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Negotiating multiple investments in languages and identities : the language socialization of Generation.. Kim, Jean 2008-12-31

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  NEGOTIATING MULTIPLE INVESTMENTS IN LANGUAGES AND IDENTITIES: THE LANGUAGE SOCIALIZATION OF GENERATION 1.5 KOREAN-CANADIAN UNIVERSITY STUDENTS   by   JEAN KIM   B.A., Korea University, 1999 M.A., The University of Hawai at Manoa, 2001    A THESIS SUBMITED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGRE OF  DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY   in   THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES   (Language and Literacy Education)    THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA   November 2008   © Jean Kim, 2008  i Abstract The increasing number of imigrants in North America has made Generation 1.5 students-foreign-born children who imigrated to their host country with their first- generation imigrant parents (Rumbaut & Ima, 1988)-a significant population in Canadian and American schools (Fix & Pasel, 2003; Gunderson, 2007). Of these students, many enter universities while stil in the proces of learning English as a second language (ESL). This often presents them with unique educational needs and chalenges, which sometimes results in a “deficiency-oriented” view of Generation 1.5 university students (Harklau, 2000). However, much of the imigrant education research has thus far been limited to K-12 students, and the applied linguistics literature on Generation 1.5 university students has mostly examined their experiences within college and university ESL, writing, or composition program setings in the U.S. Therefore, this study addreses the gap in the literature through a qualitative multiple case study exploring the language socialization of seven Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students. Triangulated data were collected over ten months through individual and group interviews with students and thre English course instructors, questionnaires, students’ personal writings, and field notes. Drawing on the perspectives of language socialization (Duff & Hornberger, 2008) and language and identity (Norton, 2000), this study examined the contextual factors involved in the students’ language socialization proceses and further investigated how these factors afected the students’ investments in languages and identities, as manifested in their everyday practices. The findings suggest that 1) in an ever-changing globalized world, the characteristics, including the educational goals and needs, of today’s Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian students were considerably diferent from those of their predecesors; 2) through the complex interplay betwen their past, present, and future “imagined” experiences, the students were socialized into various beliefs and ideologies about language learning and use, often necesitating negotiations of investments in their identities and in their first, second, and sometimes third languages; and 3) given the diverse backgrounds and linguistic goals of these students, Generation 1.5 language  ii learners should be sen from a “bi/multilingual and bicultural abilities” perspective rather than from a “deficiency-oriented” perspective. The study concludes with implications for policy, research, and pedagogy.   iv Table of Contents Abstract.............................................................i Table of Contents......................................................iv List of Tables.........................................................ix List of Figures.........................................................x Acknowledgements....................................................xi Dedication...........................................................xi Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION...........................................1 1.1 Background and Purpose of Study..................................1 1.2 Research Questions.............................................6 1.3 Significance of the Study.........................................6 1.4 Organization of the Disertation....................................7 Chapter 2 GENERATION 1.5 COMUNITIES, SECOND LANGUAGE  SOCIALIZATION, AND IDENTITY............................9 2.1 Introduction...................................................9 2.2 Definition of Generation 1.5.....................................10 2.3 Korean-American Creation of Generation 1.5........................13 2.3.1 Korean Imigration to North America..........................13 Canada................................................13 The United States........................................15 2.3.2 Characteristics of the Post-1960s Korean Imigrants in North America.15 Downward Mobility: Self Employment in Smal Busineses.......15 The Pivotal Role of Korean Christian Churches.................16 Emphasis on Educational Achievement.......................17 Leadership of the First Generation...........................18 2.3.3 The Generation 1.5 Phenomenon..............................19 Adolescent Korean Imigration.............................20 Parents’ Socioeconomic Background and Children’s Functional  Bilingualism and Biculturalism.............................21 The Centripetal and Centrifugal Nature of the Korean-American  Community............................................21 The Adhesive Adaptation Mode of the First Generation...........22 2.4 Generation 1.5 Research........................................22 2.4.1 Identity and Generation 