Studies ............................................................................................90 3.3 Trait Versus State Impact of Cognitive/Attitudinal Sets on Sexual Aggression 92 3.4 Purpose and Hypotheses..................................................................................95 3.5 Method............................................................................................................95 3.5.1 Participants ..............................................................................................95 3.5.2 Measures..................................................................................................96 3.5.2.1 Sexual Coercion Proclivity Package.....................................................96 3.5.2.2 Acculturation.......................................................................................96 3.5.2.3 Socially Desirable Responding ............................................................97 3.5.3 Procedure.................................................................................................97 3.6 Results .......................................................................................................... 100 3.6.1 Sexual Coercion Proclivity, Condition and Sexual Aggression in the Laboratory........................................................................................................... 101 3.6.2 Comfort Level and its Role in the Interaction Between Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Condition on Sexual Aggression in the Laboratory........................ 102 3.6.3 Ethnicity, Sexual Coercion Proclivity, Condition and Sexual Aggression in the Laboratory ..................................................................................................... 104 3.6.4 Comfort Level and its Role in the Interaction Between Ethnicity, Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Condition on Sexual Aggression in the Laboratory......... 105 3.7 Discussion..................................................................................................... 106 3.8 References..................................................................................................... 118 4 GENERAL DISCUSSION .................................................................................. 123 4.1 Introduction................................................................................................... 123 4.2 Relationship between Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Sexual Aggression ..... 123 4.3 Effect of Environmental Stimuli and Emotional Reactivity............................ 126 4.4 Ethnicity........................................................................................................ 128 4.5 Conclusions and Future Directions for Research and Prevention ................... 132  vi 4.6 References..................................................................................................... 138 APPENDICES ............................................................................................................ 141 Appendix A Rape Myth Acceptance Scale ......................................................... 141 Appendix B Sexual Experiences Survey ............................................................ 143 Appendix C Likelihood of Raping Item ............................................................. 144 Appendix D Hostility Toward Women Scale...................................................... 145 Appendix E Affect Adjective Checklist ............................................................. 147 Appendix F Vancouver Index of Acculturation.................................................. 148 Appendix G Balanced Inventory of Desirable Responding – Version 6 ............... 149 Appendix H Sexually Coercive Vignette............................................................ 151 Appendix I Non-Coercive Vignette................................................................... 152 Appendix J Identification of the Main Character in the Vignette ....................... 153 Appendix K Measure of Anticipated Likelihood/Enjoyment of Sexual Coercion 154 Appendix L Procedural Summary of Two- Part Study Described in Chapter 2... 155 Appendix M Innocuous Cognitive Priming Task.................................................. 156 Appendix N Sexually Aggressive Cognitive Priming Task................................. 157 Appendix O Sexually Themed Vignette ............................................................. 158 Appendix P Comfort Ratings............................................................................. 159 Appendix Q Procedural Summary of the Study Described in Chapter 3.............. 160 Appendix R UBC Ethics Approval Certificate for Study 1 (Chapter 2)............... 161 Appendix S UBC Ethics Approval Certificate for Study 2 (Chapter 3)............... 162  vii  LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1 Table 2.2  Table 2.3  Table 3.1 Table 3.2 Table 3.3  Intercorrelations between Sexual Coercion Proclivity Package and Outcome Measures...............................................................74 Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP) Package Scores and Likelihood and Enjoyment Ratings for Low and High SCP Groups................................................................................................75 Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP) Package Scores and Likelihood and Enjoyment Ratings: A Comparison across Ethnicity and SCP Groups..............................................................76 Intercorrelations between Sexual Coercion Proclivity Package Measures....................................................................................111 Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP) Package Scores and Amount of Story Read for Low and High SCP Groups...........................112 Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP) Package Scores: A Comparison across Ethnicity and SCP Groups....................................113  viii  LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1  Figure 1.2 Figure 2.1 Figure 2.2 Figure 3.1 Figure 3.2 Figure 3.3 Figure 3.4 Figure 4.1  “Iceberg Model” Used as an Explanatory Model in the Treatment of Men Convicted of a Sexual Offense……………………………….......................................................32 Fit of Sexual Coercion Proclivity Measures on the “Iceberg Model”...................................................................................33 Interaction between Sexual Coercion Proclivity(SCP), Sub-Anger and Condition..........................................................................77 Interaction between Ethnicity, Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP) and Anxiety....................................................................78 Amount of Story Read Across Participants and Conditions....................114 Amount of Sexual Story Read as a Function of Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP)...........................................................115 Interaction between Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Condition with the Effects of Socially Desirable Responding and Comfort Controlled.......................................................116 Interaction between Ethnicity and Condition with the Effects of Socially Desirable Responding and Comfort Controlled................................................................................................117 Intercorrelations between the Sexual Coercion Measures…….…...…..137  ix  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Boris Gorzalka for all his guidance and support over the many years I have worked with him. He has always encouraged me to think for myself, and I am stronger for it. He has helped me overcome many of the hurdles I encountered in both my personal and academic life for the past six years, and for that I am truly grateful. I would like to thank my other committee members, Dr. Donald Dutton and Dr. Lawrence Ward for the many helpful suggestions they made throughout this process. Dr. Dutton was my supervisor for my Master of Arts degree, and his social psychological background certainly influenced the ways in which the ideas in my thesis were developed and tested. Both Dr. Dutton and Dr. Ward helped me focus on the ideas that were most important to me, and summarize them in a way that will allow me to contribute to the field. Many research assistants worked on this project over the years, and I am grateful to each and every one of them. I would particularly like to thank Danielle Burgess, Marie Hamel and Carrie Schroeder for all their hard work. There is no way I could have done this without them. Last, but certainly not least, I would like to thank my partner Jim Sikyea, our beautiful daughter Olivia Thomas-Sikyea, my mom Gail Thomas and her partner and my stepfather Harry Bryant, and my grandparents Barbara and Geoff Thomas. Thank you so much for all your love, support and patience both during my time in graduate school and throughout my life. I am so very lucky to have you.  x  DEDICATION  To my grandparents, Barbara and Geoff Thomas. I can’t tell you what it has meant to have you in my life throughout this process – from start to finish. A special thanks to you both for all that you are and all that you’ve inspired me to be.  xi  CO-AUTHORSHIP STATEMENT Ms. Lindsey Thomas was involved in all aspects of the research described in Chapter 2 and Chapter 3. This included identifying and designing the research program, performing the research, analysing the data and preparing the manuscripts. Dr. Boris Gorzalka also contributed to the research described in this thesis. His contribution included helping with the identification and design of the research program and with manuscript preparation.  1  1  INTRODUCTION  1.1  Introduction The sheer societal impact and the need for further preventive efforts has brought  the importance of studying sexual violence to the forefront. Besides society’s ever present interest and investment in managing sexually violent crime, it is also high on the political agenda for many countries, including Canada and the United States. The impact of sexual aggression on its victims and the resultant cost to society has united researchers and clinicians with the common goal of unearthing the roots of such crime in order to understand it and, therefore, prevent future occurrences. As will be discussed below, there has been considerable progress in identifying those factors said to predict future sexual aggression. Further, the introduction of actuarial risk prediction schemes (e.g., Static – 99; Hanson & Thornton, 1999) and other risk appraisal guides (e.g., Sexual Violence Risk – 20; Boer, Hart, Kropp, & Webster, 1997) has improved predictive validity over clinical judgement, with clinical judgement predicting sexual violence recidivism only slightly better than chance (Hanson & Bussiére, 1998). A long list of factors thought to be important to sexual violence risk prediction has been developed. Meta-analytic reviews (e.g., Hanson & Morton-Bourgon, 2004) have identified two broad domains with strong links to sexual recidivism. These are: sexually deviant interests/attitudes/behaviours and antisocial orientation/criminality. These static (historical) and dynamic (changeable) factors are combined to quantify one’s “risk.” Recent work by Hanson lends support to the validity of models considering both stable and acute/dynamic risk factors (e.g., as cited in Olver, Wong, Nicholaichuk & Gordon, 2007) as predictors of sexual recidivism measured over multiple time points. However,  2 regardless of the progress made in improving the predictive validity of sexual violence risk assessment, accuracy of prediction remains low enough that it threatens the logic behind basing legal sanctions for sexual offenders upon risk (Janus & Meehl, 1997). We are further constrained with this approach to risk assessment in that we are only able to predict risk among men already identified as having committed a sexual offense. Therefore, such schemas still have a ways to go in terms of predictive validity and are only appropriate for evaluating risk among a small and very select group of individuals. As will be discussed, only a small number of sexual assaults are ever reported (DeKeseredy, 1997; Fisher, Cullen & Turner, 2000), and the perpetrators that are caught often only represent a minor fraction of those that have engaged in sexual aggression (Darke, 1990). This means that there are many more individuals who have engaged in various sexually coercive behaviours, or who are about to, that we know little about. A few longitudinal studies have attempted to address this issue (e.g., Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, & Acker, 1995). Although yielding invaluable information, studies such as that conducted by Malamuth et al. (1995) fall short in terms of predicting sexual aggression. Correlational designs and the use of retrospective or non behavioural outcome measures are largely responsible for this. Such studies are limited in this respect as ethical constraints prevent us from putting individuals in situations where they can choose to engage in sexual coercion or not, which means that we must rely on analogues to sexual aggression and retrospective studies involving self-report and/or corroborative information. As part of this, we are also limited in the factors we can study in the hopes of furthering our ability to predict future sexual violence. There is a strong need to identify those factors that serve to increase or decrease one’s proclivity in this respect  3 among those that have yet to be identified as “offenders” and to explore those circumstances that translate proclivity into behaviour for the purposes of prevention. The research that follows is a step towards accomplishing these goals. This chapter will begin by outlining the difficulties associated with studying sexual aggression, the ways in which researchers have attempted to address these issues and the conceptual holes that remain in the literature in terms of developing a comprehensive, generalizable and valid predictive model of sexual coercion. Those factors consistently shown to help overpower social constraints against sexual aggression, or rather to disinhibit the expression of such behaviour, are reviewed. The pitfalls of using any of these variables in isolation to predict sexual aggression are emphasized, and the need to ascertain whether these factors actually predict future sexual aggression is highlighted.  1.2  Definition of Sexual Assault in Canada's Criminal Code The following is adapted from the Criminal Code of Canada, Section 270.  Canada's Criminal Code has no specific “rape” provision. Instead, sexual violence is categorized under the broader heading of assault. In defining assault, the Code includes physical contact and threats. A person commits an assault when: without the consent of another person, force is applied intentionally to that other person, directly or indirectly; an attempt or threat is made (by an act or a gesture) to apply force to another person, if he causes that other person to believe on reasonable grounds that he has the ability to effect his purpose; or, while openly wearing or carrying a weapon (or an imitation thereof), a person is accosted, begged or impeded upon. This section applies to all forms of assault, including sexual assault, sexual assault with a weapon, threats to a third party or threats  4 to cause bodily harm, and aggravated sexual assault. The definition includes threats of sexual assault as a sexual assault itself. This suggests a person could be convicted of sexual assault without physically touching the victim by making a threat alone (for instance, “I'm going to rape you”). There are other specific sexual offenses included in the Criminal Code, such as sexual exploitation, invitation for sexual touching, use of child pornography and voyeurism. An individual charged with sexual assault could be convicted of additional sexual crimes as well, depending on the circumstances. Consent is often the critical issue in defining sexual assault as a criminal offense. The Code does specify some instances that do not constitute consent. For example, no consent is obtained where, the complainant submits or does not resist by reason of: the application of force to the complainant or to a person other than the complainant; threats or fear of the application of force to the complainant or to a person other than the complainant; fraud; or, the exercise of authority. Consent gets even more complicated when substances (e.g., drugs and alcohol), mental illness or developmental disabilities are involved in that it becomes a question of whether the victim had the capacity to consent. As rape is merely a specific form of sexual assault, the present research takes a broader focus to examine those factors that make the latter more likely. That is, the present review and the research that follows examines sexual aggression on a continuum, ranging from mere persuasion to coercion. It should be noted that the line distinguishing persuasion and coercion is far from clear and depends heavily on freely given consent from the woman and her ability or capacity to do so.  5  1.3 Male versus Female perpetrators of Sexually Aggressive Behaviours Although both men and women perpetrate sexual aggression, male-to-female sexual violence is far more likely (e.g., Koss & Cook, 1998; Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998). Further, a growing body of literature points to considerable differences in the motivations and modus operandi between the sexes (e.g., Anderson & Struckman-Johnson, 1998). As well, despite newly accepted gender neutral no tolerance policies, women continue to outnumber men in their likelihood of reporting sexual assaults, with 99 percent of reported perpetrators being men (Foubert & Newberry, 2006). This has resulted in a far more comprehensive understanding of the roots of male, as opposed to female, sexual aggression perpetrated against the opposite sex. It is for this reason and this reason only that the research described below focuses on the factors that predispose men to engage in sexual aggression.  1.4  Sexual Assault Statistics Epidemiological studies indicate alarming rates of sexual assault. According to  the National Violence Against Women (NVAW) survey, one out of every seven American women have been raped at some point in their life. (National Institute of Justice Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1998). In Canada, 23,872 sexual assaults (total of all types) were reported to police in 1999. This translates into a rate of 78 sexual assaults per 100,000 people (Statistics Canada, 2000). However, these statistics are likely underestimates, given that many women never tell anyone that they have been sexually assaulted. In fact, research suggests that the sexual assaults reported in a year reflect at the most 6 percent of those that actually occur in Canada and the United States (DeKeseredy, 1997; Fisher et al., 2000).  6 Among a sample of 3,187 college females, approximately 15 percent reported that they had been raped and an additional 12 percent reported being the victim of attempted rape since the age of 14 years (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987). Considering the reports of more than 100,000 participants across 120 studies conducted over 40 years, Spitzberg (1999) found comparable results. What was also noted by this author was that sexual victimization reported by women differed significantly from the perpetration rates reported by men. For example, where approximately 13 percent of women admitted to being raped, less than five percent of men admitted to having perpetrated this specific act of sexual aggression. These rates are comparable with other studies finding low rates of self-reported sexual aggression among men. For example, using a community sample of 195 Canadian men, four and three percent admitted to perpetrating rape and attempted rape, respectively (Senn, Desmarais, Vernberg, & Wood, 2000). Abbey, McAuslan, Zawacki, Clinton, and Buck (2001) found similar rates among 343 college men. Spitzberg (1999) suggested that either men were underreporting or only a handful of men were responsible for raping a much larger group of women. A re-examination of the Koss et al. (1987) data suggested that the former was more likely than the latter. These data indicated that men failed to endorse enough sexual aggression to account for the large number of women that reported being victimized. This suggests that the number of college and community men engaging in sexually coercive acts is not negligible and, therefore, justifies the study of such behaviour among “normal” populations.  1.5  Problems with Research Although some traits have been shown consistently in the literature to be  associated with sexual coercion, identified primarily through post hoc comparisons of  7 sexually aggressive versus non-aggressive individuals, little headway has been made in determining the extent to which these traits actually predict sexual aggression. This is likely largely attributable to the enormous sampling and methodological problems involved with investigating convicted rapists. With respect to sampling problems, the most liberal estimates suggest that only 40-to-50 percent of rapes are ever reported (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987; Pryor, 1987). More recent work in the United States and Australia revealed more conservative estimates of the incidence of sexual assault, with report rates to police being at best 15 percent (Koss, 1992; Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1996). Of those reported, less than 10 percent result in conviction in the United States (Darke, 1990) and in the United Kingdom (Home Office Statistics, 2000). As such, identified rapists represent only a small minority of sexual aggressors and this, therefore, becomes a significant source for sampling error/problems. That is, the results of research using incarcerated male rapists (Borduin, Henggeler, Blaske, & Stein, 1990; Hsu & Starzynski, 1990; Zgourides, Monto, & Harris, 1997), or men charged for sexual offences against children being treated at community clinics (Maletsky, 1991), can hardly be deemed generalizable to the majority of men who engage in sexual aggression. These individuals have gone through the criminal justice process, including being arrested, prosecuted, convicted and sentenced. Further, incarcerated rapists tend to be “stranger” rapists who were promptly reported by victims whereas “acquaintance” rape, although far more common, is especially underreported (Borduin et al., 1990; Hsu & Starzynski, 1990; Zgourides et al., 1997). Among college samples, 90 percent of rapes were committed by acquaintances (Fisher et al., 2000). Such experiences among this population are purported to be underreported  8 because females are reluctant to classify assaults as rape, fear retaliation and have doubts about whether their claims would be taken seriously (Davis & Liddell, 2002; Fisher et al., 2000). As such, the results from studies of men convicted of or even charged for sexual assault cannot be considered representative of the “typical” sexual offender who, according to Pollard (1994), is “an acquaintance, probably an intimate of the victim, does not have a criminal background, and has not been reported to the police (p. 172).” Beyond the sampling problems noted above, other methodological issues associated with studying convicted sexual aggressors are of concern here. For example, all of the studies of identified rapists involve self-report measures. Indeed, little or no evidence of differences in attitudes and beliefs between convicted rapists and control groups has been found (Sattem, Savells, & Murray, 1984; Harmon, Owens, & Dewey, 1995). It is possible that the susceptibility of self-report measures to socially desirable responding may in part explain these results (Bohner et al., 1998; Prah & Ayerakwa, 2001). Because these studies have had difficulty determining whether attitudinal differences exist between controls and convicted rapists, and because any differences observed cannot be generalized to sexual aggressors as a whole, it is imperative that we broaden our approach to sampling this population. This means it would be valuable to use community or college samples to evaluate those factors that predispose men towards sexual aggression. Such research is important to investigate individuals who are more representative of the majority of men who are never caught and who may be more accessible for prevention efforts.  9  1.6  Rape Proclivity Literature In an attempt to address the above mentioned sampling problems, studies of  sexual aggression were implemented among college and community samples. Although work in this area is generally referred to as the “rape proclivity” literature, there is little support for the notion that research to date has in fact devised measures to identify “rapists.” The term rape proclivity implies that individuals fall into one of two groups: rapists or non-rapists. However, it remains to be determined whether individuals high in rape proclivity would unequivocally commit rape per se. Malamuth et al. (1995) conducted a longitudinal study that followed men for ten years and found that individuals high in rape proclivity were more likely to display a range of sexually aggressive behaviours, as assessed by Koss and Oros’ (1982) Sexual Experiences Survey. Perhaps then, the characteristics associated with rape proclivity identify individuals who are at risk of committing acts of sexual aggression, one of which may be rape. Thus, what has been discovered is a group of characteristics that seem to increase one’s likelihood of engaging in sexually coercive behaviours, which may or may not involve forced sexual intercourse. For this reason, Koss and Oros (1982) call for a dimensional conceptualization of sexual aggression. In this way, forced sexual intercourse becomes the end point on a continuum of human sexual behaviour, a continuum that ranges from consensual sex, to sexually coercive gestures (e.g., continuous verbal pressure), to threats and finally to actual physical force. In light of these considerations the term “rape proclivity” is a misnomer. As such, for the purposes of this thesis when referring to one’s proclivity in this respect, the term “rape” will be abandoned. The term “sexual coercion proclivity” will be used in place of “rape proclivity” to describe those factors that increase risk for sexual aggression, and phrases such as “sexual coercion” or “sexual  10 aggression” will be used instead of “rape.” These changes were made to indicate a broader definition of sexual aggression, beyond the specific act of rape, one to which we are in a better position to apply predictive models.  1.7 Factors Thought to be Key to Determining Sexual Coercion Proclivity There is a large body of literature speaking to the importance of disinhibitory factors in facilitating sexual aggression. Several factors have been identified as key here. These are: use of sexually coercive fantasies, attitudes supportive of sexual aggression, negative emotions such as anger and hostility (particularly in relation to women), need for power/domination, and previous experience as the perpetrator of sexual aggression.  1.7.1 Use of Sexually Coercive Fantasy Coercive sexual fantasies feature prominently in theories about sexual aggression. In the conditioning theory of rape (Laws & Marshall, 1990), coercive sexual fantasies are hypothesized to lead to a deviant pattern of sexual arousal to aggression, which is thought to be a main motivational force in sexual assault. By entertaining coercive sexual fantasies during masturbation, sexual arousal becomes conditioned to such fantasies. Furthermore, sexually aggressive fantasies serve as models for rape scenarios, making it that much more likely that they will be acted out when inhibitions are sufficiently eroded. Sexually aggressive experiences in turn provide the basis for further fantasies, thereby strengthening the deviant pattern of sexual arousal. In support of this, Smith and Over (1991) found that arousal to fantasies was content specific; arousal was greatest when exposed to content most frequently entertained in the past. This relationship holds up  11 particularly when content areas evaluated relate to themes of dominance/submission and sexual aggression. In contrast to Laws and Marshall (1990), who attributed the initial association of sex and aggression in sexual fantasies to violent pornography, Prentky and Burgess (1991) assumed that sexually aggressive fantasies are caused by internal factors. According to their theory, early experiences lead to an inner world of violent thoughts that form an internal drive for sexually aggressive fantasies. These fantasies are supposed to differ from the rape fantasies of normal men because they are not triggered by external stimuli and because they are preoccupying and recurrent. Like Laws and Marshall (1990), Prentky and Burgess (1991) purported that it is this subgroup of men who are most likely to act out their fantasies when inhibitory mechanisms are weakened. What is the empirical evidence regarding the role of coercive sexual fantasies in explaining the occurrence of sexual assault? Greendlinger and Byrne (1987) predicted sexual coercion proclivity from several self-report measures, including Burt’s (1980) Rape Myth Acceptance (RMA) scale and a questionnaire assessing the frequency that participants entertained various coercive sexual fantasies. As predicted, sexually coercive fantasies were significantly correlated with scores on a measure assessing anticipated likelihood of raping if assured of not being caught or punished (Likelihood of Raping; LR; Malamuth, 1981) and with past sexual aggression as assessed by the Sexual Experiences Survey (SES; Koss & Oros, 1982). Furthermore, sexual fantasies accounted for more variance than any other independent variable and made a unique contribution to the prediction of scores on the LR. Of course, this study cannot rule out the possibility that coercive fantasies are a result rather than a cause of sexual aggression. Thus,  12 although different theories state that coercive sexual fantasies constitute an important factor when considering the probability of sexual assault, particularly when such fantasies center around themes of achievement, affiliation and power (Byrne, 1977; Byrne & Kelley, 1981), Greendlinger and Byrne (1987) correctly concluded that "the degree to which any type of forced sex fantasy is subsequently translated into overt coercive behaviour is presently unknown (p. 3)." This is especially true given that while 30 percent of 20 to 45 year old men fantasized about raping a woman, and 18 percent created scenarios in which they were aggressive toward, humiliated or beat up a woman, only a fraction of these individuals actually had a history of being sexually coercive (Crepault & Couture, 1980). As such, although the content of sexual fantasies is key to the development of force and violently themed sexual preferences (Storms, 1981), its impact on the behavioural expression of such preferences remains unclear.  1.7.2 Attitudes Supportive of Sexual Aggression Acceptance of rape myths has consistently arisen as one of the cognitive/attitudinal variables having the most impact in determining one’s likelihood of being sexually aggressive. Beliefs accepting of rape myths include, for example, the endorsement of items suggesting that women enjoy being raped and/or that they could easily resist rapists if they wanted to. Rape myths have been defined as “descriptive or prescriptive beliefs about rape (i.e., about its causes, context, consequences, perpetrators, victims and their interaction) that serve to deny, trivialize or justify sexual violence exerted by men against women (Bohner, 1998, p. 14).” An investigation of more than 500 subjects concluded that agreement with rape myths identified a subpopulation more accepting of interpersonal violence, sex-role stereotyping, and the belief that male-female  13 relationships are fundamentally exploitive (Burt & Katz, 1988). Adherence to such attitudes allows for the justification of sexual aggression as a by-product of a traditional sexual script, one that normalizes sexually coercive behaviour (Berkowitz, 2003). It is perhaps for this reason that only eight percent of men reporting rape behaviours actually define them as such (Koss, Dinero, & Seibel, 1988). Moreover, studies have indicated that the agreement with rape myths is associated with incidents of historical sexual aggression and the anticipated likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; Greendlinger & Byrne, 1987; Malamuth, 1986), and is largely determined by the presence of hostility toward women (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995). Rape myths have been targeted for reduction in the majority of prevention programs in the United States (Shultz, Sherman, & Marshall, 2000); acceptance of such attitudes are associated with increased likelihood of sexual violence in the future (Osland, Fitch, & Willis, 1996; Murnen, Wright, & Kaluzny, 2002; Abrams, Viki, Masser, & Bohner, 2003) and victim blame (Flores & Hartlaub, 1998). Interventions targeting rape myths have consistently shown to reduce adherence to these attitudes as well as anticipated likelihood of being the perpetrator of sexually aggression in the future (Flores & Hartlaub, 1998, Foubert, 2000; Shultz et al., 2000).  1.7.3 Anger and Hostility Affective states, or rather the inability to control affective states like anger and hostility, have long since been considered important to understanding the etiology of sexually coercive behaviours (e.g., Hall & Hirschman, 1991). For at least a portion of sexually violent men, anger is thought to be theoretically and empirically relevant. Incarcerated sexual offenders have been found to be significantly more angry and more  14 likely to report symptoms of generalized anxiety than offenders whose crimes were not sexual in nature (Lyn & Burton, 2005). Further, anger and anxiety management techniques have been shown to have particular relevance for clinical interventions intended for use among sexual offenders (Freeman-Longo & Cullen, 1995; Zonana et al., 1999; Burton & Smith-Darden, 2001). Anger, too, has been found to be a significant consideration among sexually aggressive college men. For example, Yates, Barbaree, and Marshall (1984) outlined the role of anger in deciding who will develop a disposition conducive to sexually coercive behaviours. Moreover, anger and hostility as motivating factors for sexual aggression are not mutually exclusive. Those high on sexual coercion proclivity and those who generally show elevated anger levels also seem more likely to be hostile, especially toward women (Malamuth, 1986). Research on the impact of victims’ reactions to nonsexual aggression indicates that these two affective states may be very important determinants of severity of aggression. Specifically, anger and hostility might differentiate between men who would and those who would not be inhibited by women’s suffering from and resistance to sexual aggression. Lack of or deficit in the ability to inhibit sexually aggressive behaviours in response to victim reactions means that such behaviours are far more likely to be extreme. For those feeling relatively low hostility and anger, the victim’s suffering and resistance is likely to be unpleasant and, therefore, inhibit aggression (Geen, 1970; Rule & Leger, 1976). In contrast, for those relatively high in hostility and anger, the victim’s suffering might actually be reinforcing and thereby encourage escalating aggression in the face of resistance (Baron, 1974, 1977; Feshbach, Stiles & Bitter, 1967; Hartmann, 1969).  15 Delving further into the underlying mechanisms that make hostility toward women a risk factor for sexually aggressive behaviours, Malamuth et al. (1995) use the term hostile masculinity to identify a particular personality profile characterized by two components:1) insecurity, defensiveness, hypersensitivity and a hostile-distrustful orientation particularly toward women and, 2) gratification from controlling or dominating women. It is suggested that among individuals with this profile, a woman’s sexual appeal may be perceived as threatening and sexual coercion may be used to exert control and to reduce anxiety about being rejected. In fact, Malamuth et al. (1995) followed a group of men for 10 years and were able to use hostility to predict which men would be more distressed in their relationships with the opposite sex and which men were sexually and/or physically aggressive towards their partners. Hostile attitudes towards women have also been identified as attitudinal antecedents of rape myth acceptance (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995). Further, hostile attitudes (particularly when directed at women) contribute to greater minimization/justification of sexual coercion (e.g., Rudman & Glick, 1999) and appeal of sexually aggressive acts (Abrams et al., 2003). This effect is especially pronounced in regards to women who are acquaintances (Abrams, et al., 2003) and who are non-traditional in comparison to stereotypical gender roles (Glick, Diebold, Bailey-Werner, & Zhu, 1997; Masser & Abrams, 2004). It has been proposed that hostility toward women is an attitudinal determinant, deciding who will go on to express anger in a sexually coercive manner. Other attitudes related to hostility toward women also thought to be key here are acceptance of rape myths and calloused sexual beliefs (Parrott & Zeichner, 2003). According to Check (1988), hostility towards women is an enduring attitude that is fed by an individual  16 ruminating over previous negative experiences with women. This is assumed to drive aggression when the goal of aggression is to cause harm. Calloused sexual beliefs seem to relate to some men’s belief that sexual intercourse is a means to establish power while forcing a woman into a position of submission. Inexorably tied to this is a lack of empathy with respect to the experience of the woman (Mosher & Sirkin, 1984), with lack of empathy being fuelled to a large extent by hostility towards women. As noted above, hostility towards women functions to inhibit empathic responses to signs of victim discomfort, increasing both likelihood and severity of sexual aggression (Baron, 1974, 1977; Feshbach, Stiles & Bitter, 1967; Hartmann, 1969). That the expression of anger behaviourally is moderated by such attitudinal factors is supported by the literature (Parrott & Zeichner, 2003). Hence, it appears that aggression against women is not the sole product of general anger management problems. Attitudes that support the subordination of women by means of aggression function, at least in part, by inhibiting empathic responses to female victims, to increase the likelihood that trait anger will be disinhibited behaviourally. For men who endorse negative attitudes toward women and who are also highly prone to experience anger, violence against women is far more prevalent in comparison to men high on only one of these factors (Parrott & Zeichner, 2003). And, for those high in hostility toward women, calloused sexual beliefs and rape myth acceptance, it follows that trait anger is more likely to be expressed in a sexually violent manner.  1.7.4 Need for Power/Domination Groth (1979) distinguished between “anger rapes” and “power rapes.” Groth (1979) and Cohen, Garofalo, Boucher, and Seghorn (1971) define power rapists as those  17 who compensate for underlying feelings of inadequacy by aggressing against women. For these men women and intimacy are threatening and intimidating, and they react by attempting to exert control over what threatens them. Among self-identified nonincarcerated sexually aggressive men, need for dominance was especially predictive of sexual arousal to rape depictions (Malamuth & Check, 1983). By contrast, anger rapists are characterized by a tendency to displace their anger towards a woman who injured them in the past onto their victims (Cohen et al., 1971; Groth, 1979). Thus, where anger rapes function to express general hostility toward women (e.g., “they [women] hurt me, so I’ll hurt her”), power rapes are committed to assert dominance and control over women pre-emptively (e.g., “I’ll hurt her before she hurts me”). Lisak and Roth (1988) provided evidence that some of the underlying factors associated with sexual assaults motivated by power and anger are as applicable to incarcerated sexual offenders as they are to self-identified non-incarcerated sexually aggressive men. Sexually aggressive men seem to feel more that they have been hurt, deceived, betrayed, manipulated, put down, belittled, ridiculed and mothered by women than their nonsexually aggressive counterparts. Further, sexually aggressive men voice less respect for societal norms, are more sensitive to male-female power dynamics and are more likely to strive for a position of power over women than are men with no such history. Related to this, Krahé (1998) found that anger related to desire for power over women and acceptance of interpersonal violence. Although the direction of these relationships remains unclear, given that these were retrospective studies of identified sexually aggressive men, need for power/domination over women has consistently arisen as a significant correlate of sexual aggression.  18 Regardless, however, one important finding from Lisak and Roth’s (1988) research is that power and anger cannot be easily separated. These researchers suggest that angry feelings and hypersensitivity to feelings of betrayal, of being deceived and of being manipulated are most likely to arise after interactions with women in men sensitive to signs of being put down/insulted and dominated by women. Lisak and Roth (1988) also argued that men falling into this category are most likely to find themselves in such interactions. Further analyses revealed that where being teased or ridiculed in a dating relationship was negatively associated with perceptions of power, it was feeling hurt by women that differentiated sexually from nonsexually aggressive men. These researchers also suggested that willingness to use force, or to threaten to do so, marks a threshold for discontinuity on the sexual aggression continuum in terms of the impact of anger and power, among other variables, on the behavioural expression of sexual coercion proclivity. No other point on the continuum of sexual coercion among college men proved useful in this respect. As mentioned previously, it is often difficult to discern the line between persuasion and coercion. However, these findings suggest that this line might be decided based on willingness to use force or to threaten to do so.  1.7.5 Experience with being the Perpetrator of Sexual Aggression Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss, and Tanaka (1991) found sexual promiscuity to be a common factor underlying both sexual and nonsexual aggression among college men. Similarly, among a sample of males with a mean age of 19 years, Krahé (1998) found significant correlations between promiscuity, disinhibition (lack of self restraint) and rape proclivity as measured by Malamuth’s (1981) likelihood of raping item. Further, using the Sexual Experiences Survey (Koss & Oros, 1982) to categorize past sexual  19 experiences as consensual, coercive, or attempted/completed rape, sexual experience was significantly predicted by the motivational factors of anger and disinhibition. Age of first intercourse and rape proclivity also predicted historical sexual aggression. Participants admitting to attempted/completed rape, in comparison to those reporting only consensual sexual experiences, became sexually active earlier, scored significantly higher on anger as a motivational factor, were more likely to be disinhibited in their behaviour and indicated a greater likelihood of raping if assured of not being caught or punished. This group also reported being more sexually active (promiscuous) than both the consensual and coercive only groups. These findings were supported in more recent work (e.g., Abbey, McAuslan, & Ross, 1998): Sexually aggressive men became sexually active earlier and were more promiscuous.  1.8  Operationally Defining Sexual Coercion Proclivity  1.8.1 Likelihood of Raping To identify men most likely to entertain sexually coercive thoughts/fantasies or to find such thoughts appealing, Malamuth (1981) developed the Likelihood of Raping (LR) measures for use among college men. The goal here was to prospectively predict risk for sexual aggression among men who had not, by and large, been identified as sexual offenders. The LR measures are usually presented in the format of a one-or-two item instrument on which participants are asked to rate their likelihood of committing rape, or more generally forcing a woman to do something sexual, if there were no chance of getting caught. Malamuth (1981) found that 35 percent of respondents indicated some likelihood of raping, a surprising result given the response biases associated with selfreport measures. Further, in comparison to men reporting low anticipated likelihood of  20 raping, those scoring higher on Malamuth’s measure were similar to men convicted of sexual assault on measures of rape myth acceptance and on sexual arousal to forced intercourse depictions. And, he found that anticipated likelihood of raping correlated significantly with the expression of reactive aggression against a woman in the laboratory. However, the LR measures do not actually detect potential rapists but only determine the hypothetical likelihood of committing a sexual assault with the unrealistic assurance being given that punishment will not follow (Malamuth, 1989). There is no way of knowing whether men scoring highly on these measures would actually follow through and engage in sexual aggression (Maletsky, 2000). Despite this limitation, however, the LR measures consistently hang together with other correlates of sexual aggression and with self-reported instances of historical sexually coercive behaviours (Malamuth, 1989). For example, Malamuth et al. (1995) conducted a longitudinal study that followed men for ten years and found that individuals high in LR were more likely to display a range of sexually aggressive behaviours according to follow-ups relying on self and partner reports. These findings suggest LR measures have some validity in identifying those with a greater propensity to engage in sexual aggression. It has been argued that LR measures appear to capture a unique aspect of sexual coercion proclivity, namely the interest in or desire to commit rape (Malamuth, 1989). A higher LR rating means that the individual finds the thought of sexual coercion appealing, and is more likely to entertain sexually coercive fantasies, than an individual that rates himself lower.  21  1.8.2 Sexual Experiences Researchers have typically used LR measures to make determinations with respect to sexual coercion proclivity among men who have not been identified as sexual offenders. However, other measures have also been associated with a greater propensity towards sexual aggression. The second type of measure surveys previous experience as the perpetrator of sexual coercion under the assumption that those who have already engaged in such behaviour without getting caught are more likely to do it again, a notion that is supported by the literature (e.g., Gidycz, Warkentin, & Orchowski, 2007). Of these measures, the Sexual Experiences Survey (SES; Koss & Oros, 1982) has been used most frequently. The SES is a ten-item instrument that assesses different levels of sexual behaviour, ranging from consensual sex to attempted and actual rape. The kinds of coercion surveyed by the SES vary from continuous verbal pressure to threats and actual physical force.  1.8.3 Rape Myth Acceptance The third type of measure does not ask about previous experience or anticipated likelihood of raping but, rather, assesses for the cognitive/attitudinal factors consistently associated with a greater propensity to engage in sexually aggressive behaviour. Chief among cognitive measures is the Rape Myth Acceptance (RMA; Burt, 1980) scale. Rape myths are specific beliefs about sexual coercion. Burt (1980) describes rape myths as prejudicial, stereotyped or false beliefs related to rape, rape victims and rapists. As noted above, Burt and Katz (1988) reported on an investigation of more than 500 subjects and concluded that agreement with rape myths identified a subpopulation more accepting of interpersonal violence, sex-role stereotyping, and the belief that male-female relationships are necessarily adversarial. Muehlenhard and Linton (1987) extended these  22 findings to a large university sample. They compared the attitudes of sexually aggressive men with those of non-aggressive men and found a significant correlation between acceptance of rape myths and the likelihood of using some force to obtain sexual gratification, a finding echoed in more recent work (Truman, Tokar, & Fischer, 1996). In addition, Pollard (1994) cited 10 more studies, which found the RMA to be associated with the LR measures, the SES, or both. From these results, most researchers have concluded that acceptance of these myths makes it that much easier to engage in sexual coercion.  1.8.4 Hostility Toward Women Hostile attitudes towards women have been identified as primary in motivating the behavioural expression of anger through both physical and sexual aggression (Check, Malamuth, Elias, & Barton, 1985), a notion that is supported empirically (Malamuth, 1986; Malamuth et al., 1991). The Hostility Toward Women (HTW; Check et al., 1985) scale, in comparison to the RMA, assesses more emotionally charged attitudes thought to interact with trait anger to make an act of physical or sexual aggression against a female more likely. Although both rape myth acceptance and hostility towards women arise from past experience, the latter seems to develop under far more specific circumstances. According to Check (1988), hostility towards women is an enduring attitude, fed by ruminating over previous negative experiences with women, that increases some men’s risk for sexual aggression with the specific goal of causing harm. Higher scores on the HTW, therefore, point to someone who is less deterred by cues of victim discomfort and who may in fact aggress against a woman sexually with the sole purpose of watching her suffer at his hands.  23  1.9 Importance of Using a Comprehensive Approach to Estimate Sexual Coercion Proclivity It is hypothesized that each of the variables assessed by the LR (Malamuth, 1981), the SES (Koss & Oros, 1982), the RMA (Burt, 1980), and the HTW (Check et al., 1985) make necessary contributions to any explanatory model of sexual coercion. In fact, the general constructs evaluated by each of these measures are the same as those targeted by most sex offender treatment programs in North America (Marshall, Fernandez, Hudson, & Ward, 1998). These constructs are: emotion, cognition and behaviour. A myriad of emotional and cognitive factors contribute to deciding who will and who will not engage in sexual aggression in any given situation; it follows then that any behavioural intervention or predictive model will be at best only modestly effective if the roles that emotion and cognition play in moderating this relationship are ignored. In the author’s own clinical experience, working with men who have been convicted of sexual offenses, the logic underlying this notion has been explained through an analogy that compares the roots of sexual offending to an iceberg. In this “iceberg model,” behaviour represents the tip of the iceberg, the part that is visible, with emotion and cognition being hidden underneath the surface (Figure 1.1). Following from this analogy, just as an iceberg floats up after losing its tip, if a specific undesirable behaviour is eliminated, then more problematic behaviours will continue to emerge unless the underlying emotions and cognitions are also dealt with. In regards to how the measures of sexual coercion proclivity described above map onto this “iceberg model:” Rape myth acceptance creates a culture supportive of sexual aggression (cognitive/attitudinal); hostility towards women provides the emotional impetus behind sexual aggression, while eroding empathic responses to signs of victim  24 discomfort (cognitive/emotional); anticipated likelihood of raping reflects appeal of perpetrating an act of sexual aggression (cognitive/fantasy); and, previous sexual aggression represents the behavioural component, following evidence that those who have already engaged in sexual coercion are more likely to do it again (Gidycz, Warkentin, & Orchowski, 2007) (Figure 1.2). High scores on the RMA, the HTW, the SES or the LR in isolation have not been found to adequately explain sexual aggression. As such, it makes sense that the use of only a subset of these measures has limited validity in predicting who will or will not be sexually aggressive in the future. However, for each study conducted in this area to date, at least one of these variables has been ignored. In regards to the potential combined effect the variables measured by these questionnaires might have, rape myth acceptance was especially predictive of sexual aggression when hostility towards women was also present, for example (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995). Further, rape myth acceptance was more strongly related to anticipated likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion, when the former was assessed before rather than after the latter (Bohner et al., 1998; Bohner, Jarvis, Eyssel, & Siebler, 2005). This finding suggests that assessing rape myth acceptance immediately before measuring anticipated likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion makes extant enduring attitudes more cognitively accessible and heightens their effect on sexually coercive intentions among those already inclined towards such behaviour. Thus, interesting and important findings arise when subsets of these variables are assessed together, a point that lends support to the notion that these factors are complementary to one another in predicting future sexual aggression.  