1.5..................................22  v Generation 1.5 Korean Imigrants’ Identity Changes across  Time and Place..........................................26 2.4.2 Generation 1.5 and Language Learning.........................28 Generation 1.5 in Higher Education..........................28 Not Al ESL Students are Created Equal......................28 Eforts for Improvement...................................30 2.4.3 The Gap in the Literature....................................31 2.5 Language Socialization.........................................32 2.5.1 Second Language Socialization and Generation 1.5 Language Learners.34 2.6 Language and Identity..........................................35 2.7 Summary....................................................38 Chapter 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY...............................39 3.1 Introduction..................................................39 3.2 Qualitative Case Study Research..................................39 3.3 Research Context..............................................42 3.4 Participants..................................................43 3.4.1 Recruitment..............................................43 3.4.2 Profile of Participants.......................................44 3.5 Data Collection...............................................45 3.5.1 Background Questionnaire...................................45 3.5.2 Individual Interviews.......................................46 3.5.3 Group Interviews with Students...............................46 3.5.4 Interviews with First-Year English Course Instructors..............47 3.5.5 Field Notes...............................................48 3.5.6 Researcher’s Reflection Journal...............................48 3.5.7 Email, Web Mesenger Exchanges, and Personal Metings..........49 3.5.8 Students’ Personal Writings..................................49 3.6 Data Analysis................................................51 3.7 Trustworthines and Ethical Considerations..........................53 3.7.1 Triangulation and Member Checks.............................53 3.7.2 Other Strategies for Demonstrating Trustworthines................55 3.7.3 Generalizability...........................................55 3.7.4 Ethical Concerns and Researcher-Participant Relationship...........56 3.8 Summary....................................................59 Chapter 4 LEARNING TO NEGOTIATE MULTIPLE INVESTMENTS:  YELINA ND SHEILA....................................61 4.1 Introduction..................................................61 4.2 Students’ Backgrounds.........................................61 4.2.1 Yelina..................................................62 4.2.2 Sheila...................................................63  vi 4.3 Life in Secondary School........................................64 4.3.1 Yelina..................................................64 Korean Per Influences on Social, Linguistic, and Academic Choices64 Fierce Competition among Korean Students and their Parents......67 4.3.2 Sheila...................................................70 A Struggle to Belong.....................................70 Change of Academic Path: From English to Science.............74 4.4 Life in University..............................................76 4.4.1 Continued Influence of Korean Pers...........................77 Yelina: “They al said I was crazy”..........................77 Sheila: “They asked me why I was trying so hard”...............80 4.4.2 New and Continued Dilemas................................82 Yelina: A New View towards Learning English................83 Sheila: “I fel like I need to prove myself”.....................86 4.4.3 Negotiating Change........................................89 Yelina: A More Proactive Approach to Improving English........89 Sheila: Finding Alternative Opportunities to Use English..........91 4.5 Summary and Discussion........................................92 Chapter 5 NEITHER A “FOB” NOR A “BANANA”: HANAH, JON,  AND MIKE..............................................100 5.1 Introduction.................................................100 5.2 Students’ Backgrounds........................................101 5.2.1 Hannah................................................101 5.2.2 Joon...................................................101 5.2.3 Mike..................................................102 5.3 Detachment from “FOBs”......................................103 5.3.1 “FOBs” in High School....................................103 Hannah: “I wanted to completely shed my Korean identity”.......103 Joon: “I felt out of place”.................................106 5.3.2 “FOBs” in University......................................108 Mike: “We were the FOBs”...............................108 Hannah and Joon: “Stop the Minoritizing”....................112 5.4 Rejecting the “Banana” Label...................................115 5.4.1 Hannah................................................116 5.4.2 Joon...................................................119 5.4.3 Mike..................................................121 5.5 Summary and Discussion.......................................122 Chapter 6 REACHING THEIR GOALS THROUGH ENGLISH:  GILBERT AND YURI......................................135 6.1 Introduction.................................................135  vii 6.2 Students’ Backgrounds........................................135 6.2.1 Yuri...................................................135 6.2.2 Gilbert.................................................136 6.3 Goals in Secondary School.....................................137 6.3.1 Yuri...................................................137 Improving English by Being Noticed........................137 Giving Back to Her Parents...............................139 6.3.2 Gilbert.................................................141 Academic Scholarship...................................141 Fulfiling a Son’s Duties..................................143 6.4 Goals in University...........................................146 6.4.1 Yuri...................................................146 Preparing to Become a Teacher............................146 Living a Good Christian Life..............................148 6.4.2 Gilbert.................................................150 Training to Become a Medical Profesional...................150 Being a Patriotic Korean.................................153 6.5 Discussion and Summary.......................................156 Chapter 7 BECOMING A “PIONER” GENERATION:  A CROS-CASE ANALYSIS................................164 7.1 Introduction.................................................164 7.2 Being a Non-Native Speaker....................................165 7.2.1 High School.............................................165 7.2.2 University..............................................166 Dreadful Memories of First-Year English Courses..............168 7.3 Broader Contextual Factors Influencing Students’ Experiences..........172 7.3.1 English Speaking Canada...................................173 7.3.2 Multicultural Canada and Vancouver..........................173 7.3.3 Transnationalism and Trends in Return Migration................176 7.3.4 The Status of English in Korea and the World...................177 7.3.5 Constructing Views of Korea through Internet Sources............178 7.4 “We are Not a Lost Generation”.................................180 7.5 “e are a Pioneer Generation”..................................182 7.6 Describing Generation 1.5 in their Own Words......................183 7.7 Discussion and Summary.......................................185 Chapter 8 CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS.........................194 8.1 Introduction.................................................194 8.2 Summary of Findings..........................................194 8.3 Contributions to Theory........................................197 8.3.1 Language Socialization....................................197  vii 8.3.2 Language and Identity.....................................200 8.3.3 Studies on Generation 1.5 Students in Applied Linguistics..........202 8.4 Implications.................................................203 8.4.1 Policy..................................................203 8.4.2 Pedagogy...............................................206 Examining Asumptions and Expectations of NS Students......206 Rexamining Constructs of Current Day Generation 1.5  Language Learners......................................210 8.5 Limitations of the Study........................................212 8.6 Directions for Further Research..................................213 8.7 Concluding Remarks..........................................215 References.........................................................217 Appendix A Recruitment Notices........................................239 Appendix B Background Questionnaires..................................243 Appendix C Consent Forms............................................251 Appendix D Interview Questions........................................260 Appendix E Transcription Conventions...................................263 Appendix F List of Acronyms..........................................264 Appendix G Research Approval Notice...................................265   ix List of Tables Table 3.1  General Profile of the Students..................................45 Table 3.2  Methods and Sources of Data....................................50 Table 5.1  Reasons for Detachment from "FOBs” and Rejection of “Banana” Label..123    x List of Figures Figure 4.1  Yelina’s Investments in Languages and Identities...................98 Figure 4.2  Sheila’s Investments in Languages and Identities...................99 Figure 5.1  Hannah’s Investments in Languages and Identities.................133 Figure 5.2  Joon’s Investments in Languages and Identities....................133 Figure 5.3  Mike’s Investments in Languages and Identities...................134 Figure 6.1  Yuri’s Investments in Languages and Identities....................162 Figure 6.2  Gilbert’s Investments in Languages and Identities..................163 Figure 7.1  Contextual Factors Influencing Students’ Experiences...............193   xi Acknowledgements As I look back on my academic journey, I am overwhelmed with gratitude and appreciation for numerous individuals without whom I would not be where I am today. I would like to acknowledge these wonderful individuals whose support, encouragement, and dedication made this disertation possible.  First, I would like to expres my heartfelt gratitude to the students who participated in this study. Thank you for granting me the privilege to enter your lives and for sharing with me your invaluable insights and experiences as Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian youth. Your genuine interest and support for my research inspired me to push forward during times of frustration and uncertainty. I 	��3 >� 	��8 	�q ; j8 	��5� �?���. �	,5� �L	#��. I would also like to thank the thre instructors who participated in this research, whose insights contributed greatly towards beter understanding some of the crucial isues discussed in this disertation.  