25  1.10 Role of Ethnicity The ways in which these variables might combine to increase or decrease propensity toward sexual aggression can in no way be expected to be uniform across all men. One variable that might moderate these effects is ethnicity. No significant differences in the incidence of sexual assault have been found across North American studies using ethnically diverse samples (e.g., Kalof, 2000; Brener, McMahon, Warren, & Douglas, 1999; Hall, Sue, Narang, & Lilly, 2000). There does, however, seem to be considerable variability in the extent to which such acts are reported. A number of studies have found, for example, that Asian and Pacific Islander women living in the United States are the least likely to report sexual assault (e.g., NVAW Survey, National Institute of Justice Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1998; Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998; Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987) even to friends or family members (Okamura, Heras, & Wong-Kerberg, 1995; Rao, DiClemente, & Ponton, 1992; Wong, 1987). One possible explanation for this difference might lie in the extent to which attitudes supportive of sexual assault differ as a function of culture. For example, among North American samples, both male and female university students of Asian descent have been found to be more supportive of rape myths when compared to Caucasians (e.g., Mori, Bernat, Glenn, Selle & Zarate, 1995; Kennedy & Gorzalka, 2002; Lee, Pomeroy, Yoo, & Rheinboldt, 2005). Given that the rates of sexual assault appear relatively constant across Asian and Caucasian samples living in North America, however, more than mere rape myth acceptance is required to identify those more prone to engage in sexually coercive behaviour. Some researchers have suggested that there are culture-specific factors protecting against sexually aggressive behaviour among Asian males. That such cultural  26 differences differentially impact determinants of sexual aggression has been previously proposed (Hall, 1996; Hall & Barongan, 1997). For example, where emotions such as anger and frustration are more common in individualist cultures (Markus & Kitayama, 1991), empathy and concern for others are valued most in collectivist cultures (Fiske, Kitayama, Markus & Nisbett, 1998). As noted above, emotions such as anger and frustration can disinhibit tendencies toward sexual aggression, making it easier for others to be viewed as vehicles to fulfill personal needs. Alternatively, empathy and concern for others are protective against such behaviour. Further, among those of East Asian descent, Zane and Mak (2003) proposed that sexually aggressive behaviour is likely to be inhibited if there is concern about losing face (i.e., losing integrity in the eyes of society) or of upsetting interpersonal harmony. Such concerns are most salient among Asian men who identify with collectivism over individualism (Zane & Mak, 2003). In collectivist cultures, acts of aggression are likely to be viewed as crimes against society (Hall & Barongan, 1997) through loss of face, or loss of social integrity (Sue & Morishima, 1982). Indeed, aggressive and nonconventional sexual behaviour among collectivistic cultures is said to have its greatest impact on social harmony (Bond, 1991). Thus, loss of face in and of itself is more important in terms of its effect on the group than its effect on the individual. However, one’s reference group goes a long way in deciding what is and what is not acceptable in terms of sexually aggressive behaviours (Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss, & Tanaka, 1991; Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, & Acker, 1995). Asian American men who used alcohol before sex and who endorsed misogynistic beliefs were at risk for sexual aggression (Hall, Sue, Narang, & Lilly, 2000).  27 Loss of face was correlated with sexual aggression, with this relationship being mediated by hostility toward women and rape myth acceptance (Hall et al., 2000). A protective factor was concern about the negative impact associated with sexual aggression (e.g., on reputation) among Asian American males who did not hold such beliefs; disinhibitory situational factors (e.g., alcohol use prior to sex) did not neutralize concern for reputation as a protective factor (Hall et al., 2000). The way in which authority is structured in collectivist cultures (Hall & Barongan, 1997; Hall, Windover, & Maramba, 1998), with women being viewed as subordinates and oppressed (Ho, 1990; Okazaki, 1998), might also represent another risk factor for sexual aggression. Conversely, for men from collectivist cultures living in individualistic societies, being an ethnic minority could be a risk factor in that the negative effects of discrimination might lead some men to displace the feelings associated with this aggressively against women (Comas-Diaz, 1995). Thus, there are both risk and protective values among Asian (or more generally collectivist) cultures, some of which overlap with those of Caucasian samples and some of which that are unique to Asian men. Number of consenting sexual partners, rape myth acceptance and hostility toward women are risk factors among both Asian and Caucasian men (Hall et al., 2000). Loss of face is a risk factor only for Asian men, while concern for reputation is only protective against sexual aggression among Asian men (Hall et al., 2000). Using Canadian samples, the studies described below will prospectively examine the ways in which the differences between Caucasian and Chinese men, in terms of the underlying mechanisms of sexual aggression, play out in terms of behaviour.  28  1.11 Summary and Objective The present research follows from previous analogue studies devised to prospectively test, within appropriate ethical parameters, a man’s likelihood of engaging in sexual aggression in the laboratory. Analogue studies have been designed, sometimes ingeniously (e.g., Malamuth, 1981; Pryor, 1987; Hall & Hirschman, 1994), to examine the real-life circumstances in which sexually coercive behaviours are most likely to arise. However, difficulty devising realistic analogues to sexual aggression in the laboratory, largely because of ethical constraints and generalizability issues, have led the large majority of even the most prolific researchers in this area to abandon the endeavour, perhaps prematurely. This is unfortunate, as explanatory models showing the most promise were left underdeveloped in terms of evaluating their ability to prospectively predict sexual aggression among men that by and large have yet to be identified as sexual offenders. As such, the empirical question that led researchers to devise such methodologies remains unanswered. Other questions deserving further attention include: Under what environmental circumstances are inclinations toward sexual coercion most likely to be expressed through behaviour?; Do these effects actually differ as a function of sexual coercion proclivity?; And, are there factors above and beyond sexual coercion proclivity (e.g., ethnicity) that moderate the translation of said propensity into sexually aggressive behaviour?. The determination of sexual coercion proclivity calls for a multifactorial approach, if the goal is truly to identify those men at greatest risk for future sexual aggression. As discussed above, when attempting to understand and manage a behaviour as complex as sexual aggression, it is imperative to consider it the product of complex interactions between emotion, cognition and past experience in response to  29 environmental cues. With the exception of underdeveloped theories on the role environmental cues play in moderating these interactions, each of these domains are well accounted for in the extant sexual coercion proclivity literature. The relevant factors here are negative affect (anger being the emotion that has received the most attention in this respect), rape myth acceptance, hostile attitudes toward women, past experience as the perpetrator of sexual aggression and appeal and use of sexually coercive thoughts/fantasies. Partly due to the above noted sampling and methodological issues inexorably tied to the study of sexual aggression, however, the specific roles these factors play in moderating or mediating the expression of sexually coercive behaviour remain unclear. Also unknown is the impact environmental cues have in making these predispositions more salient or more accessible when opportunities to engage in sexual aggression present themselves. Although social psychological research has consistently underscored the importance of environmental cues in moderating the differential expression of aggressive tendencies behaviourally (e.g., Cohen et al., 1996), these findings have by and large been overlooked in the sexual coercion proclivity literature. The influence such cues have on behaviour cannot be ignored, especially since the various facets of sexual coercion proclivity tend to initially emerge in response to one’s environment (e.g., exposure to pro-rape social networks, negative experiences with women and stimuli increasing the appeal and use of sexually coercive fantasy). If such tendencies are instilled based on experience, then it makes sense that environmental stimuli encountered in day to day life could either inhibit or disinhibit any pre-existing propensity toward sexual aggression (by making past experience more salient). Following from this, the research described below  30 takes men with various degrees of the cognitive/attitudinal, emotional and experiential traits used in estimating sexual coercion proclivity and identifies the extent to which various environmental stimuli prospectively impact the appeal of sexual aggression and the expression of said proclivity behaviourally. Two studies are described below. For both studies, a multifactorial approach was used to determine sexual coercion proclivity while varying the accessibility of the factors underlying this construct as a function of environmental cues. The purpose here was to evaluate whether those factors said to contribute to sexual coercion proclivity can be used to predict behaviour and to examine under what environmental conditions said proclivity is most or least likely to translate into behaviour. That is, how might the construct of sexual coercion proclivity interact with environment to predict behaviour? What differed between the two studies were the environmental cues participants were exposed to and the ways in which outcome was measured. Attitudinal factors supportive of sexual aggression (e.g., rape myth acceptance and hostility toward women), trait anger and use of sexually coercive fantasy have been well established in terms of being able to identify those thought to be most inclined towards acting in a sexually aggressive manner (e.g. Clark & Lewis, 1977; Field, 1978; Gager & Schurr, 1976; Malamuth, 1981). As such, it was these three factors that were varied situationally to examine their impact on the translation of proclivity into behaviour. In both studies, the effect environmental stimuli have on activating cognitive/attitudinal sets and evoking changes in emotional states was evaluated. The first study (Chapter 2) directly manipulated emotion and varied exposure to fantasy material. In terms of outcome, the study assessed the effect of these variants,  31 alone or in isolation, on anticipated likelihood and enjoyment of sexually aggressing against a female acquaintance. The second study (Chapter 3) moved beyond the evaluation of anticipated likelihood/enjoyment of sexual aggression and used a behavioural outcome measure. The second study varied temporary accessibility of rape supportive attitudes through the use of a cognitive priming task. This study examined how accessibility of such attitudes interacts with sexual coercion proclivity to influence likelihood of engaging in an opportunistic act of sexual aggression. The role emotional reactivity plays in moderating the relationship between cognition and behaviour was also evaluated, although emotion was not directly manipulated as it was in the first study (Chapter 2). The study described in Chapter 3 employed a realistic analogue to sexual aggression in the laboratory to answer the question that researchers have seemingly fallen short in answering: Does one’s sexual coercion proclivity designation actually predict future acts of sexual aggression? For both studies, exploratory analyses were conducted on the role ethnicity might play in moderating the interactional effects predicted.  32  Figure 1.1 “Iceberg Model” Used as an Explanatory Model in the Treatment of Men Convicted of a Sexual Offense  Observable  Not Observable  33  Figure 1.2 Fit of Sexual Coercion Proclivity Measures on the “Iceberg Model”  34  1.12 References Abbey, A., McAuslan, P., & Ross, L. T. (1998). Sexual assault perpetration by college men: The role of alcohol, misperception of sexual intent, and sexual beliefs and experiences. Journal of Social & Clinical Psychology, 17, 167–195. Abbey, A., McAuslan, P., Zawacki, T., Clinton, A., & Buck, P.O. (2001). Attitudinal, experiential and situational predictors of sexual assault perpetration. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 16, 784-807. Abrams, D., Viki, G. T., Masser, B., & Bohner, G. (2003). 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It is important to note, however, that the impact of these variables has been primarily assessed on the trait level, often relying on retrospective self-reports and employing correlational designs. The problem with this is that it is difficult to conclude that these variables are the cause rather than the effect of sexual aggression. Further, little attention has been paid to the role recency of exposure plays in moderating the impact of negative affect and coercive sexual fantasies on the appeal of sexual aggression. It is, therefore, unknown whether these variables differentially impact propensity towards sexual aggression when compared on a state versus a trait level. This is surprising as, among all the factors said to increase sexual coercion proclivity, research suggests that it is these two variables that are especially sensitive to environmental cues (e.g., Cohen et al., 1996; Wyer, Bodenhausen, & Gorman, 1985); external stimuli constantly influence emotional states as well as the content of fantasies and the frequency with which they are entertained. Also, following from the basic tenets of the “iceberg model” described in the Introduction (Chapter 1), which suggests that underlying every behaviour is a constant interplay of emotion and  1  A version of this chapter has been submitted for publication. Thomas, L.A., & Gorzalka, B. B. Effect of emotion and fantasy on sexual coercion proclivity.  48 cognition, use of fantasy and emotional reactivity are interconnected. Changes in affective states influence tendencies to retreat into the world of fantasy, just as affective states can be impacted considerably by the nature of and rate with which fantasies are entertained. The present study sets out to explore this issue by examining the immediate or situational impact manipulating these variables has on the appeal of sexual aggression as a function of sexual coercion proclivity. Environmental stimuli manipulated included exposure to either a neutral or a negative interaction with a woman and to either sexually coercive or non-coercive fantasy material. The specific research questions to be answered are: Can emotional reactivity in response to environmental stimuli influence the appeal of sexual aggression? Does this relationship differ as a function of sexual coercion proclivity? And, what role might ethnicity play as a potential moderator of the effects of these factors?  2.2  Fantasy As noted above, the general consensus amongst theorists (e.g., Laws &  Marshall, 1990; Prentky & Burgess, 1991) is that men who entertain sexually coercive fantasies are more likely than those who do not to act out such fantasies when inhibitions are sufficiently eroded. Research supports this notion. For example, Greendlinger and Byrne (1987) predicted sexual coercion proclivity from several self-report measures. Here, use of sexually coercive fantasies was significantly correlated with scores on a Likelihood of Raping (LR) measure and with past sexual aggression. Moreover, sexual fantasies accounted for more variance than any other independent variable and made a unique contribution to the prediction of scores on the LR measures. This makes sense  49 since LR measures, more than anything, evaluate appeal of sexual coercion if subjects are assured that no negative consequences will follow. In this sense, by mere exposure alone, LR measures encourage those participants already attracted to thoughts of sexual aggression, and even some with no such pre-existing inclinations, to entertain sexually coercive fantasies guilt free.  2.3  Pornography as a Vehicle for Sexual Fantasy Given the increasingly sexualized society we live in, sex being used to sell  everything from chewing gum to mainstream movies, it makes sense to examine the impact exposure to even fleeting sexually coercive stimuli can have on the appeal of sexual aggression regardless of one’s sexual coercion proclivity designation. A prime example of such stimuli that is both readily available and frequently used as a vehicle for sexual fantasy (coercive or non) is pornography. The scientific literature on the relationship between pornography and sexual aggression has been summarized in various meta-analyses (Allen, D’Alessio, & Emmers-Sommer, 2000; Allen, D’Alessio, & Brezgel, 1995; Allen, Emmers, Gebhardt & Giery, 1995; Oddone-Paolucci, Genuis, & Violato, 2000) and integrative summaries (e.g., Gunter, 2002; Malamuth, 2001). These meta-analyses have generally reported that greater exposure to pornography (both violent and non-violent) is associated with both increased acceptance and perpetration of violence against women. There is some indication that violent pornography might be more influential than non-violent in its relationship with sexual coercion (e.g., Donnerstein & Linz, 1998). It should be noted, however, the direction of this relationship remains unclear; that is, greater exposure to pornography could be the cause or the result of increased acceptance and perpetration of sexual aggression.  50 There have only been a limited number of studies conducted to evaluate the effect of pornography consumption on sexually coercive behaviours in naturalistic settings. Of these, despite some contradictory findings, most report significant associations between pornography consumption and sexual aggression (reviewed in Malamuth, Addison, & Koss, 2000). Although the naturalistic studies summarized by these researchers were correlational in design, this relationship does not appear to be attributable to an extraneous variable such as general hostility. Malamuth et al. (2000) found that even when such variables are controlled, high pornography consumption still makes a significant and unique contribution when combined with high ratings on other well established risk factors used to predict sexual aggression. The same could not be said when high pornography consumption was considered among those deemed low risk for future sexual aggression. The finding that pornography use discriminates between those thought to be at high and low risk for future sexual aggression was replicated by Vega and Malamuth (2007). The above findings on the effect of high pornography use on sexual aggression is consistent with what we know about the impact entertaining sexually aggressive fantasies can have on likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion. However, one question that has yet to be answered relates to the extent to which one actually fantasizes about the content of sexually violent pornography (i.e., imagines themselves as a player in the scenario depicted in the pornographic material), particularly when such material is imposed upon participants in the laboratory setting and not selected based on personal preference. Degree of interaction or connection with the material likely plays a significant role in explaining the conflicting results obtained among studies evaluating  51 the impact exposure to such material has on disinhibiting inclinations towards sexual aggression. Also unanswered by the coercive sexual fantasy literature are the questions: Does one’s sexual coercion proclivity designation influence likelihood of entertaining such fantasies in the laboratory setting? And, do any such effects have an impact on the appeal of sexual aggression?  2.4  Emotion In studying the role emotion plays in explaining sexual aggression, research has  focussed almost exclusively on anger. Before reviewing this literature, it should be noted that anger, although important, is not the only emotion driving sexually aggressive behaviours. Acts of sexual aggression can just as easily be motivated by feelings of loneliness, for example, as they can by anger (Proulx, McKibben & Lusignan, 1996). This bias in the literature is likely attributable to the longstanding assumption that all acts of sexual coercion are, by and large, manifestations of anger management problems. As discussed in the Introduction (Chapter 1), however, this is far too simplistic a model and ignores the myriad of factors (emotional, cognitive/attitudinal, and behavioural) that combine to influence the decision to engage in an act of sexual aggression. That being said, anger consistently arises as an important motivating factor for aggressive sexual behaviour (e.g., Lisak & Roth, 1988). Anger is thought to disinhibit behaviour (e.g., Hall & Hirschman, 1991), or make it easier to offend sexually if one is so inclined. For those high in sexual coercion proclivity, this means that anger is more likely to be expressed in a sexually aggressive manner. Considerable evidence exists for the heightened experience of anger in explaining, at least in part, sexual aggression (e.g., Calhoun, Kelley, Amick, & Gardner, as cited in Calhoun, Bernat, Clum & Frame, 1987;  52 Malamuth, 1986; Krahé, 1998; Proulx et al., 1996). For example, among men convicted of sexual assault, negative mood (loneliness, humiliation, anger) and the presence of conflicts coincided with both overwhelming sexually aggressive fantasies and increased masturbatory activities during such fantasies (Proulx et al., 1996). Further, male adolescents’ self-reported sexual coercion proclivity and anger predicted sexual aggression (Krahé, 1998). Moreover, Calhoun, Kelley, Amick, and Gardner (as cited in Calhoun, Bernat, Clum & Frame, 1987) found that male college students who admitted to sexual aggression, equivalent to sexual assault or attempted sexual assault, scored higher than nonaggressive men on both total anger and anger expressed outwardly. Following from Spielberger, Jacobs, Russell, and Crane’s (1983) work, Eckhardt, Barbour, and Stuart (1997) suggest that anger is best conceptualized as both an emotional state (i.e., state anger) and as a personality trait (i.e., trait anger). State anger is represented by the affective changes that occur in the moment, while trait anger refers to anger proneness as a characterological factor. Individuals high in trait anger are hypervigilant in detecting threats and dangers associated with aggression (Berkowitz, 1983). As such, higher trait anger is thought also to be predictive of a greater likelihood of experiencing state anger and to engage in anger-related behaviours such as physical aggression in both naturalistic (Deffenbacher et al., 1996) and laboratory settings (Parrott et al., as cited in Parrott & Zeichner, 2003). Given this, it follows that state anger, influenced largely by one’s tendency to experience anger on a trait level, is a powerful vehicle in motivating sexual aggression and in making the thought of perpetrating such behaviour on a woman more appealing.  53  2.5  Ethnicity The effects of anger and exposure to coercive sexual fantasy material on the  behavioural expression of sexual coercion proclivity cannot be assumed to be uniform across all men. One variable that might moderate these effects is ethnicity. Although no significant differences in the incidence of sexual assault have been found among ethnically diverse samples living in North America (e.g., Kalof, 2000; Brener, McMahon, Warren, & Douglas, 1999; Hall, Sue, Narang, & Lilly, 2000), it would be premature to assume that the mechanisms underlying or driving sexually aggression are the same for everyone. For example, North American respondents of Asian descent have repeatedly been found to be more accepting of rape myths when compared to individuals of European descent(e.g., Kennedy & Gorzalka, 2002) and yet, the rates of sexual assault do not differ significantly between these two groups. This suggests that the relationship between rape myth acceptance and sexual aggression among Caucasian samples, with rape myth acceptance being linked to increased sexually aggressive behaviours, is not generalizable to Asian respondents. It follows then that we also cannot assume negative affective states and exposure to sexually coercive fantasy material will have the same impact across men of Asian and European descent. This is an important consideration for the purposes of the present study, as Asian males have been found to differ from Caucasian men in terms of emotional expressivity (e.g., Matsumoto, 2008) and pornography consumption (Tewksbury & Golder, 2005). In comparison to Caucasians, individuals of Asian descent tend to be less emotionally expressive and to consume significantly more pornography. Following from this, it seems reasonable to evaluate how these differences might combine to increase the likelihood that sexual coercion proclivity will be expressed  54 behaviourally. Specifically, the present study endeavours to compare Chinese and Caucasian men in terms of the combined effect unfounded insult, used as an anger induction technique, and exposure to sexually coercive fantasy material has on the appeal of engaging in sexual aggression.  2.6  Purpose and Hypotheses The present study follows from previous analogue studies and tests whether the  appeal of sexual aggression (as measured by anticipated likelihood and enjoyment of committing a variety of sexually coercive acts) can be situationally influenced as a function of sexual coercion proclivity. Given that negative emotions such as anger and the use of sexually coercive fantasies have featured prominently in theories of sexual aggression, it is these variables that will be manipulated. In devising explanatory models of sexual aggression, considerable evidence suggests that anger cannot be ignored. However, little attention has been paid to other emotional states that might also be key here. As such, one of the purposes of the present research is exploratory in nature: To examine the extent to which changes in affective states (more generally defined) influence the appeal of sexual coercion. It is predicted that those high in sexual coercion proclivity will be more affectively sensitive and behaviourally reactive to insult and to material designed to elicit coercive sexual fantasies. The specific hypotheses are that exposure to coercive sexual fantasy material and unfounded insult from a female will together produce increases in negative affect well above those observed among participants exposed to either the insult or the sexually coercive fantasy material alone. It is also expected that emotional reactivity to these conditions will, in turn, influence ratings of anticipated likelihood and enjoyment of engaging in sexual coercion. In both  55 cases, these effects are predicted to be especially pronounced among those high in sexual coercion proclivity.  2.7  Method  2.7.1 Participants 65 heterosexual male university students between the ages of 18 and 25 were recruited from the University of British Columbia Human Subjects Pool. Subjects received course credit for their participation. Only 59 of the cases were included in the analyses. Six were excluded because one or more of the experimental components was not successful. The mean age of participants was 19.7 years. That all participants were of university age is appropriate given that previous analogue studies have been conducted using similar populations (e.g., Hall & Hirschman, 1994; Malamuth, 1981; Pryor, 1987) and that males between the ages of 16 and 29 are the most likely to engage in sexually coercive behaviours (Prentky & Knight, 1991). In terms of ethnic composition, 36 of the participants were Caucasian, 17 were of Chinese descent, 4 were of South East Asian descent, one was Hispanic, and one was of Arabic descent.  2.7.2 Measures 2.7.2.1  The Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMA)  The RMA (Burt, 1980) (Appendix A) is a 19-item scale that measures level of belief in attitudes supportive of sexual aggression. Depending on the question, items are rated on either a five or a seven point scale. Sample items of the RMA include: “in the majority of rapes, the victim is promiscuous or has a bad reputation;” “many women have an unconscious wish to be raped, and may then unconsciously set up a situation in which they are likely to be attacked;” and, “any healthy woman can successfully resist a rapist if  56 she really wants to.” The RMA has been found to have a Cronbach’s alpha of .88, with a mean of 49.4 and a standard deviation of 11.9 (Burt, 1980). 2.7.2.2  Sexual Experiences Survey (SES)  The SES (Koss & Oros, 1982) (Appendix B) is a widely used self-report measure of sexual behaviour listed on a continuum from consensual sex to forced intercourse. The kinds of coercion surveyed vary from continuous verbal pressure to threats and actual physical force. The original male version was used in the present study. Koss and Gidycz (1985) found that males’ responses on the SES correlated strongly with follow-up individual interviews (r = .61, p < .001). 14 out of 15 men gave the same responses to the survey items as they did in individual interviews with a male psychologist, a finding which suggests that the SES is a valid measure of previous sexual experiences (Koss & Gidycz, 1985). The male version of the SES has an internal consistency reliability coefficient of .89 and a test–retest reliability coefficient of .93 (Koss & Dinero, 1989). The SES has been consistently correlated with past use of physical aggression, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and traditional sex role beliefs (Lackie & de Man, 1997). 2.7.2.3  Likelihood of Raping Item (LR)  The LR (Malamuth, 1980) (Appendix C) is a widely used question, rated on a five-point scale, measuring men’s self-reported likelihood of forcing sex on a woman if they could be assured of not being caught or punished. 2.7.2.4  Hostility Toward Women Scale (HTW)  The HTW (Check et la., 1980) (Appendix D) consists of 30-items, answered in a true or false format, that measure levels of hostile attitudes and behaviours directed at  57 women. Higher scores indicate greater endorsement of hostility towards women. Items include statements such as, “women irritate me a great deal more than they are aware of” and “many times a woman appears to care but she just wants to use you.” The HTW scale has been frequently used in the literature on male sexual aggression and has an internal consistency reliability coefficient of .80, a test-retest reliability of .83 and a sample mean of 8.79 (Koss & Gaines, 1993). Scores of 0 through 5 fall at or below the 25th percentile, scores of 6 through 11 are said to fall between the 25th and 75th percentile and scores above 12 indicate rankings above the 75th percentile (Check, Malamuth, Elias, & Barton, 1985). 2.7.2.5  Affect Adjective Checklist (AAC)  The AAC (Russell & Mehrabian, 1974) (Appendix E) is comprised of 16 bipolar adjectives that are rated on a nine point continuum. Three negative affect composite scores were derived. The composites were defined as follows: Anger (“angry,” hostile,” and “aggressive”), Anxiety (“anxious,” “nervous,” and “tense”) and Sub-Anger (“frustrated,” “irritated,” and “annoyed”). The AAC and the negative affect composite scores have been used in previous analogue investigations of predictors of intimate conflict (e.g., Thomas & Dutton, 2004). 2.7.2.6  Vancouver Index of Acculturation (VIA)  The VIA (Ryder et al., 2000) (Appendix F) is a twenty-item measure of acculturation that uses a nine-point scale. It assesses Heritage and Mainstream dimensions of acculturation consistent with a bidimensional model. Higher scores on the Mainstream dimension reflect more Westernization (if the scale is administered in the West) and higher scores on the Heritage dimension reflect the maintenance of one’s  58 cultural values and traditions. Cronbach’s alphas, are .91 for the Heritage dimension and .89 for the Mainstream dimension. Concurrent validity is very good, with coefficients ranging from .57 to .60 for the Heritage scale and from .51 to .60 for the Mainstream scale. 2.7.2.7  Balanced Inventory of Desirable Responding-Version 6 (BIDR-  6)  The BIDR-6 (Paulhus, 1984, 1988) (Appendix G) is a measure of socially desirable responding. Participants rate their agreement with forty propositions, using a seven-point scale. The BIDR-6 assesses two constructs: Self-Deception (SD) and Impression Management (IM). The former construct refers to one’s tendency to respond honestly, but with a positive bias, while the latter measures intent to deliberately present positively to an audience. For each construct, a maximum score of twenty points can be obtained. The two subscales can also be totaled to arrive at a global rating of socially desirable responding. Ratings of internal consistency range from .68 to .80 for the SD scale and from .75 to .86 for the IM scale. An alpha of .83 was derived when all forty items were included in the analyses (Paulhus, 1988). Incarcerated sexual offenders have been found to be more likely than offenders whose crimes were not sexual in nature to engage in self-deception (Lyn & Burton, 2005).  2.7.3 Procedure There were two parts to the study. For part one, participants completed a questionnaire package. After answering some basic demographic questions, participants completed the AAC, the VIA and the sexual coercion proclivity package, which was comprised of the RMA, the HTW, the SES and the LR. Scores on the sexual coercion proclivity package were standardized then averaged. Participants received a single score  59 which, depending on whether their package score fell above or below the mean, was used to allocate participants to the “high sexual coercion proclivity” group or the “low sexual coercion proclivity” group. Participants from each group were then assigned to experimental conditions using a randomized block design. Part two of the study took place within two weeks of the first part. Each participant completed the second part individually. Upon arriving for part two, participants were led by a female research assistant to another room. Along the way, a female confederate bumped into the participants. Depending on the condition to which the participants were assigned, the female confederate either uttered an apology (“sorry”) or an insult (“jerk”) following the bump as she continued to walk down the hallway. The condition involving the insult is a modified version of the anger induction method used by Cohen, Nisbett, Bowdle and Schwarz (1996). These researchers found this technique increased anger and primed some participants for aggression. A female was selected for this task given that men with a greater propensity towards sexual coercion are more likely to perceive female intentions as hostile (Malamuth & Brown, 1994). As such, a female bumping into participants and delivering an unfounded insult was expected to evoke the greatest emotional response among those deemed high in sexual coercion proclivity. After the bump, the participants continued to be led by the female research assistant to another room. As participants entered the room, they encountered an attractive female confederate who was writing notes on a white board under the guise of pretending to prepare for a meeting. The research assistant was trained to act surprised upon seeing the confederate in the room. The confederate and the research assistant briefly spoke about how the room must have been double booked, and the confederate agreed to allow the  60 participants to complete the second part of the study in the room while she continued to prepare. Participants were given two packages and advised not to open the second until they had completed the first. For the first package, participants completed an AAC before and after reading a vignette. The first AAC was used to measure emotional reactivity to the bump, while the second was used to assess participants’ reactions to the vignette. Subjects read one of two vignettes: one was sexually coercive (Appendix H) while the other was non-coercive (Appendix I) in theme. The vignettes were introduced as an analogue to fantasy. Both were written in a manner that optimized the extent to which participants visualized what was being described. Further, to increase the likelihood that participants were involved in the content of the vignette, they were asked to imagine that they were the main character. Subjects were instructed to do this under the premise that they would be asked to answer questions from the main character’s perspective at the end of the study. After completing the last AAC, subjects were asked to rate the extent to which they identified with the main character in the vignette (Appendix J). The attractive female confederate continued to write notes on the white board with her back turned to participants until they completed the last questionnaire. She was blind to the conditions to which participants were assigned. She watched the participants’ progress using a mirror in the room. After participants completed the first package (and before they opened the second document) she asked them to engage in a helping task, which involved having them hold a ladder while she hung a sign from the ceiling. This was performed to increase the subjects’ familiarity with her prior to completing the final measure. Previous research indicates that males scoring highly on measures of rape myth  61 acceptance and hostility towards women will be more likely to endorse a desire to engage in sexually coercive behaviours with an acquaintance than with a stranger (e.g., Abrams, Viki, Masser & Bohner, 2003; Viki, Chiroro & Abrams, 1996). The attractive female confederate excused herself from the room after the helping task, and participants sat down to complete the second document provided by the research assistant. To minimize the likelihood of participants reading this document before helping the confederate, it was folded and stapled. This was a one page questionnaire that surveyed participants’ likelihood of forcing each of seven sexual behaviours on the attractive female confederate they just met. Subjects were asked to answer these questions under the assurance of not being caught or punished. The canvassed behaviours ranged from forced kissing to forced genital intercourse (Appendix K). Participants were then asked to rate their predicted enjoyment if they were to force these behaviours on the female confederate. While the first set of questions assessed likelihood of entertaining sexually coercive fantasies involving an acquaintance, the second set evaluated the extent to which participants find such fantasies appealing or even pleasurable. Appendix L summarizes the procedures used in this study. Upon completing the last questionnaire, the research assistant re-entered the room and debriefed participants. The female confederate that bumped subjects in the hall also entered at this time. She apologized to participants for any discomfort her actions might have caused and allowed subjects to comment on their thoughts and feelings around the incident. No participant indicated a negative reaction to the procedures especially upon discovering that the female who bumped, and in some cases insulted them, was part of the study.  62  2.8  Results Given that some participants did not return to complete part two of the study and  that the bump was not successful in all cases, the group sizes were unequal. A median split was performed within conditions, using scores on the sexual coercion proclivity package. Those with a standardized average score above the median on this package were given the designation of “high sexual coercion proclivity,” while those below the median were classified as “low sexual coercion proclivity.” No significant differences between the low and the high sexual coercion proclivity group were observed in tendencies towards socially desirable responding. In forming the two sexual coercion proclivity groups, scores on the SES were only included in this average if participants scored “3” or higher out of a maximum possible score of “10.” This was performed so experience only factored into one’s sexual coercion proclivity designation, if the participant has had sexual intercourse and has engaged in at least some sexually coercive behaviours. If this strategy was not applied, then lack of sexual experience could have had a depressing effect on the sexual coercion proclivity scores. Where a lack of experience with sex and sexual coercion has not been linked with likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion, previous incidents of sexual aggression have been shown to predict future likelihood of engaging in such behaviour (e.g., Gidycz et al., 2007). When added to the standardized average of the other sexual coercion proclivity measures, scores on the LR did not offer anything unique to the analyses concerning negative affect. Yet, the LR was significantly correlated with most of the other sexual coercion proclivity measures, namely the RMA and the HTW (see Table 2.1). Thus, the LR does seem to contribute important information with respect to the sexual coercion  63 proclivity construct, perhaps measuring the extent to which males might fantasize about engaging in sexual aggression (Malamuth, 1989). As evident in Table 2.1, the LR measure correlated significantly with the outcome measures (anticipated likelihood and enjoyment of engaging in sexual coercion). Although the outcome measures resemble the LR measure, they differ in that they ask about the appeal of specific sexually aggressive acts towards an acquaintance rather than a hypothetical woman. The results suggest that the LR makes an important contribution to the construct of sexual coercion proclivity without serving to artificially elevate the impact of sexual coercion proclivity on the outcome measures. Correlations between these measures and the SES, however, were only significant for the HTW (r = .35, p = .007). See Table 2.2 for total mean scores across the sexual coercion proclivity package measures and for a breakdown of these scores based on high versus low sexual coercion proclivity.  2.8.1 Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Ratings of Anticipated Likelihood and Enjoyment of Engaging in Sexual Aggression The RMA, the HTW and the LR were all significantly correlated with both predicted likelihood and enjoyment of engaging in sexual aggression with the attractive female confederate (see Table 2.1). When considering only those participants with scores on the SES of “3” or greater, a significant correlation was observed between SES scores and predicted enjoyment of engaging in the canvassed sexually aggressive acts (r = .71, p = .005). This suggests that participants with greater experience in being sexually coercive, anticipate greater enjoyment of forcing sexual acts on a female than those that have not had sex or been the perpetrator of some form of sexual aggression. This is consistent with previous research suggesting that men rated high in sexual coercion proclivity are driven more by the anticipated enjoyment of sexual domination rather than  64 sexual arousal (Chiroro, Bohner, Viki, & Jarvis, 2004). Both the relationship between LR scores and the rating of anticipated enjoyment and likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion, were significant (p <.001 and p = .02, respectively). See Table 2.2 for a breakdown of likelihood and enjoyment ratings as a function of sexual coercion proclivity.  2.8.2 Sexual Coercion Proclivity, Condition and Negative Affect Three-way between – within ANOVAs, measuring the effect of sexual coercion proclivity and condition on negative affect, were calculated for each of the negative affect clusters (Anger, Anxiety and Sub-Anger). Negative affect was the within subjects factor and was assessed at baseline, after the bump and after exposure to the fantasy material. The interaction was non-significant for both Anger (F3.3, 82.43 = 1.61, p = .18) and Anxiety (F4, 100 = 2.28, p = .067). There was a significant interaction observed between Anger and condition, however (F3.3, 82.43 = 3.08, p = .028). Tukey post-hoc multiple comparisons revealed that those exposed to both the insult and the sexually-coercive vignette showed significant increases in anger when compared to the group that received the insult and the non-coercive vignette (p = .006). Comparisons between the no insult/sexually coercive vignette and the insult/sexually coercive vignette conditions and between the insult/noncoercive vignette and the insult/sexually coercive vignette conditions were both nonsignificant (p’s = .09 and .43, respectively). There was a significant three-way interaction between Sub-Anger, condition and sexual coercion proclivity (F4, 100 = 3.32, p = .013) (see Figure 2.1). This effect was significant, with a partial eta squared of .12, even after Bonferroni adjustments were made to account for the fact that three separate analyses were performed. Simple main  65 effects analyses revealed a significant interaction between Sub-Anger and condition for the high sexual coercion proclivity group (F2, 25 = 3.57, p = .04), but not for the low (F2, 25 = 1.89, p = .17). For the high sexual coercion proclivity group, using Tukey post-hoc multiple comparisons, Sub-Anger was significantly higher when participants were exposed to both the insult and the sexually coercive vignette, than those that were exposed to the insult and the non-coercive vignette (p = .039). Comparisons in the high sexual coercion proclivity group between the no insult/sexually coercive vignette and the insult/sexually coercive vignette conditions and between the insult/non-coercive vignette and the insult/sexually coercive vignette conditions were both non-significant (p’s = .35 and .56, respectively).  2.8.3 Sexual Coercion Proclivity, Changes in Negative Affect and Rated Likelihood and Enjoyment of Engaging in Sexual Aggression For each of the negative affect clusters, the high sexual coercion proclivity group demonstrated greater emotional reactivity across conditions when compared to the low group. Anger was the only affect cluster on which these differences reached significance, (F1, 54 = 5.88, p < .02). Multiple regression analyses were performed using residual change scores for Anger, Anxiety and Sub-Anger to predict ratings of likelihood of forcing the seven canvassed sexually coercive acts on the attractive female confederate. Changes in negative affect significantly predicted ratings of likelihood of engaging in sexual aggression under these conditions for the low sexual coercion group (F3, 17 = 3.41, p = .04), but not the high (F3, 17 = 1.31, p = .34). When rated enjoyment of engaging in sexual coercion with the female confederate was examined, the relationship reversed. Here, residual changes in negative affect predicted ratings of enjoyment in the high group (F3, 17 = 3.71, p = .035), but not the low (F3, 17 = 2.89, p = .067).  66  2.8.4 Identification with the Main Character in the Sexually Coercive Vignette and Ratings of Likelihood and Enjoyment of Engaging in Sexual Coercion Participants in the high sexual coercion proclivity group were significantly more likely than those in the low group to identify with the main character in the sexually aggressive vignette (F1, 17 = 11.79, p = .003). They were also significantly more likely to indicate some likelihood and/or enjoyment of perpetrating sexual aggression against the attractive female confederate (F1, 23 = 15.16, p = .006 and F1, 23 = 11.07, p = .005, respectively). Identification with the main character in the sexually coercive vignette significantly predicted ratings of likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion with the attractive female confederate in the high sexual coercion proclivity group (R = .91, R2 = .83, R2adj = .79, p = .001), but not in the low (R = .5, R2 = .25, R2adj = .14, p = .17). Identification with the main character in the sexually coercive vignette did not predict ratings of anticipated enjoyment of perpetrating sexual aggression in either the high (R = .22, R2 = ..05, R2adj = -.11, p = .60) or the low group (R = .33, R2 = .11, R2adj = .01, p = .33).  2.8.5 Ethnicity, Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Negative Affect Given that one of the purposes of the present study was to compare Asian and Caucasian males, and given that participants of Chinese descent represented the largest Asian group of the sample, only Caucasian and Chinese participants were included in the analyses. Kennedy and Gorzalka’s (2002) findings were replicated in that Chinese men scored higher on rape myth acceptance than Caucasian males (F1,51 = 6.13, p < .02).  67 Chinese men in the present sample also scored significantly higher on the LR measure than Caucasian men (F1,51 = 11.53, p = .001). (See Table 2.3) Three-way ANOVAs looking at ethnicity, negative affect and sexual coercion proclivity were calculated. There were no significant effects for either the Anger or the Sub-Anger clusters. A significant result was observed for Anxiety, however (F2,88 = 6.81, p = .002) (see Figure 2.2). This effect was significant, with an eta squared of .11, even after Bonferroni adjustments were applied to account for the fact that three separate analyses were performed. Simple main effects analyses revealed a significant interaction between ethnicity and Anxiety in the high sexual coercion group but not the low (F2, 44 = 11.56, p < .001). In the high group, Chinese males started high in Anxiety and exhibited a decrease, while Caucasian males’ self-reported Anxiety started low and increased over time. This relationship was not differentially affected by the condition to which participants were assigned. Acculturation proved to be an important variable in understanding the above interaction. Overall, Chinese subjects reported stronger ties to their heritage culture than Caucasian participants on the VIA (F1, 50 = 4.66, p < .05). A trend was noted whereby Caucasian males tended to identify more with mainstream Western culture than Chinese men, but this fell short of statistical significance (F1, 51 = 3.87, p = .06). Further, when degree of acculturation to mainstream culture and maintenance of affiliation with heritage culture were entered as covariates, the interaction between Anxiety, ethnicity and sexual coercion proclivity disappeared.  68 Neither negative affect residual change scores nor identification with the main character in the sexually coercive vignette differentially predicted rated likelihood or anticipated enjoyment of sexual aggression among Chinese and Caucasian subjects.  2.9  Discussion This is the first study to examine how sexual coercion proclivity might play out in  terms of emotional reactivity. The results indicate that both sexual coercion proclivity group membership and condition influenced Sub-Anger. As mentioned previously, SubAnger was a composite score derived from items tapping frustration, irritation and annoyance. Here, we see a cumulative non-additive effect of insult and sexually coercive fantasy material on Sub-Anger for the high sexual coercion proclivity group, but not the low. One explanation for this is that males high in sexual coercion proclivity might have a diminished ability to tolerate frustration when compared to the low group, particularly when exposed to a negative event (such as an unfounded insult by a female) followed by sexually coercive fantasy material. Furthermore, post hoc analyses for the high scoring group revealed that levels of Sub-Anger were only significant when comparisons were made between those that received both the insult and the sexually-coercive vignette and those that were insulted and received the non-coercive vignette. Neither of these conditions differed significantly from the condition in which males were not insulted but received the sexually coercive vignette. This suggests that being exposed to non-coercive fantasy material after being insulted might play a protective role in terms of emotional reactivity, even among those deemed high in sexual coercion proclivity. A similar explanation can be offered for the interaction observed between condition and Anger. That those high in sexual coercion proclivity demonstrated a lower frustration tolerance  69 than the low group is certainly a novel and important finding, particularly when we consider that this frustration might increase drive for retaliation as indicated by higher anticipated enjoyment of sexual aggression. A crucial part of why we see a differential effect of the vignettes on Anger and Sub-Anger might come from examining the instructions delivered to participants. They were asked to put themselves in the position of the main character in order to later answer questions from his perspective. Thus, for those assigned to read the sexually coercive vignette, this step takes the participants away from the equivalent of mere exposure to sexually aggressive material. Instead, participants were asked essentially to fantasize or imagine that they were a perpetrator of sexual coercion. In doing so they, in turn, became more active players in the story. This might explain why the current results are contrary to those of previous studies suggesting that men are not easily affected by sexually explicit and sexually coercive materials. For example, Malamuth and Ceniti (1986) found that exposure to as many as six feature length videos containing sexual violence had no significant impact on men’s sexually aggressive behaviour or their self-reported likelihood of engaging in such behaviour. That involvement with, over mere exposure to, such material has a greater impact on behaviour is a novel finding, one that deserves further study. It is possible that being a more active player in sexually coercive fantasies, as one who seeks such material out, goes a long way in increasing emotional reactivity. The results suggest that this effect might be particularly pronounced if it follows a negative event (such as an unfounded insult by a female) among those given the high sexual coercion proclivity designation. If involvement in the story is key, then exposure  70 to the non-sexually coercive vignette might have equalized any negative emotional reaction experienced in response to the insult. Given that both sexual coercion proclivity groups demonstrated increases in their negative affect across conditions, it was important to examine the impact of changes in negative affect on the possible expression of sexual coercion proclivity. In the present study, changes in negative affect predicted ratings of likelihood of engaging in sexually aggressive behaviours with the attractive female confederate in the low group but not the high. This relationship reversed when enjoyment was examined. These results suggest that the right combination of events can increase the extent to which even those low in sexual coercion proclivity will entertain thoughts of sexual aggression. For the high group, these same events might serve to increase the perceived enjoyment of such behaviours, even though they were already elevated in this respect. Men in the high group were more likely to indicate some likelihood and anticipated enjoyment of perpetrating sexual aggression against the female confederate in comparison to men in the low group. Further, those in the high group were also more likely to identify with the main character in the sexually coercive vignette than those in the low group. Identification with the main character, in turn, significantly predicted anticipated likelihood of engaging in sexual aggression only in the high group. This likely means that, when compared to those in the low group, participants in the high sexual coercion proclivity group might have found it easier to put themselves in the place of the main character in the sexually coercive vignette and that this elevated their already high likelihood of sexual aggression ratings.  