I am ost indebted to the members of my research commite, who have provided me with great support, guidance, and mentorship throughout each step of my doctoral studies. In particular, I am deeply grateful to my supervisor, Dr. Patricia Duff, whose patience, expertise, and intelectual wisdom have helped me realize my goal. Dr. Duff, you are truly an inspirational scholar and human being, and as I now embark on the next step of my academic journey, you wil no doubt be the role model that I wil dare sek to emulate. I would also like to expres my sincere gratitude to Drs. Bonny Norton and Margaret Early for their faith in my work, thoughtful expert advice, and continuous encouragement. A colleague once said to me that I had a “Golden Commite,” and I could not agre with him ore. It has been a true honor and privilege to have worked with the members of my commite, and I thank each of them from the bottom of my heart. I am also thankful to my external examiner, Dr. Sarah Shin, university examiners Drs. Victoria Purcel-Gates and Ross King, and chair Dr. Steven Taubeneck for their time in reading this disertation and for offering their perceptive comments and suggestions.   My appreciation is also extended to the faculty, staf, and colleagues within the Department of Language and Literacy Education, particularly to Dr. Geoff Wiliams, Dr. Steven Talmy, and Anne Eastham, for their support and help at various stages of my doctoral studies. I also wish to acknowledge individuals from my earlier academic carer who encouraged and inspired me to pursue my path as an academic in the field of second language education. These include Drs. Duk-Ki Kim, Myung-Hye Huh, and Do-Seon Eur at Korea University and Drs. Graham Crookes, Richard Day, James Dean Brown, and the late Dr. Craig Chaudron at the University of Hawai at Manoa. Special thanks goes out to Kenton Harsch, my former boss and now dear friend and colleague from the English Language Institute at the University of Hawai at Manoa, whom I believe exemplifies the kind of ELT profesional one should aspire to be.  xii I am also most grateful to my friends and colleagues at UBC and elsewhere, in particular Dr. Joe Grenholtz, Ena Le, Diane Potts, Sandra Zappa-Hollman, Martin Guardado, Jeremie Seror, Won Kim, Ling He, Lei Hong, and Bil McMichael. Thank you so much, everyone; I could not have made it this far without your undying support and friendship. I wish to say a special ‘�L	#��’ to my dear friend Mi-Young Kim, who came to the rescue whenever I was in need of any kind of help. �	�	��, 	��D �dE5�( 	�Ca � hI 9�� }0	* b	�. �	,5� E����. Additionaly, to al my dear friends at St. John’s College, especialy Mariel Lavieri, Muhannad Al-Darbi, Daniel Olmos, and Mathabo Tsepa, thank you for being my family away from home for the last five years. Particularly to my dearest friend Sayra Cristancho; what a great joy and honor it has been to have shared my Ph.D. journey with you. Muchas gracias! To my ‘gals’ Julie Kim and Young-Kyong Kim; thanks for always being there for me and for reminding me that there is a life outside of school. To my best friend, SNK, thank you for helping me maintain my sanity through it al, holding my hand and walking patiently with me to reach that light at the end of the tunnel. “Elephant shoe.”  To my family, my gratitude is beyond words. My parents have always believed in me and have given me unconditional love and support throughout this entire journey. �	�I �� q8 	��a m�� �?� �	&� z�� �	( }� �	,5� E� X@��. I also want to thank my wonderful sisters Jiyeon and Nayeon and my brother-in-law Sungvin for their endles support and encouragement. A big hug goes out to my adorable nephew Sunwoo, who made me laugh when I needed it most. And finaly, I want to thank my loving grandmother, who has always been and wil continue to be the biggest inspiration of my life. Although she pased away mid-way through my doctoral studies, I know her spirit has been my guardian angel through it al and that she is looking down on me right now with imense pride and joy. >	" ���q �; 	��`�, �L	#��. �;� 	�d �����.  Lastly, I gratefully acknowledge the University Graduate Felowship, the St. John’s College Itoko Muraoka Felowship, and the St. John’s College George Shen Felowship, which have significantly supported my doctoral studies for thre years. I also wish to thank the financial support provided by the following: Joseph Katz Memorial Scholarship, The Korean Honor Scholarship, the Vancouver Korean-Canadian Scholarship, and other various travel awards provided by the Faculty of Education and the Department of Language and Literacy Education.   xii  In loving memory of my grandmother, Le Bok-He  I ��8 aD ���� 	��`� I^ 	��D 	�y	� ����.      1 Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background and Purpose of Study The increasing number of imigrants in North America has changed the demographics of its schools. In Canada, there has been a steady increase in the number of child imigrants since the 1990s, and recent census data reveal that 21% of the 1.1 milion who imigrated betwen 2001 and 2006 were school-aged children 14 and under (Statistics Canada, 2006a).1 As a result, those who speak ESL make up 20-50% of the student body in secondary schools across major urban cities, including Calgary, Toronto, and Vancouver (Wat & Roesingh, 2001). In the province of British Columbia alone, students whose primary home language is not English increased from 15.4% in 1995 to 20.7% in 2005. In Vancouver, as of June, 2005, 55.5% of its elementary schools’ populations and 47% of its secondary schools’ populations were ESL speakers (Gunderson, 2007). A similar situation exists in the United States, which now has the largest number of children and adolescent imigrants in its history: 10.5 milion-that is, one in five students in Grades K-12-are children of imigrants. And of these students, one quarter is foreign born (Fix & Pasel, 2003).2 Over the last four decades, there has ben a significant amount of research on isues pertaining to the post-1960s imigrants in North America. From the early 1970s to the mid-1980s, studies focused exclusively on the economic and psychological adjustment of the first generation (Danico, 2004). Since the late 1980s social scientists                                                 1 Acording to Statistics Canada 1986 and 191, schol aged children made up 14% and 15% of the total imigrant population during 1980-1986 and 1986-191, respectively. Of the 1.8 milion who imigrated to Canada in the 190s, 17% were schol-aged children (Statistics Canada, 201). This steady increase in the number of schol-aged imigrants may be atributable to many families’ desires to provide a beter educational environment for their children. This is also the case for most Korean imigrant families, as wil be discused in Chapter 2 as wel as in Chapters 4 to 6, where I wil introduce the individual participants of the study. 2 These numbers are based on the 200 U.S. census data. The next census wil be conducted in 2010, which may show diferent numbers.  2 have expanded their areas of imigrant research to include the children of post-1965 imigrants, namely the second generation. In particular, from the mid-1990s, the availability of census data has alowed for a growing number of systematic, empirical studies on the second generation, although such studies have primarily focused on children below the post-secondary educational level and their isues with ethnic and sociocultural identity (e.g., Jo, 2002; Min &Hong, 2002; Portes & MacLeod, 1999; Rumbaut, 2000). However, despite this vast body of work on the post-1960s imigrants, the research literature has long neglected a particular group of imigrants, namely those foreign-born children who imigrated to their host country with their first generation-imigrant parents who have come to be known as Generation 1.5 students (Rumbaut & Ima, 1988). Although the Generation 1.5 population has been in existence since the first generation of post-1960s imigrants, it has been only in the last decade or so that they started gaining recognition and acknowledgement as a salient and distinct group (Danico, 2004). Regardles, until relatively recently, most research on imigrant education, including Generation 1.5 students, has been limited to K-12 students (Crisostomo & De, 2001), and isues pertaining to imigrant students have not received much consideration within the higher education research literature (Roberge, 2001). Since about a decade ago, the changing demographics of North American schools mentioned above has focused atention on Generation 1.5 students in higher education within the applied linguistics literature due to the significant growth in the number of students who graduate from North American high schools and enter post-secondary institutions while stil in the proces of learning English as their second language (Harklau, Siegal, & Losey 1999).3 However, despite the gradual increase in references to Generation 1.5 learners in the applied linguistics literature, in reality, they are often underepresented and misconstrued or simply homogenized with members of the second generation, or in ESL contexts, with international students. And as Talmy (2005) notes, when they are recognized as a distinct                                                 3 However, as Harklau et al. (199) note, because most universities do not poses formal records of students’ native languages, the exact number of ESL students at post-secondary institutions is unclear.  3 group, they are often perceived as a problematic group who are caught in betwen two cultural and linguistic worlds. Within the stil-growing applied linguistics literature on Generation 1.5 students, much of the published work has looked at this population within the U.S academic context (e.g., Blumenthal, 2002; Chiang & Schmida, 1999; Harklau, 2000; Harklau, Losey & Siegal, 1999; Leki, 1999; Miele, 2003; Roberge, 2001; Schwartz , 2004; Singhal, 2004; Stegemoller, 2004; Talmy, 2005, 2008; Oudenhoven, 2006; Yi, 2005). In Canada, although several important studies (e.g., Duff, 2001; Early, 1989; Gunderson, 2007; Roesingh & Kover, 2002; Toohey, 1992, 2005; Toohey & Derwing, 2006; Toohey & Gajdamaschok, 2005) have looked at ESL imigrant students’ educational experiences, there is stil a lack of research that specificaly examines Generation 1.5 university students within Canadian higher education contexts.4 Elson (1992) aserts that due to exams that pre-scren students’ English proficiency levels, post-secondary institutions often asume that students have already acquired an adequate level of English prior to admision and believe that such language proficiency tests wil relieve them of “the responsibilities to provide the language development framework that is the right of the students” (p. 11). Statistics Canada’s (2006b) “Youth in Transition Survey” sems to also support this view.5 On one of the multiple choice items, students were asked to indicate possible factors that might interfere with their future educational goals. Possible choices included financial situation, health, and lack of interest, among others, but linguistic dificulties (in either English or French-the two official languages of Canada) were not among these selections. This sems to reflect the belief that language proficiency is not a variable that may afect a student’s academic achievement. In addition, the increasing focus on internationalization of many Canadian universities sems to convey a lack of interest in the imigrant student                                                 4 Some of these studies loked at both 1.5 and second generation imigrants and did not specificaly use the term Generation 1.5 to describe the foreign-born imigrant students in their research. 