71 Moreover, given that changes in negative affect predicted anticipated enjoyment of engaging in sexual aggression, it seems plausible that these ratings in the high group were influenced by a drive to retaliate in response to their emotional reactivity. Support for this conclusion comes from the finding that the high sexual coercion proclivity group showed a significantly greater increase in anger across conditions when compared to the low group. The experience of anger might have increased the perception of reward (enjoyment) from engaging in sexual coercion. This is consistent with research, suggesting that previous negative experiences with women increase hostile attitudes toward them (Malamuth & Check, 1983). As noted in the Introduction (Chapter 1), triggering attitudinal/emotional factors such as hostility towards women can activate trait anger, with the result being an increased risk of committing an act of physical violence against a woman. When combined with high rape myth acceptance, trait anger activated by hostility toward women, is most likely to manifest in a sexually aggressive manner. For those exposed to the vignette that was not sexually aggressive in theme, the appeal of retaliation might have been neutralized by becoming an active player in a story that depicted healthy male-female interactions. These findings suggest that those deemed high in sexual coercion proclivity are more emotionally reactive than the low group to environmental stimuli, especially those involving negative interactions with women. Further, it seems that this reactivity among the high group can be inflated or deflated depending on the content of and degree of involvement with the stimuli they next encounter, or the way in which they process these interactions through fantasy. With respect to ethnicity, men of Chinese descent scored higher on acceptance of rape myths and the extent to which they were willing to entertain thoughts of sexual  72 aggression as assessed by the LR measure. With respect to emotional reactivity, Chinese males in comparison to the Caucasian participants showed an initial spike in anxiety that decreased over time regardless of experimental condition. Controlling for acculturation attenuated these effects. These findings suggest that any anticipatory anxiety experienced by Chinese men scoring highly on measures of sexual coercion proclivity, when placed in similar situations, will decrease as a function of acculturation. Here, acculturation refers to increasing identification with mainstream culture, while decreasing in affiliation to heritage culture. Changes in negative affect did not have a differential impact on ratings of likelihood or anticipated enjoyment of sexual aggression. This suggests that Chinese males’ sexual coercion proclivity is less malleable in response to emotional reactivity when compared to that of Caucasian males. Nonetheless, being able to manipulate ratings of likelihood and anticipated enjoyment as a function of sexual coercion proclivity, fantasy and negative affect tells us little about who will or will not go on to be sexually aggressive in the future. What can be stated is that those higher in sexual coercion proclivity seem to have a lower frustration tolerance when exposed to insult and sexually coercive fantasy material. Indeed, previous research has related misinterpretation and mislabelling of women’s communications as hostile to sexual coercion proclivity (Malamuth & Brown, 1994). It is possible that males scoring higher on sexual coercion proclivity exhibit more affective sensitivity and behavioural reactivity to the insult, which might then be solidified through vicariously experiencing the sexually coercive fantasy material. Another conclusion that can be drawn from the present findings is that the extent to which men entertain thoughts/fantasies of sexual aggression and find them appealing is  73 malleable, even in those deemed low in sexual coercion proclivity. Results suggest that there can be considerable impact of both negative events (such as an unfounded insult) and sexually coercive fantasy material on the appeal of sexual aggression. These effects seem to occur in some cases above and beyond one’s sexual coercion proclivity designation. The present findings suggest that emotional reactivity is a key player in influencing the appeal of sexual coercion, even in those deemed to have a low proclivity toward such behaviour. However, more research will be required to assess whether an increase in appeal actually makes one more prone to engage in sexual aggression.  * p < .05  ** p < .01  *** p <.001  6. Anticipated Enjoyment  5. Likelihood of Sexual Coercion  4. Hostility Toward Women Scale  3. Likelihood of Raping Item  2. Sexual Experience Survey  1. Rape Myth Acceptance Scale  -  -  n.s.  -  n.s.  .45***  Intercorrelations between Sexual Coercion Proclivity Package and Outcome Measures. Scale 1 2 3  Table 2.1  -  .28*  .35**  .49***  4  -  .40*  .39*  n.s.  .47**  5  -  .60***  .32*  .37*  n.s.  .42**  6  74  Mean 46.81 2.07 1.56 9.37 10.68 15.46  Scale  Rape Myth Acceptance Scale  Sexual Experience Survey  Likelihood of Raping Item  Hostility Toward Women Scale  Likelihood of Sexual Coercion  Anticipated Enjoyment  8.16  5.55  4.73  1.07  1.53  15.15  SD  12.52  8.33  5.71  1.04  1.36  35.46  Mean  6.52  3.14  2.45  0.19  0.91  8.52  SD  19.16  13.47  12.63  2.07  2.77  57.83  Mean  Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP) Package Scores and Likelihood and Enjoyment Ratings for Low and High SCP Groups. Total Low SCP High SCP  Table 2.2  8.50  6.49  3.81  1.31  1.70  11.66  SD  75  1 4.67 9.8 12.8  Hostility Toward Women Scale  Likelihood of Sexual Coercion  Anticipated Enjoyment  .83  Likelihood of Raping Item  Sexual Experience Survey  9.83  5.72  1.63  0  0.73  Chinese Mean SD Rape Myth Acceptance Scale 39.83 7.57  Scale  2.02  2.68  .23  .96  13.08 5.71  8.08  5.79  1.05  1.58  Caucasian Mean SD 34.10 7.01  1.48  1.40  21  15  9.21  8.18  11.45 3.78  3  1.82  Chinese Mean SD 60.82 8.41  0.89  1.67  18.44 8.89  12.33 5.63  13.44 3.86  1.56  3.44  Caucasian Mean SD 54.81 12.69  Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP) Package Scores and Likelihood and Enjoyment Ratings: A Comparison across Ethnicity and SCP Groups. Low SCP High SCP  Table 2.3  76  77  Figure 2.1 Interaction between Sexual Coercion Proclivity(SCP), Sub-Anger and Condition (p = .01).  p = .04  n.s.  78  Figure 2.2 Interaction between Ethnicity, Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP) and Anxiety (p = .002)  p < .001  n.s.  79  2.10 References Abrams, D., Viki, G. T., Masser, B., & Bohner, G. (2003). Perceptions of stranger and acquaintance rape: The role of benevolent and hostile sexism in victim blame and rape proclivity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84, 111-125. Allen M, D’Alessio D, Emmers-Sommer TM. (2000). Reactions of criminal sexual offenders to pornography: A meta-analytic summary. In M. Roloff (Ed), Communication Yearbook 22, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, pp 139–169. Allen M, D’Alessio D, & Brezgel K. (1995). A meta-analysis summarizing the effects of pornography: II. Aggression after exposure. Human Communication Research, 22, 258–283. Allen M, Emmers T, Gebhardt L, Giery MA. (1995). 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Functional flexibility: A new conception of interpersonal flexibility. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 55(1), 88-101. Prentky, R. A., & Burgess, A. W. (1991) Hypothetical biological substrates of a fantasybased drive mechanism for repetitive sexual aggression. In A. W. Burgess (Ed.), Rape and sexual assault III (pp. 235–256). New York: Garland. Prentky, R. A., & Knight, R. A. (1991). Identifying critical dimensions for discriminating among rapists. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 59, 643-661. Proulx, J., McKibben, A., & Lusignan, R. (1996). Relationships between affective components and sexual behaviours in sexual aggressors. Sexual Abuse: Journal of research and treatment, 8(4), 279-289. Pryor, J. B. (1987). Sexual harassment proclivities in men. Sex Roles 17(5-6): 269–290.  86 Russell, J. A., & Mehrabian, A. (1974). Distinguishing anger and anxiety in terms of emotional response factors. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42, 79-83. Ryder, A. G., Alden, L. E., & Paulhus, D. L. (2000). Is acculturation unidimensional or bidimensional? A head-to-head comparison in the prediction of personality, selfidentity, and adjustment. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 79(1), 4965. Spielberger, C. D., Jacobs, G., Russell, S., & Crane, R. (1983). Assessment of anger: The State-Trait Anger Scale. In J. N. Butcher & C. D. Spielberger (Eds.), Advances in personality assessment, Vol. 3 (pp. 112-134). Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ. Sue, S., & Morishima,]. (1982). The mental health of Asian Americans. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Tewksbury, R., & Golder, S. (2005). Why do johns use pornography?: Predicting consumption of pornography by clients of street level prostitutes. The Southwest Journal of Criminal Justice, 2 (2), 101-118. Thomas, L. A., & Dutton, D. G. (2004). The Propensity for Abusiveness Scale (PAS) as a predictor of affective priming to anticipated intimate conflict. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 34(10), 2166-2178. Vega, V., & Malamuth, N. M. (2007). Predicting sexual aggression: The role of pornography in the context of general and specific risk factors. Aggressive Behaviour, 33, 104-117.  87 Viki, G. T., Chiroro, P., & Abrams, D. (1996). Hostile sexism, type of rape and selfreported rape proclivity within a sample of Zimbabwean males. Violence Against Women, 12(8), 789-800.  88  3 EFFECT OF SEXUAL COERCION PROCLIVITY ON BEHAVIOUR2 3.1  Introduction The study outlined in Chapter 2 manipulated environmental cues and evaluated  the effect of emotional reactivity in response to these stimuli on the appeal (likelihood and anticipated enjoyment) of sexual aggression as a function of sexual coercion proclivity. The results from this study point to just how powerful situational stimuli are in influencing appeal of sexual aggression, among those deemed both high and low in sexual coercion proclivity. This is important, as appeal is a requisite component driving most acts of sexual aggression. However, although necessary, appeal of sexual aggression is not sufficient in predicting such behaviour. Among a community sample, Calhoun, Bernat, Clum, and Frame (1997) found that high appeal failed to distinguish between those who have and those who have not engaged in a sexually coercive act on the basis of hostility toward women scores. That is, those highly attracted to sexual coercion with no history of sexual aggression were indistinguishable from men who had committed such acts in terms of their self-reported levels of hostility toward women. Alternatively, sexually and non-sexually coercive men were discernible on the basis of hostility toward women, with the former reporting greater hostility than the latter, when appeal was low (Calhoun et al., 1997). Further, Malamuth (1989) found that the less experience college men had as perpetrators of sexual aggression, the higher the appeal of sexual aggression was and the more they shared in common with sexually aggressive men in terms of attitudes, emotions and motivations. Thus, if appeal is not sufficient in distinguishing 2  A version of this chapter will be submitted for publication. Thomas, L.A., & Gorzalka, B. B. Effect of sexual coercion proclivity on behaviour.  89 those with and those without experience as the perpetrator of sexual aggression, then it is also likely to fall short with respect to confidently predicting future behaviour. However, these studies used retrospective reports of acts of sexual aggression as their outcome variable, meaning that it is difficult to determine the direction of these effects. As well, appeal of sexual aggression was assessed in regards to a hypothetical woman and not anyone known to the respondents. The study described in Chapter 2 built upon these weaknesses by prospectively examining the impact of sexual coercion proclivity on appeal of perpetrating various specific acts of sexual aggression on a female acquaintance when faced with different environmental stimuli. As previously noted, men high in sexual coercion proclivity are more attracted to the notion of acting on that proclivity with an acquaintance than they are with a stranger (e.g., Abrams, Viki, Masser & Bohner, 2003; Viki, Chiroro & Abrams, 1996). Yet, we still know little about just how direct the relationship is between appeal of sexual coercion and sexually aggressive behaviour. The present study uses a realistic analogue to sexual aggression, moving beyond the manipulation of appeal to address the question researchers have laboured for almost three decades to answer: Can the factors contributing to sexual coercion proclivity determinations actually predict behaviour? Further, where the study described in Chapter 2 evaluated the situational impact of interactions with women and exposure to fantasy material on emotional reactivity and the appeal of sexual aggression, the present study endeavours to evaluate the effect of cognitive/attitudinal priming on sexual aggression in the laboratory as a function of sexual coercion proclivity. It is hypothesized that the behavioural expression of that proclivity will be differentially affected by making pre-existing attitudes supportive of  90 sexual coercion more accessible. Further, in light of research suggesting that rape myth acceptance differs across cultures, especially when Asian and Caucasian samples are compared, ethnicity will be examined in terms of the impact these differences have on behaviour when accessibility of such attitudes is manipulated.  3.2  Analogue Studies Beyond studying the factors that put individuals at greater or lesser risk to act out  their so-called predisposition towards sexual coercion, researchers have struggled in their ability to demonstrate that these factors are indeed predictive of sexual aggression. In fact, this issue was overlooked even in the most comprehensive study conducted to date in the area (Malamuth et al., 1995). These researchers followed men for ten years and found that individuals scoring highly on Likelihood of Raping (LR) were more likely to display a range of the sexually aggressive behaviours surveyed by Koss and Oros’ (1982) Sexual Experience Survey (SES). Although these findings are indeed promising, and involved corroborative evidence, they employed only two facets related to sexual coercion proclivity (likelihood of sexual aggression and experience as the perpetrator of said behaviour). More importantly, however, this study failed to identify the utility of these variables as predictors of future sexual aggression (especially amongst men with no such history). There is a paucity of research that has attempted to address this gap in the literature, largely because it is both impractical and unethical to attempt to monitor reallife acts of aggression in experimentally controlled studies. In response to this, researchers have developed analogue studies that provide individuals with the opportunity to behaviourally act on their sexual coercion proclivity in the laboratory,  91 while still staying within appropriate ethical parameters. The key analogue studies conducted to date, those that came the closest in devising prospective behavioural outcome measures that parallel sexual aggression in the real world, will be reviewed briefly. In a seminal effort, Malamuth (1981) examined the relationship between male subjects’ attitudes about aggression and the willingness to deliver an aversive noise to a female confederate, following exposure to mild insults. The data were interpreted as supporting an association between more positive beliefs in aggression and real-world male-to-female violence. This study was the first to attempt to devise a laboratory analogue to sexual aggression and prospectively assess factors such as attitudes supportive of aggression in terms of their impact on behaviour. Although commendable for inspiring other researchers to endeavour to address the weaknesses associated with retrospective studies of already identified sexual offenders, the outcome measure in this study was more an analogue of physical aggression than sexual coercion (Hall & Hirschman, 1993; Hall, Hirschman, & Oliver, 1994). To overcome this, Pryor (1987) asked male subjects to teach a female confederate to play golf. The woman rated the extent to which each subject’s conversation and physical contact with her was sexual. Men who ranked high on a sexual harassment scale engaged in more sexual behaviour, supporting the author’s belief that some of the men regarded the golf lesson as a legitimate condition for sexual overtures. Hall, Hirschman and Oliver (1994) improved the sophistication, and reduced the transparency, of previous analogue studies by using the guise of showing erotic slides to a female confederate in an attempt to distract her from a bogus memory task. They found  92 that males who were more supportive of rape myths were more likely to impose sexually explicit slides on a woman identified as strongly disliking pornography. Most males eventually did expose an unwilling female confederate to some pornography, even though they also had a choice of distracting her with autopsy slides. Delivering aversive noise, teaching golf lessons and showing sexually explicit slides have all been attempts to move beyond the methodological constraints of selfreport measures to assess sexual aggression under more real-life circumstances. However, there are still several limitations to these studies, especially with respect to generalizability. For example, how comparable is delivering aversive noise, teaching golf and showing slides to actual acts of sexual aggression? Further, all of the studies reviewed herein utilized correlational designs and do not allow for conclusions about the direction of causality or about which variables serve as key components to sexual coercion. For example, it is acknowledged that the belief in rape myths is as likely to follow sexually coercive experiences, as it is to precede sexual aggression (Drieschner & Lange, 1999). On the one hand having pro-rape attitudes may lead to anticipated enjoyment of sexual dominance, thus, resulting in sexual coercion (Chiroro et al., 2004). On the other hand, rapists may use rape myths as a justification tool that rationalizes and excuses previous behaviour (Bohner et al., 1998; Prah & Ayerakwa, 2001).  3.3 Trait Versus State Impact of Cognitive/Attitudinal Sets on Sexual Aggression As discussed, cognitive/attitudinal factors such as rape myth acceptance measured on a trait level are significant correlates of the appeal of sexual coercion (e.g., Malamuth, 1981; Malamuth & Check, 1985; Quackenbush, 1989) and have been identified as moderators of sexual aggression (e.g., Bohner et al., 1998). However, there is evidence to  93 suggest that these outcomes vary on a state or situational level as well. For example, assessing rape myth acceptance immediately before measuring anticipated likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion makes extant enduring attitudes more cognitively accessible and heightens their effect on sexually coercive intentions among those already inclined towards such behaviour. This notion was first proposed by Schwarz and Strack (1981) and first supported by Bohner et al. (1998). Bohner, Jarvis, Eyssel and Siebler (2005) validated Bohner et al.’s (1998) finding that rape myth acceptance was more strongly related to anticipated likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion, when the former was assessed before rather than after the latter. Following from findings suggesting that rape myths are used to rationalize past perpetration of sexual aggression (Bohner et al., 1998; Burt, 1980), Bohner et al. (2005) expanded on these results to explore the role of previous self-reported acts of sexual aggression on further increasing the accessibility of such attitudes. These researchers found that having experience as the perpetrator of sexual aggression, combined with rape myth acceptance, strengthened the extent to which cognitive sets supportive of sexual aggression were accessible to influence behaviour. Bohner et al. (2005) also found an interaction effect when salience of rape myth acceptance was varied by assessing it before versus after assessing likelihood of raping. Here, the link between rape myth acceptance and appeal of sexual coercion was strengthened even more among sexually coercive versus noncoercive men when rape myth acceptance was made more accessible. These findings suggest that temporary accessibility of these attitudes has an independent effect above and beyond chronic/trait acceptance of rape myths and sexually coercive experiences in terms of increasing appeal of sexual coercion.  94 The results summarized above underscore the potential impact temporary accessibility of such attitudes, above and beyond enduring traits, have on disinhibiting such behaviour. It is for this reason that temporary accessibility of cognitive sets supportive of sexual aggression was manipulated in the present study. Specifically, one of the purposes of the research described below was to evaluate the utility of temporary accessibility of rape supportive attitudes (e.g., hostility towards women and rape myth acceptance) in moderating the relationship between sexual coercion proclivity and the expression of that proclivity behaviourally. An understanding of the cognitive factors associated with sexual coercion proclivity is necessary to predict as well as to prevent acts of sexual aggression. For example, treatment programs for convicted rapists and interventions aimed at rape prevention now typically include procedures directed at challenging the cognitive sets contributing to social misperceptions. Such a program may involve cognitive restructuring and modification of attitudes conducive to sexual aggression (Gilbert, Heesacker & Gannon, 1991). Even though sexual aggression could never be explained in terms of cognitive factors alone, understanding the role of such factors is necessary "not only for the effectiveness of these treatment elements to be maximized, but also to be able to specify what meaningful cognitive change following treatment would look like" (Segal & Stermac, 1990, p. 162). And, following from the above discussion, in order to truly understand the role cognitive sets have in explaining sexual aggression, it is important to consider their impact on both a state and a trait level.  95  3.4  Purpose and Hypotheses The present study used a realistic analogue to sexual coercion in the laboratory,  and evaluated the extent to which temporary accessibility of cognitive/attitudinal factors conducive to sexual aggression behaviourally activate sexual coercion proclivity. The specific hypotheses are: 1) those men scoring higher on trait factors used to determine sexual coercion proclivity will be more likely to engage in sexual aggression in the laboratory; and, 2) this effect will be more pronounced when attitudes thought to disinhibit sexual aggression are made more accessible by exposure to a cognitive priming task involving themes of sexual aggression. In light of findings suggesting greater rape myth acceptance among Asian versus Caucasian samples living in North America (e.g., Kennedy & Gorzalka, 2002), ethnicity will also be examined. The questions to be answered here are: How accessible are these attitudes across these two ethnic groups? And, what implications do these findings have in terms of likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion in the laboratory?  3.5  Method  3.5.1 Participants 142 heterosexual male university students between the ages of 18 and 29 were recruited from the University of British Columbia Human Subjects Pool. Four participants were excluded from the analyses due to invalid questionnaire packages. Subjects received course credit for their participation. The mean age of participants was 20.4 years. That all participants were of university age is appropriate given that previous analogue studies have been conducted using similar populations (e.g., Hall & Hirschman, 1994; Malamuth, 1981; Pryor, 1987) and that males between the ages of 16 and 29 are  96 the most likely to engage in sexually coercive behaviours (Prentky & Knight, 1991). In terms of ethnic composition, 72 of the participants were Caucasian, 48 were of Chinese descent, 3 were of South East Asian descent, 1 was Aboriginal, 1 was African, 3 defined themselves as “mixed,” 2 were Filipino, 1 was Vietnamese, 6 were Korean, and 1 was Japanese.  3.5.2 Measures 3.5.2.1  Sexual Coercion Proclivity Package  Participants were administered the four questionnaires used in the first study described in Chapter 2 to assess propensity towards sexual aggression. These included: the Rape Myth Acceptance (RMA; Burt, 1980) scale that measures level of belief in attitudes supportive of sexual aggression; the Sexual Experiences Survey (SES; Koss & Oros, 1982), which surveys historical sexual behaviour listed on a continuum from consensual sex to forced intercourse; the Likelihood of Raping item (LR; Malamuth, 1981) that assesses men’s self-reported likelihood of forcing sex on a woman if they could be assured of not being caught or punished; and, the Hostility Toward Women (HTW; Check et al., 1985) scale, which was used to evaluate hostile attitudes and behaviours directed at women. A more detailed description of these measures and their respective psychometric qualities can be found in the Methods section of Chapter 2. 3.5.2.2  Acculturation  As in the first study, acculturation was assessed using the Vancouver Index of Acculturation (VIA; Ryder, Alden, & Paulhus, 2000). Higher scores on the Mainstream dimension reflect more Westernization (if the scale is administered in the West), and higher scores on the Heritage dimension reflect the maintenance of one’s cultural values  97 and traditions. A description of the VIA’s psychometric qualities can be found in the Methods section of Chapter 2. 3.5.2.3  Socially Desirable Responding  The Balanced Inventory of Desirable Responding-Version 6 (BIDR-6; Paulhus, 1984, 1988) is a measure of socially desirable responding. Again, a more detailed description of the BIDR-6 and its psychometric qualities can be found in the Methods section of Chapter 2.  3.5.3 Procedure Participants completed all experimental procedures individually and in one session. Upon arriving at the laboratory, participants completed a questionnaire package. After answering some basic demographic questions, participants completed the VIA, the sexual coercion proclivity package (the RMA, the HTW, the SES and the LR), and the BIDR-6. Scores on the sexual coercion proclivity package were standardized then averaged. Participants received a single score which, depending on whether their package score fell above or below the mean, was used to allocate participants to the “high sexual coercion proclivity” group or the “low sexual coercion proclivity” group. Participants from each group were then assigned to one of two experimental cognitive priming conditions using a randomized block design. Participants assigned to condition one were asked to make sentences using innocuous words (e.g., “walk,” “sea,” “calm,” “silent,” and “still”) (Appendix M), while participants in condition two were asked to make sentences using words that were sexually aggressive in theme (“forced,” “open,” “aggressively,” “thighs,” and “grinding”) (Appendix N). Subjects assigned to each condition were asked to use all five words provided to make a sentence. They were  98 advised that they could add words, as long as they used each of the five provided. Participants were asked to complete this exercise three times using three different sets of words. After completing the cognitive priming task, participants were asked whether they would be willing to help with another study being conducted in the laboratory. They were advised that they would receive full credit regardless of whether they agreed to participate. Participants were further advised that the additional study they were being asked to participate in related to how comfort with sexual material affects learning. For this, it was explained that they would be asked to read a sexually themed story to a female participant of another study and that all female participants had been selected because they were uncomfortable with sexual material. Participants were informed that the female subject they were about to meet, who was actually a confederate, was instructed not to talk until the experiment was completed. For this reason, male participants who agreed to proceed and read the sexual story, were asked to pay close attention to her nonverbal cues and to stop reading at any time if they or the female confederate felt or seemed uncomfortable. The story consisted of four paragraphs, with each paragraph becoming more sexually explicit than the last, and the female confederate was trained to feign increasing discomfort with each paragraph. Where the first paragraph was merely sexually suggestive, and the female confederate did little to indicate discomfort, the final paragraph described in great detail genital intercourse (Appendix O). While listening to the second, third and fourth paragraph of the story, the confederate increasingly avoided eye contact and looked down. She eventually crossed her arms and rested them on her lap as she stared at the floor. She also appeared to become more  99 restless, eventually starting to rock back and forth while grasping her knees. As well, in the second, third and fourth paragraph there were key words that cued her to increase the level of discomfort displayed. For example, upon hearing these words she would make vocalizations (e.g., sighs) that increased in intensity and frequency as the story progressed. Between paragraphs, male participants were asked to rate their comfort level on a five point scale (Appendix P), and the female confederate pretended to do the same. Higher scores represented greater discomfort. During the break between paragraphs, participants were again given the choice of whether or not they would like to continue to read. In fact, there were two purposes to including the comfort rating: to slow participants down from reading the story too quickly and, therefore, missing the cues of the female confederate and to emphasize just how much choice participants had in deciding whether or not they continued. In this sense, reading the story to the female confederate was an analogue to sexual coercion in that participants were aware that the female confederate was uncomfortable with such material and so, if they proceeded to read in the face of increasing signs of discomfort they were, in essence, imposing sexual material on an unwilling audience. Given that many men that commit sexual assaults do not see it as an assault (Malamuth, 1981), the story did not need to be aggressive in nature, only sexual. Appendix Q summarizes the procedures used in this study. It is important to highlight how much choice participants had in deciding the amount of the story they read. After completing the cognitive priming task, they were advised that they could stop and still receive full credit or they could continue and help with another unrelated study. Those that agreed to continue were advised that they could  100 stop reading at anytime without consequence. And, after rating comfort in between paragraphs, they were specifically asked if they wanted to proceed and read the next paragraph or if they would rather stop. As evident in Figure 3.1, there was considerable variability in the amount of the story participants chose to read. Once the participants either finished reading the story, or opted to discontinue reading prematurely, participants were debriefed. The female confederate stayed in the room for this and apologized to participants for any discomfort her actions might have caused and allowed subjects to comment on their thoughts and feelings around the incident. No participant indicated a negative reaction to the procedures, especially upon discovering that the female confederate was part of the study. Only two participants stated that they suspected that the female to whom they read the story was in fact a confederate. Over half of the participants mentioned how uncomfortable the female confederate appeared as the story progressed and a small proportion were relieved in light of this to know that her discomfort was feigned.  3.6  Results As in the first study, described in Chapter 2, a median split was performed within  conditions, using scores on the sexual coercion proclivity package. Those with a standardized average score above the median on this package were given the designation of “high sexual coercion proclivity,” while those below the median were classified as “low sexual coercion proclivity.” In forming the two sexual coercion proclivity groups, scores on the SES were only included in this average if participants scored “3” or higher out of a maximum possible score of “10.” This strategy was also applied in the previous  101 study, and the reader can find the rationale behind its use in the Results section of Chapter 2. Unlike in the previous study, there were significant differences between the low and the high sexual coercion proclivity group with respect to tendencies towards socially desirable responding, with the low group scoring higher on Self-Deception and Impression Management than the high group (F1, 135 = 12.06, p = .001 and F1, 135 = 12.75, p < .001, respectively). As noted above, the former construct refers to one’s tendency to respond honestly, but with a positive bias, while the latter measures deliberate attempts to present positively. Given the observed differences, socially desirable responding was controlled for in all analyses. Scores on the RMA, the HTW and the LR were all significantly correlated with one another (p’s < .005) (see Table 3.1). Comparisons between these measures and the SES, however, were only significant for the LR (r = .29, p = .001). See Table 3.2 for total mean scores across the sexual coercion proclivity package measures and amount of story read and for a breakdown of these scores based on high versus low sexual coercion proclivity.  3.6.1 Sexual Coercion Proclivity, Condition and Sexual Aggression in the Laboratory Of the 138 participants included in the analyses, 13 chose not to read the story, 3 stopped just before the end of the first of first paragraph (reading only 20 % of the story), 14 stopped after the first paragraph (25 %), 11 stopped after reading only a few sentences of the second paragraph (30 %), 3 stopped reading just after passing the halfway mark of the second paragraph (40 %), 22 stopped after the second paragraph (50 %), 5 stopped before reaching the half way mark of the third paragraph (60 %), 8 stopped after the third  102 paragraph (75%) and 59 read the entire story (100%). (Figure 3.1) Those participants who stopped partway through a paragraph tended to do so at the same points in the story, with these points coinciding with changes in the female confederate’s behaviour (changes that indicated increased discomfort). A two-way ANOVA measuring the effect of sexual coercion proclivity (high versus low sexual coercion proclivity) and condition (cognitive priming task using either innocuous or sexually aggressive words) on the amount of the sexually themed story read was calculated. The interaction between sexual coercion proclivity and condition was non-significant (F1, 128 = .31, p = .58). There was a significant main effect for sexual coercion proclivity and its impact on the amount of the story read, however (F1, 128 = 5.64, p < .02). Those given the high sexual coercion proclivity designation were more likely to read the story and to read more of it; a partial eta squared of .04 was calculated for this effect. (Figure 3.2)  3.6.2 Comfort Level and its Role in the Interaction Between Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Condition on Sexual Aggression in the Laboratory As noted above, there was considerable variability in the amount of the sexual story read by participants and, therefore, in the number of times comfort was rated. A maximum of four comfort ratings were made, one following each paragraph read. Less than 50 percent of the sample read the entire story and were able to make all four ratings, with the 10 percent who refused to read any of story making no ratings at all. As such, in contrast to the first study described in Chapter 2, where participants were exposed to all available experimental stimuli, residual change scores were not deemed a suitable means to quantify emotional reactivity for the purposes of the present study.  103 For the 59 participants that read the entire story, and who rated comfort after all four paragraphs, exposure to the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task created significantly higher mean discomfort ratings across participants (F1, 52 = 4.32, p = .04) than did the innocuous task. Interestingly, however, those deemed high in sexual coercion proclivity, and who read the entire story, reported significantly higher mean discomfort ratings than the low group regardless of the condition to which they were assigned (F1, 52 = 5.97, p = .02). And yet, greater discomfort in the high group did not have an impact on the amount of the story read. Discomfort as a predictor of the amount of the story read was only significant for the low sexual coercion proclivity group, with this effect being especially pronounced after reading the second paragraph. Greater discomfort half way through the story among those assigned to the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task significantly predicted the amount of the story read in the low sexual coercion proclivity group (R = .60, R2 = .36, F2, 45 = 12.90, p < .001) but not the high group. While 48% chose to discontinue reading the story at various points leading up to the comfort ratings made between the second and the third paragraph, only 9% dropped out between the start of the third paragraph and the end of the fourth. This suggests that the half way point represented a breaking point, separating those that opted out prematurely and those that were most likely to read the entire story. As such, it follows that comfort ratings made at this point had the greatest impact on the amount of story read. Although those in the high sexual coercion proclivity group showed greater discomfort than the low scoring group across all four ratings, this difference was only statistically significant for ratings made after the second paragraph (F1, 105 = 4.39, p =  104 .04). Ratings made after reading paragraph two were, therefore, entered as covariates along with the Social Desirability and Impression Management factors measured by the BIDR-6. Controlling for comfort ratings made half way through the story resulted in a significant interaction between sexual coercion proclivity group and condition on the amount of the story read, as originally hypothesized (F1, 99 = 13.94, p < .001) (Figure 3.3). Interestingly, the high sexual coercion proclivity group were more likely to read the story and to read more of it than the low group, regardless of discomfort and regardless of the condition to which they were assigned. The same could not be said for the low scoring group. When exposed to the innocuous cognitive priming task, the low scoring group chose to read significantly less of the story than the high scoring group (F1, 50 = 16.43, p < .001). However, when exposed to the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task, the low sexual coercion proclivity group matched and even surpassed the high group in regards to the amount of the story they read to the confederate, although not significantly (F1, 46 = .63, p = .43).  3.6.3 Ethnicity, Sexual Coercion Proclivity, Condition and Sexual Aggression in the Laboratory Given that one of the purposes of the present study was to compare Asian and Caucasian males, and given that participants of Chinese descent represented the largest Asian group of the sample, only Caucasian and Chinese participants were included in the analyses. Kennedy and Gorzalka’s (2002) findings were replicated in that Chinese men scored higher on rape myth acceptance than Caucasian males (F1,118 = 35.84, p < .01). Chinese men in the present sample also scored significantly higher on the LR measure (F1,111 = 8.26, p < .01) and on the HTW scale (F1,118 = 13.49, p < .001), while scoring significantly lower on the SES than Caucasian men (F1,118 = 8.56, p = .004). (Table 3.3)  105 In fact, where only nine of 72 (12.5%) Caucasian men had not yet had intercourse, 18 of the 48 (37.5%) Chinese men reported that they were virgins. All of these effects remained significant after Bonferroni adjustments were made to account for the number of analyses performed. The findings were robust to any violations of the heterogeneity of variance assumption; the p values reported above for the RMA and the LR have been adjusted accordingly. In regards to acculturation, a trend was noted whereby Chinese men tended to identify more with their heritage culture than Caucasian men; yet, this trend fell short of being statistically significant (F1, 118 = 3.32, p = .07). A significant effect was obtained, however, for identification with mainstream culture, with Caucasian men scoring higher than Chinese men. A three-way ANOVA examined ethnicity, sexual coercion proclivity and condition in terms of their effect on amount of story read. With or without the effects of identification with mainstream versus heritage culture (i.e., acculturation) controlled for, all interactions were nonsignificant. Thus, no differences were noted between Chinese and Caucasian participants in terms of the amount of story read as a function of sexual coercion proclivity or cognitive priming condition. A significant main effect for sexual coercion proclivity was found, however, with Chinese men being more likely than Caucasian men to receive the high sexual coercion proclivity designation (F1,82 = 5.43, p = .02).  3.6.4 Comfort Level and its Role in the Interaction Between Ethnicity, Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Condition on Sexual Aggression in the Laboratory Comfort ratings made after the second paragraph also significantly differentiated Caucasian and Chinese participants (F1,80 = 5.23, p = .05), with the latter reporting greater  106 discomfort than the former. A partial eta squared of .06 was calculated for this effect. When comfort after reading the second paragraph of the story was entered as a covariate, a significant interaction between ethnicity and condition was found for the amount of story read (F1,79 = 6.38, p = .05). Where Caucasian males did not differ in amount of story read regardless of the cognitive priming task they were exposed to, Chinese men read far more of the story when assigned to the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task than they did in the innocuous condition. A partial eta squared of .05 was calculated for this effect. (See Figure 3.4)  3.7  Discussion The only way to truly prospectively predict sexual aggression is to evaluate the  contributing factors before the behaviour occurs. Since such behaviours cannot, for ethical reasons, be passively observed or manipulated in naturalistic environments, we must proceed in our efforts to devise generalizable analogues to sexual aggression in the laboratory. The research described above follows from previous analogue studies that set out to predict sexual aggression among men who have not yet necessarily been identified as sexual offenders and who, therefore, are more representative of the population of sexually coercive men. The primary purpose of the study was to answer the question: Do the factors identified as key to determining sexual coercion proclivity actually predict the behavioural expression of said proclivity? The findings suggest that sexual coercion proclivity does in fact moderate the opportunistic expression of sexually aggressive behaviour. The present study built upon the weaknesses of previous analogue studies, criticised for being too contrived, transparent and/or failing to truly represent sexual  107 rather than general aggression, to devise the most realistic and ethically sound analogue to sexual aggression developed to date. Admittedly, the amount of sexual story read on its own is not a direct analogue to sexual aggression in the laboratory. However, the instructions given to participants and the reaction of the confederate are the points that made it realistic. Asking participants to watch for the confederate’s cues, which indicated that she was becoming increasingly uncomfortable, and to stop if she seemed too uncomfortable required participants to empathize with her: Victim empathy being a principle component protecting against sexual coercion (Mosher & Sirkin, 1984). More specifically, in regards to this latter point, men who have been sexually aggressive do not show deficits in their overall ability to empathize with others; however, they are deficient in their ability to empathize with their own victims (e.g., Fernandez & Marshall, 2003; Hackett, 2007; Marshall & Moulden, 2001; Varker & Devilly, 2007). Temporary accessibility of attitudes supportive of sexual aggression, which was manipulated using a cognitive priming task, did not interact with sexual coercion proclivity and amount of story read quite as expected, however. Rather, the condition to which participants were assigned differentially affected ratings of comfort as a function of sexual coercion proclivity which, in turn, differentially affected the amount of the story read. Comfort ratings for those high on sexual coercion proclivity did not differ significantly in terms of the amount of the story read when assigned to the innocuous versus the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task. Those in the high scoring group reported greater discomfort regardless of the condition to which they were assigned. Yet, discomfort did not have an impact on the amount of the story read among those in the high sexual coercion proclivity group. It did, however, predict the amount of the story  108 read in the low sexual coercion proclivity group. Among the low scoring group, exposure to the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task led to greater discomfort than the innocuous cognitive priming task and, unlike the high scoring group, greater discomfort did result in more of the story being read. This effect was especially pronounced for comfort ratings made after reading the second paragraph. As previously discussed, the second paragraph represented the breaking point and separated those that opted out prematurely and those that were most likely read the entire story. As such, it follows that comfort ratings made at this point had the greatest impact on the amount of story read. In regards to differences between Caucasian and Chinese men, Chinese men were significantly more likely to obtain a high sexual coercion proclivity designation. These results are consistent with those from the first study described in Chapter 2, with Chinese men scoring significantly higher than Caucasian men on the RMA and the LR measures and significantly lower than Caucasian men on the SES. Unlike in the present study, however, no significant differences among Chinese and Caucasian men were observed in the first study for the HTW. This discrepancy could be the result of the small sample size used in the first study in comparison to the second. For the Chinese participants, higher sexual coercion proclivity ratings alone did not translate into higher rates of sexual aggression in the laboratory. This suggests the presence of a factor (or factors) serving to protect Chinese men from acting on their higher proclivity. This is consistent with research described above indicating that even though Asian males living in North America score higher on measures associated with sexual coercion proclivity, such as rape myth acceptance (e.g., Mori, Bernat, Glenn, Selle & Zarate, 1995; Kennedy & Gorzalka, 2002; Lee, Pomeroy, Yoo, & Rheinboldt, 2005),  109 the rates of sexual assault do not differ across ethnically diverse samples (e.g., Kalof, 2000; Brener, McMahon, Warren, & Douglas, 1999; Hall, Sue, Narang, & Lilly, 2000). It is unclear what this protective factor (or factors) might be, given that controlling for identification with heritage versus mainstream culture (i.e., acculturation) did little to moderate the present findings. Although a trend emerged in the analyses, suggesting greater identification with heritage over mainstream culture among Chinese men, this trend fell short of statistical significance. Caucasian men, however, were significantly more likely to identify with mainstream Western culture than Chinese men. That Chinese men did not differ from Caucasian men in terms of identification with heritage culture suggests that the process of acculturation was well under way among the present sample. Perhaps then the results are less attributable to the ideologies underlying collectivist versus individualist cultures, while relating more to reference groups and, in the case of Chinese males, to being ethnic minorities living in Westernized society. These issues will be discussed in greater depth in the General Discussion (Chapter 4). Further research will be required to unearth which factors might serve to protect the translation of proclivity into behaviour among Chinese men. Where sexual coercion proclivity did not interact with ethnicity to produce differential rates of sexual aggression in the laboratory, the condition to which participants were assigned did when the effects of discomfort were controlled. While exposure to the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task resulted in greater overall discomfort than the innocuous cognitive priming task, this effect was only significant for the Chinese men. Chinese men read far more of the story when assigned to the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task but only when the effects of discomfort were  110 controlled. This was true regardless of sexual coercion proclivity. Given that Chinese men scored higher on rape myth acceptance, likelihood of raping and hostility towards women than Caucasian men, perhaps the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task increased the temporary accessibility of these factors which, when coupled with discomfort, increased rates of sexual coercion in the laboratory. Thus, the main hypothesis was supported: Sexual coercion proclivity does predict sexual aggression. However, neither increases in the temporary accessibility of cognitive sets supportive of sexual coercion nor increases in discomfort differentially influenced the expression of sexual aggression among men deemed high in sexual coercion proclivity. Interestingly though, discomfort in response to involvement with sexually aggressive material did lead the low scoring group to be as likely as the high scoring group to engage in sexually aggressive behaviour despite signs of increasing victim discomfort. This finding points to just how easily such behaviour can be manipulated. Even brief involvement with sexually aggressive material can increase the likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion among those not previously inclined.  111  Table 3.1 Intercorrelations between Sexual Coercion Proclivity Package Measures. Scale 1 2 3  4  1. Rape Myth Acceptance Scale  -  2. Sexual Experiences Survey  3. Likelihood of Raping Item  4. Hostility Toward Women Scale * p < .05  ** p < .01  *** p <.001  n.s.  .34***  .53***  -  .29***  n.s.  -  .26**  -  Mean  44.35 1.95 1.49 8.68 64.33  Scale  Rape Myth Acceptance Scale  Sexual Experiences Survey  Likelihood of Raping Item  Hostility Toward Women Scale  Percent of Story Read  Total  35.44  4.80  0.88  1.26  13.65  SD  56.64  5.67  1.08  1.60  35.15  Mean  Low SCP  35.89  3.09  0.32  1.02  7.82  SD  71.49  11.67  1.94  2.28  53.43  Mean  Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP) Package Scores and Amount of Story Read for Low and High SCP Groups.  Table 3.2  High SCP  33.62  4.34  1.06  1.38  12.12  SD  112  38.43 8.08 1.21 1.00 6.36  Rape Myth Acceptance Scale  Sexual Experiences Survey  Likelihood of Raping Item  Hostility Toward Women Scale  3.37  0  1.12  Chinese Mean SD  Scale  5.63  1.12  1.8  3.11  0.39  0.94  33.42 6.85  Caucasian Mean SD  1.00  1.27  12.63 3.92  2.03  1.71  58.49 12.98  Chinese Mean SD  Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP) Package Scores: A Comparison across Ethnicity and SCP Groups. Low SCP High SCP  Table 3.3  0.89  1.18  11.13 4.71  1.61  2.88  48.19 8.50  Caucasian Mean SD  113  114  Figure 3.1 Amount of Story Read Across Participants and Conditions  Refused 10%  Read entire story 43%  Stopped during3rd paragraph 9%  Stopped during1st paragraph 12%  Stopped during 2nd paragraph 26%  115  Figure 3.2 Amount of Sexual Story Read as a Function of Sexual Coercion Proclivity (SCP). The High and Low SCP Groups Differed Significantly (p < .02).  116  Figure 3.3 Interaction between Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Condition with the Effects of Socially Desirable Responding and Comfort Controlled (p < .001)  117  Figure 3.4 Interaction between Ethnicity and Condition with the Effects of Socially Desirable Responding and Comfort (p = .05)  118  3.8  References  Abrams, D., Viki, G. T., Masser, B., & Bohner, G. (2003). Perceptions of stranger and acquaintance rape: The role of benevolent and hostile sexism in victim blame and rape proclivity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84, 111-125. Bohner, G., Jarvis, C. I, Eyseel, F., & Siebler, F. (2005). The causal impact of rape myth acceptance on men’s rape proclivity: Comparing sexually coercive and noncoercive men. European Journal of Social Psychology, 35, 819-828. Bohner, G., Reinhard, M. A. Rutz, S., Sturn, S., Kerschbaum, B., &Effler, D. (1998). 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Zaragoza (Eds.), Sexual aggression: Issues in etiology, assessment, and treatment (pp. 115-132). Washington, DC: Taylor & Francis. Hall, G. C. N., Hirschman, R., & Oliver, L. L. (1993). Ignoring a woman’s dislike of sexual material: Sexually impositional behaviour in the laboratory. The Journal of Sex Research, 31 (1), 3-10. Hall, G. C. N., Sue, S., Narang, D. S., & Lilly, R. S. (2000). Culture-specific models of men’s sexual aggression: Intra- and interpersonal determinants. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 6, 252-268.  120 Kalof, L. (2000). Ethnic differences in female sexual victimization. Sexuality and Culture, 4, 75-97. Kennedy, M. A.,& Gorzalka, B. B. (2002). Asian and non-Asian attitudes toward rape, sexual harassment, and sexuality. Sex Roles, 46, 227-238. Koss, M. P., & Oros, C. J. (1982). Sexual experiences survey: A research instrument investigating sexual aggression and victimization. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 50, 455–457. 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A., Selle, L. L., & Zarate, M. G. (1995). Attitudes toward rape: Gender and ethnic differences across Asian and Caucasian college students. Sex Roles, 32, 457-467. Mosher, D. L., & Sirkin, M. (1984). Measuring a macho personality constellation. Journal of Research in Personality, 18 (2), 150-163. Paulhus, D. L. (1984). Two-component models of socially desirable responding. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 46(3), 598-609. Paulhus, D. L. (1988). Functional flexibility: A new conception of interpersonal flexibility. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 55(1), 88-101. Prah, M., & Ayerakwa, M . M. (2001). How rape offenders view their crimes: A study of offenders in selected police cells and the central prison in Kumasi, Ghana. IFEPsychologia: An International Journal, 9, 193-205. Prentky, R. A., & Knight, R. A. (1991). Identifying critical dimensions for discriminating among rapists. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 59, 643-661. Pryor, J. B. (1987). Sexual harassment proclivities in men. Sex Roles 17(5-6): 269–290. Quackenbush, R. L. (1989). A comparison of androgynous, masculine sex-types, and undifferentiated males on dimensions of attitudes towards rape. Journal of Research in Personality, 23, 318-342. Ryder, A. G., Alden, L. E., & Paulhus, D. L. (2000). Is acculturation unidimensional or bidimensional? A head-to-head comparison in the prediction of personality, selfidentity, and adjustment. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 79(1), 4965.  122 Schwarz, N., & Strack, F. (1981). Manipulating salience Causal assessment in natural settings. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 6, 554-558. Segal, Z. V., & Stermac, L. E. (1990). The role of cognition in sexual assault. In W. L. Marshall, D. R. Laws, & H. E. Barbaree, Handbook of sexual assault: Issues, theories, and treatment of the offender (pp. 161-174). New York: Plenum Press. Varker, T., & Devilly, G. J. (2007). Types of empathy and adolescent sexual offenders. Journal of Sexual Aggression, 13 (2), 139-149. Viki, G. T., Chiroro, P., & Abrams, D. (1996). Hostile sexism, type of rape and selfreported rape proclivity within a sample of Zimbabwean males. Violence Against Women, 12(8), 789-800.  123  4  GENERAL DISCUSSION  4.1  Introduction The present research followed from the “rape proclivity” literature and previous  analogue studies devised to test prospectively, within appropriate ethical parameters, a man’s likelihood of engaging in sexual aggression in the laboratory. The effect environmental stimuli have on moderating the translation of mere proclivity into actual behaviour, by activating cognitive/attitudinal sets and evoking changes in emotional states, was also examined. The extent to which these relationships differed as a function of ethnicity was explored by comparing Chinese and Caucasian men.  4.2 Relationship between Sexual Coercion Proclivity and Sexual Aggression Both of the studies described above used a multifactorial approach to determine sexual coercion proclivity and assessed its impact on the expression of behaviours related to sexual aggression. Rape myth acceptance, hostility towards women, likelihood of raping, and previous experience with sexual aggression have arisen as key to sexual coercion proclivity determinations and have consistently correlated with each other, as they did in the present research (Figure 4.1). And yet, this is the first study to date that has combined all of these factors to this end. This remains true even in light of the interesting patterns that arise when more than one of these measures are considered together (e.g., Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995; Bohner et al., 1998; Bohner et al., 2005). As well, with the exception of the handful of analogue studies conducted to date, most research has used past experience with sexual aggression as an outcome measure rather than an aspect of sexual coercion proclivity. This is problematic in that, even with the  124 most representative samples, reverting to historical experience with sexual aggression as an outcome measure raises the same methodological issues associated with studying already identified sexual offenders. That is, the factors that distinguish between such groups could be the cause or the effect of historical sexual aggression. Although differing with respect to their underlying mechanisms, the RMA, the HTW, the SES and the LR make necessary contributions to any explanatory model of sexual coercion, a notion that is supported by the present research. In fact, as previously noted, the general constructs evaluated by each of these measures are the same as those targeted by most sex offender treatment programs in North America (Marshall, Fernandez, Hudson, & Ward, 1998). These constructs are: emotion, cognition and behaviour. Core modules included in most sex offender treatment programs aim to promote the use of effective emotion regulation strategies (to reduce the extent to which emotions trigger problematic behaviour), techniques for challenging cognitive distortions (that function to rationalize or justify problematic behaviour), and skills for extinguishing problematic behaviour (Marshall et al., 1998). Also often included in such programs is a module meant to facilitate one’s ability to empathize with his victim(s). The rationale for using such a comprehensive approach is that behaviours such as sexual aggression are complex phenomena, requiring more than one approach to affect change. A myriad of emotional and cognitive factors contribute to deciding who will and who will not engage in sexual aggression in any given situation; it follows then that any behavioural intervention or predictive model will be at best only modestly effective if the roles that emotion and cognition play in moderating this relationship are ignored. The logic  125 underlying this notion was explained in the Introduction (Chapter 1) through an analogy that compares the roots of sexual offending to an iceberg. To review how the measures of sexual coercion proclivity described above map onto this “iceberg model:” Rape myth acceptance creates a culture supportive of sexual aggression (cognitive/attitudinal); hostility towards women provides the emotional impetus behind sexual aggression, while eroding empathic responses to signs of victim discomfort (cognitive/emotional); anticipated likelihood of raping reflects appeal of perpetrating an act of sexual aggression (cognitive/fantasy); and, previous sexual aggression represents the behavioural component, following evidence that those who have already engaged in sexual coercion are more likely to do it again (Gidycz, Warkentin, & Orchowski, 2007). The most useful predictive models are those that have concrete implications for prevention. And, with the exception of the SES which assesses past behaviour (a static/stable factor), all of these measures evaluate areas that can be targeted for change (dynamic factors) while also providing a metric to quantify improvement. As such, it makes sense that the use of only a subset of these measures has limited validity in predicting who will or who will not be sexually aggressive in the future. In both studies, the combination of these measures in determining sexual coercion proclivity differentially impacted outcome. Men given the high sexual coercion proclivity designation found the thought of sexually aggressing against a female acquaintance more appealing, anticipated more enjoyment, and were more likely to display opportunistic sexually aggressive behaviour in the laboratory than those in the low group. For the most part, this pattern held regardless of the conditions to which participants in the high sexual  126 coercion proclivity group were assigned. However, those in the low sexual coercion proclivity group were far more susceptible to the environmental cues manipulated in both studies than the high group, such that the low group increasingly resembled the high group when exposed to the right combination of such cues.  4.3  Effect of Environmental Stimuli and Emotional Reactivity Across studies, negative affect arose as a significant moderator of the behavioural  expression of sexual coercion proclivity in the laboratory, with its effect on the outcome measures being particularly pronounced among those in the low sexual coercion proclivity group. In the first study described in Chapter 2, those deemed to have a high propensity toward sexual aggression demonstrated greater frustration and greater increases in anger than the low group only under very specific circumstances: when the condition involving an unfounded insult from a woman was combined with exposure to sexually aggressive fantasy material. Regardless of condition, however, changes in negative affect in response to environmental stimuli significantly predicted increased anticipated likelihood of sexual aggression for the low group and increased anticipated enjoyment of being the perpetrator of sexual coercion in the high group. This means that attraction towards sexual coercion can be increased in those not previously inclined and that need for retaliation in the form of sexual aggression among those deemed high in sexual coercion proclivity can be influenced through changes in negative affect. Similar findings were obtained in the second study described in Chapter 3. Here, those in the high group reported greater discomfort than the low group regardless of the condition to which they were assigned, whereas the low group’s discomfort ratings were differentially affected by condition. Where the low group reported significantly less  127 discomfort than the high group when exposed to the innocuous cognitive priming task, their discomfort matched that of the high group when assigned to the sexually aggressive task. Further, discomfort in the low group as a result of exposure to the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task, as opposed to the innocuous, increased sexual aggression in the laboratory such that they were indistinguishable from the high group. For both studies, as proposed, those high on sexual coercion proclivity were more affectively sensitive to environmental cues than those less predisposed toward such behaviour. However, the hypothesis that the high group would be more behaviourally reactive to certain cues than the low group was not supported. The high group appears to be very reactive in this respect across situations. Further, emotional reactivity in the high group does not seem to have impacted behaviour in the same way as it did for those low in sexual coercion proclivity. Across studies, negative affect or discomfort in response to environmental cues seemed to have a more direct impact in increasing appeal of sexual aggression and sexually aggressive behaviour among those deemed to be low in sexual coercion proclivity at rates comparable to the high group. As discussed above, results from the study described in Chapter 2 suggest that increases in negative emotion in the high group do not affect anticipated likelihood of sexual aggression but that such changes might increase anticipated enjoyment of retaliating against a woman sexually. Thus, perhaps increases negative affect or discomfort merely add gas to the fire for those high in sexual coercion proclivity, possibly functioning to erode factors inhibiting the frequency and severity of sexually aggressive behaviour (e.g., victim empathy).  128  4.4  Ethnicity In regards to comparisons made between Chinese and Caucasian men, the results  from the two studies described above are complimentary. In both studies, Chinese men were more likely to be deemed high in sexual coercion proclivity than the Caucasian men. Chinese men scored higher than Caucasian men on three of the four sexual coercion proclivity measures (RMA, HTW, LR), while tending to score significantly lower on the SES which measures experience with both consensual and coercive sex. However, higher sexual coercion proclivity ratings among Chinese men did not lead to greater appeal of engaging in sexual aggression nor did it predict sexual aggression in the laboratory. Lack of sexual experience did not seem to explain this finding, at least not in any significant way. Further, emotional reactivity was affected differentially among Chinese men, depending upon the environmental stimuli presented. Chinese and Caucasian men did not differ in terms of emotional reactivity when exposed to insult and sexually coercive fantasy material (Chapter 2). Yet, Chinese men demonstrated more of an emotional response to the sexually aggressive cognitive priming task regardless of their sexual coercion proclivity designation (Chapter 3). This reactivity, in turn, resulted in a greater likelihood of engaging in an opportunistic act of sexual aggression in the laboratory. Possible reasons that exposure to environmental stimuli did not impact outcome in the first study include the small sample size and the use of a non-behavioural outcome measure. The first study only examined impact of these variables on appeal of sexual aggression which, as noted above, is necessary but not sufficient in predicting sexually coercive behaviour.  129 Alternatively, the cognitive priming task could have been more effective in eliciting negative affect and, in turn, sexual aggression among Chinese men than the emotional priming task and fantasy material manipulated in the first study. Higher rates of rape myth acceptance among Asian males have been well documented (e.g., Mori et al., 1995; Kennedy & Gorzalka, 2002; Lee et al., 2005). The cognitive priming task involving the sexually aggressive words, might have increased the temporary accessibility of these attitudes among the Chinese men while increasing propensity to express these attitudes behaviourally in the form of sexual aggression. Caucasian men, however, were not significantly affected by attempts to manipulate temporary accessibility of cognitive sets supportive of sexual aggression and their resultant impact on behaviour. The mechanisms underlying the differences observed between Chinese and Caucasian men in the second study (Chapter 3) are far from clear, especially since identification with heritage culture fell short of significantly differentiating among Chinese and Caucasian participants. However, although not necessarily maintaining strong ties to heritage culture, Chinese males in the sample were significantly less acculturated to mainstream Western culture than Caucasian males. As such, Chinese males tended to identify more with their heritage than with mainstream culture. This means that collectivist values among Asian populations (e.g., concern related to loss of face or reputational damage) might have protected against Chinese males’ higher sexual coercion proclivity being expressed behaviourally. However, such culturebound factors seem less protective against sexual aggression in the face of changes in negative affective states in response to varied environmental cues. This is consistent with previous research suggesting that sexual aggression among Asian males living in  130 Westernized society is influenced by the combination, and possible interaction, of factors related to both collectivist and individualist cultures (Hall et al., 2000). In regards to how collectivist and individualist values might interact to influence emotional and behavioural reactivity to environmental stimuli, two possibilities will be discussed. First, the higher rates of rape myth acceptance, hostility toward women and anticipated likelihood of rape, among Chinese men in the process of being acculturated to individualist culture, might suggest greater involvement with an ethnic minority reference group that endorses prorape attitudes. Further, with acculturation would come a reduction in (but not the complete elimination of) the protective value associated with fear of losing face or scarring one’s reputation. This means that sexual aggression might be more easily disinhibited in response to environmental cues than it would among Asian males not living in Western society. Second, Chinese men living in Canada represent an ethnic minority. As discussed above, the discrimination experienced as a result of being a member of an ethnic minority might lead some men to displace their feelings in this respect upon women (Comas-Diaz, 1995), particularly when experiencing a change in negative affect. These results suggest that prevention efforts will necessarily differ as a function of ethnicity, regardless of acculturation. Interventions that do not consider ethnic diversity will be only partially effective, especially among Asian men living in Western society; any success in this respect would likely be because Asian men living in Canada or the United States tend to be bicultural (Hall et al., 2000). Further research is needed to flesh out the mechanisms underlying these differences for the purposes of developing  131 more effective preventive efforts for use amongst populations that are far from homogeneous (e.g., Canadian men). Preventive programs targeting both trait and state factors could also improve efficacy among heterogeneous groups, particularly groups marked by ethnic diversity. Where trait factors predictive of sexual coercion proclivity determined rates of sexual aggression in the laboratory among Caucasian men, irrespective of environmental attempts to increase the temporary accessibility of these factors, the same could not be said for Chinese men. In fact, despite scoring significantly higher on three of the four sexual coercion measures, Chinese men’s higher trait-level sexual coercion proclivity did not translate into behaviour. Although acculturation did little to attenuate these effects, a trend was noted wherein Chinese men identified more with their heritage collectivist culture than they did with mainstream Western individualist culture. Perhaps identifying more with collectivist culture means greater trait-level protection against the behavioural expression of sexual coercion proclivity, where sexual aggression represents a threat to social harmony. Identification with collectivist values did little, however, to moderate or protect against state – level factors. Affective responses to sexually aggressive environmental stimuli led to higher rates of sexual coercion in the laboratory. As such, programs targeted primarily at rape myth acceptance, although perhaps successful in reducing adherence to these attitudes, will at best be only partially successful in reducing sexual coercion rates among groups diverse in ethnicity, acculturation and sexual coercion proclivity (among other factors). This suggests that state-level interventions might be welcome additions to prevention programs among heterogeneous groups.  132  4.5  Conclusions and Future Directions for Research and Prevention These findings suggest that Caucasian men high in sexual coercion proclivity are  always at risk for sexual aggression, despite environmental stimuli. However, regardless of ethnicity, even those not previously inclined towards such behaviour can do so under opportunistic circumstances when experiencing an increase in negative emotion/discomfort. This seems particularly true with respect to those changes in negative affect that were associated with exposure to and involvement with sexually explicit material (coercive or non). As such, the hypotheses were only partially supported. High sexual coercion proclivity did result in higher ratings of appeal of sexual aggression and greater overall expression of said proclivity behaviourally; environment did not enhance these effects as predicted. Interestingly, however, this latter effect did play out for the low group, increasing appeal of sexual coercion and expression of sexually aggressive behaviour to the degree of that observed for the high group. This suggests that even brief exposure to and involvement in activities involving themes of sexual aggression can increase the appeal and likelihood of sexual coercion in those not previously inclined and that changes in negative affect moderate these effects. This has implications for the impact our increasingly sexualized society, being constantly bombarded with various forms of sexual and sexually aggressive material, has on the behaviour of men regardless of sexual coercion proclivity. Outcome studies have already demonstrated the effectiveness of programs aimed at reducing the impact adherence to rape myths have on the anticipated likelihood of engaging in sexual violence in the future among college men (e.g., Flores & Hartlaub, 1998, Foubert, 2000; Shultz et al., 2000). The present research supports the importance of such programs, especially since men deemed high on the variables serving to increase  133 sexual coercion proclivity were most attracted to the idea of being the perpetrator of sexual aggression and were most likely to engage in an opportunistic act sexual aggression regardless of environmental stimuli. As such, future prevention efforts should focus on increasing the number of programs aimed at challenging the variables serving to increase sexual coercion proclivity. The present findings also call for a broader approach to prevention, however, one that benefits all college age men regardless of their sexual coercion proclivity designation. Current interventions focus primarily on reducing sexual coercion proclivity among at risk men. The second study described in Chapter 3 demonstrated just how easily those low in sexual coercion proclivity can resemble the high scoring group in response to even brief exposure to the right environmental circumstances. As noted above, involvement with sexually aggressive material resulted in higher rates of sexual aggression among the low but not the high scoring group, with this relationship being moderated by discomfort. This suggests that those high in sexual coercion proclivity are at greatest risk for sexual aggression because of trait factors that are robust to environmental influences, whereas men low on said proclivity are most vulnerable to engage in such behaviour in response to state level factors. As discussed above, current prevention programs could be modified to target both state and trait factors associated with sexual coercion proclivity so that most men (e.g., regardless of sexual coercion proclivity, ethnicity, or acculturation) could benefit. More specifically, additional intervention targets could involve educating men about the risks associated with excessive involvement with and exposure to sexually aggressive material and to teach effective emotional management strategies.  134 One weakness associated with all analogue studies conducted to date, regardless of how well they were designed, is that they are artificial in the sense that they evaluated likelihood of engaging in sexual coercion under opportunistic circumstances. Those inclined towards more predatory acts of sexual aggression are, therefore, not identifiable in the present research. Future studies could build upon the design described above to assess whether such distinctions (e.g., opportunistic versus predatory) can be made as a function of scores on the sexual coercion proclivity measures. The development of an analogue to predatory sexual aggression might be called for. It is suspected that the additive relationship among the four sexual coercion proclivity measures and the opportunistic expression of said proclivity behaviourally, might not hold up for those prone to more predatory acts. Other ways in which analogue studies in this area have struggled has been in paralleling the temporal and arousal factors associated with sexual aggression. Sexual assaults take time and they often require physiological sexual arousal on the part of the perpetrator. Where the research described above parallels the temporal aspects involved with committing an act of sexual aggression, with the experimental procedures lasting between an hour and an hour and a half, a means to evaluate sexual arousal was not included in the design. Following from this, future research relying on analogues to sexual aggression could benefit from the inclusion of such a measure. As well, being aware that they are participating in psychological research likely increases participants’ sense of safety while implying fewer repercussions for misbehaviour and, therefore, increases the likelihood that behaviour will be disinhibited in the face of opportunity. Other demand characteristics (e.g., agreeableness), might have influenced the findings. Participants might have been more inclined to agree to read the  135 story and to read more of it, despite the multiple opportunities given to discontinue, because they felt such behaviour was expected of them. Although the results were pretty clear in demonstrating a greater willingness to complete an opportunistic act of sexual aggression among those deemed high in sexual coercion proclivity, when compared to the low scoring group, future research could flesh out the specific impact factors such as these had on the findings. The specific ways in which discomfort or changes in negative affect impacted behaviour among those given the high sexual coercion proclivity designation is also equivocal. The merit of the hypothesis used to explain the findings described in Chapter 2, that sexual aggression has a retaliatory function for those deemed high in sexual coercion proclivity in the face of negative affective states, requires further investigation. As well, the specific ways in which various environmental cues might interact to increase or decrease negative affect and the behavioural expression of sexual coercion proclivity also deserves further study. For almost three decades, researchers have attempted to devise laboratory analogues of sexual aggression in the hopes of getting a better look at the typical sexually aggressive male who, according to Pollard (1994), is an acquaintance and/or an intimate of the victim, has not been reported to the police and does not have a criminal record. Even the most prolific researchers in the area abandoned this line of enquiry years ago, perhaps because of the difficulty associated with creating realistic, ethical and valid analogues to sexual aggression in the laboratory. The research described in Chapter 3 demonstrates that it is possible to devise such analogues for the purposes of predicting who will and who will not engage in sexual aggression when the opportunity presents  136 itself. It is hoped that the present findings inspire these researchers and others to continue with this line of research.  Intercorrelations between the Sexual Coercion Measures  Figure 4.1  137  138  4.6  References  Bohner, G., Jarvis, C. I., Eyssel, F., & Seibler, F. (2005). The causal impact of rape myth acceptance on men’s rape proclivity: Comparing sexually coercive and noncoercive men. European Journal of Social Psychology, 35, 819-828. Bohner, G., Reinhard, M. A., Rutz, S., Sturm, S., Kerschbaum, B., & Effler, D. (1998). Rape myths as neutralizing cognitions: Evidence for a causal impact of antivictim attitudes on men’s self-reported likelihood of raping. European Journal of Social Psychology, 28, 257-268. Comas-Diaz, L. (1995). Puerto Ricans and sexual child abuse. In L. A. Fonte (Ed.). Sexual abuse in North American culture: Treatment and prevention (pp. 31-66). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Flores, S. A., & Hartlaub, M. G. (1998). Reducing rape-myth acceptance in male college students: A meta-analysis of intervention studies. Journal of College Student Development, 39, 438 – 448. Foubert, J. D. (2000). The longitudinal effects of a rape prevention program on fraternity men’s attitudes, behavioral intent, and behavior. Journal of American College Health, 48, 158-163. Gidycz, C. A., Warkentin, J. B., & Orchowski, L. M. (2007). Predictors of perpetration of verbal, physical and sexual violence: A prospective analysis of college men. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 8(2), 79-94. Hall, G. C. N., & Hirschman, R. (1991). Toward a theory of sexual aggression: A quadripartite model. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 59, 662–669.  139 Hall, G. C. N., Sue, S., Narang, D. S., & Lilly, R. S. (2000). Culture-specific models of men’s sexual aggression: Intra- and interpersonal determinants. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 6, 252-268. Kennedy, M. A.,& Gorzalka, B. B. (2002). Asian and non-Asian attitudes toward rape, sexual harassment, and sexuality. Sex Roles, 46, 227-238. Lee, J., Pomeroy, E. C., Yoo, S-K., & Rheinbolt, K. T. (2005). Attitudes toward rape: A comparison between Asian and Caucasian college students. Violence Against Women, 11(2), 177-196. Lonsway, K. A., & Fitzgerald, L. F. (1995). Attitudinal antecedents of rape myth acceptance: A theoretical and empirical reexamination. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 68, 704–711. Malamuth, N. M., Sockloskie, R. J., Koss, M. P., & Tanaka, J. S. (1991). Characteristics of aggressors against women: Testing a model using a national sample of college students. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 59, 670–681. Marshall, W. L., Fernandez, Y. M., Hudson, S. M., & Ward, T. (1998). Sourcebook of treatment programs for sexual offenders. New York, N.Y., U.S.: Plenum Press. Mori, L., Bernat, J. A., Glenn, P. A., Selle, L. L., & Zarate, M. G. (1995). Attitudes toward rape: Gender and ethnic differences across Asian and Caucasian college students. Sex Roles, 32, 457-467. Pollard, P. (1994). Sexual violence against women: Characteristics of typical perpetrators. In J. Archer (Ed.), Male violence (pp. 170–194). London: Routledge.  140 Shultz, S. K., Sherman, A., & Marshall, L. J. (2000). Evaluation of university-based date rape prevention program: Effect on attitudes and behaviour related to rape. Journal of College Student Development, 41, 193 – 201.  141  APPENDICES Appendix A  Rape Myth Acceptance Scale  (RMA; Burt, 1980) For each sentence, please circle the number that best matches how much you agree or disagree with the statement. Strongly Agree Partly Agree/ Partly Disagree Disagree 1 1.  2  3  4  5  6  A woman who goes to a man's home or apartment on their first date implies she is willing have sex.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  2.  Any female can be raped.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  3.  One reason that women falsely report a rape is that they frequently have a need to call attention to themselves.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  Any healthy woman can successfully resist a rapist if she really wants to.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  When women go around braless or wearing short skirts and tight tops, they are just asking for trouble.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  In the majority of rapes, the victim is promiscuous or has a bad reputation.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  If a girl engages in necking or petting and she lets things get out of hand, it is her own fault if her partner forces sex on her.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  Women who get raped while hitchhiking get what they deserve.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  A woman who is stuck-up and thinks she is too good to talk to guys on the street deserves to be taught a lesson.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  4. 5.  6. 7.  8. 9.  7  142 10.  11.  Many women have an unconscious wish to be raped, and may then unconsciously set up a situation in which they are likely to be attacked.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  If a woman gets drunk at a party and has intercourse with a man she's just met there, she should be considered "fair game" to other males at the party who want to have sex with her too, whether she wants to or not.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7  Use the following scale to answer the next two questions. Almost All 1 12.  13.  About ¾ 2  About ½  About ¼  3  4  Almost None 5  What percentage of women who report a rape would you say are lying because they are angry and want to get back at the man they accuse?  1 2 3 4 5  What percentage of reported rapes would you guess were merely invented by women who discovered they were pregnant and wanted to protect their own reputation?  1 2 3 4 5  Use the following scale to answer the next six questions. Almost Always  Frequently  Sometimes  Rarely  Never  1  2  3  4  5  14. A person comes to you and claims they were raped. How likely would you believe their statement if the person were: your best friend? an Indian woman? a neighbourhood woman? a young boy? a black woman? a white woman?  1 1 1 1 1 1  2 2 2 2 2 2  3 3 3 3 3 3  4 4 4 4 4 4  5 5 5 5 5 5  143  Appendix B  Sexual Experiences Survey (SES; Koss & Oros, 1982) (Circle one)  1.  Have you ever engaged in consensual sex?  T  F  2.  Have you ever misinterpreted the level of intimacy you shared with a woman?  T  F  3.  Have you ever been so aroused you couldn’t stop?  T  F  4.  Have you ever gotten sex by threatening to end a relationship?  T  F  5.  Have you ever pressured a woman into unwanted sex by arguing? T  F  6.  Have you ever obtained sex by saying things you didn’t mean?  T  F  7.  Have you ever used physical force to kiss or pet a woman?  T  F  8.  Have you ever threatened to use force to have intercourse?  T  F  9.  Have you ever obtained sex by using physical force?  T  F  10.  Have you ever obtained sex by using threats or force?  T  F  144  Appendix C  Likelihood of Raping Item (LR; Malamuth, 1981)  Please rate the likelihood that you would force sex on a woman if you were assured of not getting caught or punished. (Circle one) Never Maybe Definitely 1  2  3  4  5  145  Appendix D  Hostility Toward Women Scale (HTW; Check et al., 1985)  All of the following statements assess men's feelings toward women. Please read each statement carefully and circle "T" (true) if it applies to you or if you agree with the statement. Circle "F" (false) if the statement does not apply to you or if you disagree with it. 1. I feel that many times women flirt with men just to tease them or hurt them. T F 2. I feel upset even by slight criticism by a woman.  T  F  3. It doesn't really bother me when women tease me about my faults.  T  F  4. I used to think that most women told the truth but now I know otherwise.  T  F  5. I do not believe that women will walk all over you if you aren't willing to fight.  T  F  6. I do no often find myself disagreeing with women.  T  F  7. I do very few things to women that make me feel remorseful afterward.  T  F  8. I rarely become suspicious with women who are more friendly than I expect.  T  F  9. There are a number of females who seem to dislike me very much.  T  F  10, I don't agree that women always seem to get the breaks.  T  F  11. I don't seem to get what's coming to me in my relationships with women.  T  F  12. I generally don't get really angry when a woman makes fun of me.  T  F  13. Women irritate me a great deal more than they are aware.  T  F  14. If I let women see the way I feel, they would probably consider me a hard person to get along with.  T  F  15. Lately, I've been kind of grouchy with women.  T  F  16. I think that most women would not lie to get ahead.  T  F  17. It is safer not to trust women.  T  F  18. When it really comes down to it, a lot of women are deceitful.  T  F  146 19. I am not easily angered by a woman.  T  F  T  F  T  F  22. Many times a woman appears to care, but just wants to use you.  T  F  23. I am sure I get a raw deal from the women m my life.  T  F  T  F  25. If women had not had it in for me I would have been more successful in my personal relations with them.  T  F  26. I never have the feeling that women laugh at me.  T  F  27. Very few women talk behind my back.  T  F  28. When I look back at what's happened to me I don't feel at all resentful toward the women m my life.  T  F  29. I never sulk when a woman makes me angry.  T  F  30. I have been rejected by too many women m my life.  T  F  20. I often feel that women probably think I have not lived the right kind of life. 21. I never have hostile feelings that make me feel ashamed of myself later.  24. I don't usually wonder what hidden reason a woman might have for doing something nice for me.  147  Appendix E  Affect Adjective Checklist (AAC; Russell & Mehrabian, 1974)  **It is really important that you really “check-in” with your feelings prior to indicating how you feel at the present time. ** Place a check on the line that best represents how you are currently feeling. tense  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  not tense  angry  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  not angry  not sexually :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____: excited  sexually excited  not aggressive  aggressive  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  not anxious :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  anxious  hostile  not hostile  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  not aroused :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  aroused  nervous  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  not nervous  not frustrated  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  frustrated  humiliated  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  not humiliated  not fearful  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  fearful  helpless  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  not helpless  not sad  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  sad  excited  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  not excited  not irritated :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  irritated  annoyed  not annoyed  :____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:____:  148  Appendix F  Vancouver Index of Acculturation (VIA; Ryder, Alden, & Paulhus, 2000)  Please answer each question as carefully as possible by circling one of the numbers to the right of each question to indicate your degree of agreement or disagreement. Many of these questions will refer to your heritage culture, meaning the culture that has influenced you most (other than North American culture). It may be the culture of your birth, the culture in which you have been raised, or another culture that forms part of your background. If there are several such cultures, pick the one that has influenced you most (e.g., Irish, Chinese. Mexican, Black). If you do not feel that you have been influenced by any other culture, please try to identify a culture that may have had an impact on previous generations of your family. Please write your heritage culture in the space provided.___________________ Use the following key to help guide your answers: Strongly Neutral/ Strongly Disagree Disagree Depends Agree Agree 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. I often participate in my heritage cultural traditions. 123456789 2. I often participate in mainstream North American 123456789 cultural traditions. 3. I would be willing to marry a person from my heritage culture. 123456789 4. I would be willing to marry a North American person. 123456789 5. I enjoy social activities with people from the same heritage 123456789 culture as myself. 6. I enjoy social activities with typical North American people. 123456789 7. I am comfortable working with people of the same heritage 123456789 culture as myself. 8. I am comfortable working with typical North American people. 123456789 9. I enjoy entertainment (e.g., movies, music) from my 123456789 heritage culture. 10. 1 enjoy North American entertainment (e.g., movies, music). 123456789 11. I often behave in ways that are typical of my heritage culture. 123456789 12. I often behave in ways that are 'typically North American.' 123456789 13. It is important for me to maintain or develop the practices 123456789 of my heritage culture. 14. It is important for me to maintain or develop North 123456789 American cultural practices. 15.1 believe in the values of my heritage culture. 123456789 16. I believe in mainstream North American values. 123456789 17. I enjoy the jokes and humor of my heritage culture. 123456789 18. I enjoy typical North American jokes and humor. 123456789 19. I am interested in having friends from my heritage culture. 123456789 20. I am interested in having North American friends. 123456789  149  Appendix G Balanced Inventory of Desirable Responding – Version 6 (BIDR-6; Paulhus, 1984, 1988)  150  151  Appendix H  Sexually Coercive Vignette Short Story  **Read the short story written below. After finishing this section, you will be asked some questions about what the main character might be feeling throughout the story. As such, it is really important that you try to put yourself in his shoes as you read it.**  There she was, at the crosswalk. He felt his heart pumping. His hands began to tremble. He started walking towards her. His heart began to beat faster. He could hear the blood being forced through every inch of his body, each pulse bringing him closer to where she stood. As he approached her, he smelt the sweet scent of her still damp hair. The fragrance heightened his anticipation. Chills crept up his spine. At last, he stood beside her. He was determined to say more than “hello” today. Before he had a chance to back out, he leaned toward her and said, “You look radiant today.” She turned to face him as if she was going to speak. But instead, her once beautiful and moist lips that used to smile at his greeting began to curl mockingly into a smirk, as if to say “did you really think you had a shot?” His blood that had pumped before in anticipation began to boil. He felt his cheeks redden with rage. “How dare she?!” he thought to himself. She entered onto the crosswalk. He started after her, all the while thinking to himself “Bitch!” “I’ll show her.” His steps began to hasten and with each step, his heart raced faster and faster. Others on the street began to fade away. All he saw was her. Now he was within inches. With one last step he thrust himself against her back, forcing her into the brick wall of a nearby building. He covered her mouth so she couldn’t scream. He felt himself becoming erect. He could tell that she felt it too. She winced in pain from where his hard cock was being forced so tightly against her. Then, she began to tremble. This only aroused him more. His blood began to pump harder, faster. He said nothing as he held her there, becoming ever so aroused as he breathed her fresh scent once more. Knowing he couldn’t stay there forever, with one final thrust of his pelvis, he pushed away from the wall, leaving her to crumble to the pavement.  152  Appendix I  Non-Coercive Vignette Short Story  **Read the short story written below. After finishing this section, you will be asked some questions about what the main character might be feeling throughout the story. As such, it is really important that you try to put yourself in his shoes as you read it.**  There she was, at the crosswalk. He felt his heart pumping. His hands began to tremble. He started walking towards her. His heart began to beat faster. He could hear the blood being forced through every inch of his body, each pulse bringing him closer to where she stood. As he approached her, he smelt the sweet scent of her still damp hair. The fragrance heightened his anticipation. Chills crept up his spine. At last, he stood beside her. He was determined to say more than “hello” today. Before he had a chance to back out, he leaned toward her and said, “You look radiant today.” She looked back at him as if she was going to speak. But instead, her moist pink lips curled into a beautiful smile. He felt his cheeks redden. His heart that had pumped before in anticipation almost skipped a beat at the sight of her smile. He refused to let it end there. As she entered onto the crosswalk, he started after her. His steps began to hasten and with each step, his heart raced faster and faster. Others on the street began to fade away. All he saw was her. Now he was within inches. He reached out his hand, lightly touching the back of her arm. “Excuse me,” he said. “I see you every morning on my way to work. I find you really attractive, and I was wondering if you’d like to join me for a cup of coffee some time?” The pause that followed seemed to last forever. Feeling unable to bear the silence one second longer, he added “you don’t have to answer now.” As he said this, he reached out his hand which held a folded piece of paper with his phone number written on it. She blushed and looked to the ground as she shyly reached out her hand to take the piece of paper from him. The two stood there for a few seconds not knowing what to say. Finally, he looked at his watch in an effort to break the awkwardness of the moment. “I’m afraid I have to go to work now, but I really hope you’ll give me a call sometime.” Smiling warmly at him, she responded “I will.”  153  Appendix J  Identification of the Main Character in the Vignette  Please rate the extent to which you can identify with the male character in the story you just read. (Circle One) 1 = not at all 2 = a little  3 = moderately  4 = considerably  5 = extremely  154  Appendix K Measure of Anticipated Likelihood/Enjoyment of Sexual Coercion Please rate the likelihood of forcing the following sexual acts on the female confederate that just asked you to help her hang a sign, if you were confident without a doubt that you would not get caught or punished. 1 = No Chance 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.  3 = Maybe  Kissing Breast Fondling Genital Fondling Spanking Digital Penetration Penetration with an inanimate object Sexual Intercourse  5 = Definitely 12345 12345 12345 12345 12345 12345 12345  If you were to force any of the above behaviours on the female confederate, please rate how much you think you’d enjoy it for each behaviour. 1 = not at all 2 = a little 3 = moderately 4 = considerably 5 = extremely 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.  Kissing Breast Fondling Genital Fondling Spanking Digital Penetration Penetration with an inanimate object Sexual Intercourse  12345 12345 12345 12345 12345 12345 12345  155  Appendix L in Chapter 2  Procedural Summary of Two- Part Study Described  156  Appendix M  Innocuous Cognitive Priming Task  1. Make a sentence from the following words. You can add words, but all five words must be included in the sentence. If necessary, you change the tense of the words. Walk  Sea  Calm  Silent  Still  ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ 2. Make a sentence from the following words. You can add words, but all five words must be included in the sentence. If necessary, you change the tense of the words. Meadow  Flowers  Fragrant  Peaceful  Breeze  ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ 3. Make a sentence from the following words. You can add words, but all five words must be included in the sentence. If necessary, you change the tense of the words. Sunset  Mountain  Clouds  Serene  Quiet  ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________  157  Appendix N  Sexually Aggressive Cognitive Priming Task  1. Make a sentence from the following words. You can add words, but all five words must be included in the sentence. If necessary, you change the tense of the words. Forced  Open  Aggressively  Thighs  Grinding  ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ 2. Make a sentence from the following words. You can add words, but all five words must be included in the sentence. If necessary, you change the tense of the words. Violated  Violently  Pushing  Groin  Throbbing  ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ 3. Make a sentence from the following words. You can add words, but all five words must be included in the sentence. If necessary, you change the tense of the words. Restrained  Thrusting  Hips  Resist  Assault  ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________  158  Appendix O  Sexually Themed Vignette  As he entered the room, he could see a single ray of sunshine illuminate the angelic features of her face. He approached the bed slowly, being sure not to wake her. He could smell her scent as he approached, fresh and innocent. He was now at the foot of the bed. His heart began to pump with anticipation. He removed his clothing. As he did, he could feel the chill of the morning air on his now naked body. He placed one knee on the bed, then the next and began to crawl up behind her. He grazed the back of her body with the front of his ever so lightly. He nuzzled his face into the back of her neck. Her skin felt so soft, smelled so sweet. Still sleeping she moved, further nestling herself against him. She let out a moan muffled by her pillow. Blood pumped to every inch of his body. He pushed up harder against her. He felt himself becoming erect. She could feel him too. She awoke startled at first, then resigned. She pushed against him, writhing. His hands ravaged every inch of her. He gently tugged her hair, and lifted her nightgown to grasp her breasts and run his fingers down her back. Their breathing increased in complete synchrony as they pushed against each other, harder and harder. Pressured, his fingers traced up her thigh. He slipped his hands into the back of her panties and slowly tugged them down towards her ankles. He ran his mouth down her body, first kissing the small of her back, the top of her thighs and behind her knees. She moaned again as she arched her back suggesting she was ready to receive him. Gently he separated her buttocks with his hands and went in to taste her. She moaned again. He went deeper, his tongue entering her ever so lightly. She was moist and he felt her skin begin to swell to the touch of his mouth. She tasted fresh, innocent and sweet just as he had imagined so many times before. He entered her with his fingers as he ran his tongue up through her supple crevice, over the small of her back, and again towards her neck. He pressed his fingers deeper and deeper as he nibbled lightly on her ear. Her groans sent shivers through his body. She pushed against his fingers sending them further inside. She was ready for him. She arched her back and he pushed his erect penis between her legs. He did not penetrate her yet, just stayed there a moment. He could feel the blood pumping to her now swollen lips. His penis began to throb. He wrapped his arms around her body, and squeezed himself against her. He started to move his hips back and forth, allowing her wetness to lubricate his penis. He penetrated her. As he did she let out a long exasperated sigh. He entered her ever so slowly, bit by bit. She reciprocated by pushing back, forcing him deeper, deeper and deeper until he had no more left to give. They stayed there motionless for a moment, locked. He pulled back gently and then thrust himself inside her again. Each time more vigorous, more exciting and more intense.  159  Appendix P  Comfort Ratings  Please rate your comfort level after reading each paragraph, where: Completely Comfortable Comfortable 1 2  Neutral  Uncomfortable  Very Uncomfortable 5  3  4  2  3  4  5  2  3  4  5  2  3  4  5  2  3  4  5  Paragraph 1 1  Paragraph 2 1  Paragraph 3 1  Paragraph 4 1  160  Appendix Q in Chapter 3  Procedural Summary of the Study Described  161  Appendix R 2)  UBC Ethics Approval Certificate for Study 1 (Chapter The University of British Columbia Office of Research Services Behavioural Research Ethics Board Suite 102, 6190 Agronomy Road, Vancouver, B.C. V6T 1Z3  CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL - FULL BOARD AMENDMENT & RENEWAL PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: DEPARTMENT: UBC BREB NUMBER: UBC/Arts/Psychology, Boris Gorzalka H05-81070 Department of INSTITUTION(S) WHERE RESEARCH WILL BE CARRIED OUT: Institution  Site  UBC  Point Grey Site  Other locations where the research will be conducted:  N/A  CO-INVESTIGATOR(S): Lindsey A. Thomas  SPONSORING AGENCIES: N/A PROJECT TITLE: Heterosexual Male Attitudes and their Effects on Emotion and Behaviour CERTIFICATE EXPIRY DATE: December 14, 2007 REB MEETING DATE: December 14, 2006 AMENDMENT(S):  RENEWAL & AMENDMENT APPROVAL DATE: December 21, 2006  Document Name  Version  Date  Questionnaire, Questionnaire Cover Letter, Tests: November 17, 2006 Balanced Inventory of Desirable Responding 6 January 1, 1991 The application for continuing ethical review and the amendment(s) for the above-named project have been reviewed and the procedures were found to be acceptable on ethical grounds for research involving human subjects. LORI  N/A  Approval is issued on behalf of the Behavioural Research Ethics Board and signed electronically by one of the following:  Dr. Peter Suedfeld, Chair Dr. Jim Rupert, Associate Chair Dr. Arminee Kazanjian, Associate Chair Dr. M. Judith Lynam, Associate Chair  162  Appendix S 3)  UBC Ethics Approval Certificate for Study 2 (Chapter The University of British Columbia Office of Research Services Behavioural Research Ethics Board Suite 102, 6190 Agronomy Road, Vancouver, B.C. V6T 1Z3  CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL - FULL BOARD PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR:  INSTITUTION / DEPARTMENT:  UBC BREB NUMBER:  Boris Gorzalka  UBC/Arts/Psychology, Department of  H07-01212  INSTITUTION(S) WHERE RESEARCH WILL BE CARRIED OUT: Institution  Site  UBC Other locations where the research will be conducted: N/A  Point Grey Site  CO-INVESTIGATOR(S): Lindsey A. Thomas  SPONSORING AGENCIES: N/A  PROJECT TITLE: Sexual attitudes and experiences: Implications for comfort with sexual material  REB MEETING DATE: CERTIFICATE EXPIRY DATE: May 24, 2007 May 24, 2008 DOCUMENTS INCLUDED IN THIS APPROVAL:  DATE APPROVED: June 25, 2007  Document Name Consent Forms: Main Study Consent Advertisements: Advertisement Questionnaire, Questionnaire Cover Letter, Tests: RMA VIA Sexual Vignette BIDR Cognitive Priming Task - Sexual/Aggressive Words Cognitive Priming Task - Innocuous Words HTW SES Other Documents: Debriefing Form Deception Form  Version  Date  N/A  June 10, 2007  N/A  June 10, 2007  N/A N/A N/A 6 N/A N/A N/A N/A  January 1, 1980 January 1, 2000 June 18, 2007 January 1, 1991 June 18, 2007 June 18, 2007 January 1, 1985 January 1, 1982  N/A N/A  June 10, 2007 June 10, 2007  The application for ethical review and the document(s) listed above have been reviewed and the procedures were found to be acceptable on ethical grounds for research involving human subjects. Approval is issued on behalf of the Behavioural Research Ethics Board and signed electronically by one of the following: Dr. Peter Suedfeld, Chair Dr. Jim Rupert, Associate Chair Dr. Arminee Kazanjian, Associate Chair Dr. M. Judith Lynam, Associate Chair Dr. Laurie Ford, Associate Chair  

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