5 The Youth in Transition Survey (YITS) was developed by the Human Resources and Skils Development Canada and Statistics Canada to examine the educational, training, and work experiences of Canadian youth (Statistics Canada, 206b).  4 population. In a published report by the Asociation of Universities and Colleges of Canada (2001), recruiting international students was stated as a means for economical benefits as wel as to bring “an international perspective and more diversity to the clasroom” (p. 3). While the internationalization of campuses is indeed likely to bring such features, post-secondary institutions should also acknowledge the heterogeneity of their own domestic students, including imigrant students, who also bring experiences that could make valuable contributions to the diversity of their institutions. Results from Statistics Canada’s 2000 “Youth in Transition Survey” indicated that imigrant tenagers were more eager to receive higher education than their non-imigrant peers (Kopun, 2006). In addition to such findings, when considering the number of imigrant ESL students who are already a significant part of Canadian secondary schools (Wat & Roesingh, 2001; Gunderson, 2007), and when considering that this number wil only continue to increase in the future (Friesen, 2006), it is crucial to recognize that these students wil also become an important part of the student body within post-secondary institutions. It is also necesary to note that among these students, many are likely to stil be in the proces of acquiring linguistic skils in English. This is because although basic communicative competence can generaly be acquired in 2-3 years, it can take up to seven or more years before ESL learners can catch up with their native speaker (NS) peers in terms of academic language proficiency (Collier, 1989; Cummins, 1981). Thus, to asume that imigrant university students are no longer faced with chalenges related to English could place them in a sink or swim situation (Kiang, 1993). In this respect, institutions need to take on the ethical and educational responsibility to first acknowledge the presence of imigrant ESL students in their clasrooms and to make eforts to closely examine the students’ experiences, needs, and goals in order to asist them in meting their educational objectives. Such eforts are not only in the students’ and the institutions’ best interests but also in the best interests of society as a whole. In light of the above discussions, this study examines the language learning experiences of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students in Vancouver,  5 Canada. I have chosen Korean-Canadian students for several reasons. First, Koreans are one of the most rapidly growing imigrant groups in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2006a) and are the fourth largest non-European imigrant group in Vancouver. Moreover, 35% of Koreans who imigrated betwen 1996 and 2000 were in the 5-19 age group (Statistics Canada, 2006a), which indicates that Generation 1.5 youth are a significant part of the overal Korean imigrant population in Canada. Moreover, Korean imigrant youth are likely to be a considerable part of the student body at Canadian universities when considering that children’s educational achievement (especialy atending a good university) is the number one reason for Korean families to imigrate to North America (Moon, 2003; Yoon, 2001). Second, I have chosen Korean students as they are part of a racial minority group that has received relatively litle atention within the higher education community compared to other ethnic minority students. Suzuki (1994) aserts that due to the “model minority” stereotype, Asian imigrant students have been believed to have few, if any, educational needs in higher education.6 He further notes that “to even suggest that serious problems exist for Asian Americans in higher education may sem to border on the absurd to many people, especialy educators” (p. 259). Yet such perceptions have only perpetuated the esentialized view of al Asian imigrant students and have resulted in a lack of efort to examine their educational needs within higher education. Finaly, I was motivated to conduct research on Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian students based on my personal background and experiences. As a Korean international student in Canada (who studied in North American primary and secondary schools for some years), I was interested in and comited to understanding the educational experiences of Korean-Canadian youth.7                                                 6 The “model minority” stereotype emerged in the 1960s in the United States, which depicted Asian-Americans as hardworking overachievers who exceled in math and sciences (Zhou and Le, 204). It was in stark contrast to the “yelow peril” view of Asian-Americans that was prevalent prior to the 1960s, during which Asians were sen as “clanish, unasimilable aliens . . . cultures backward, corupt, or simply negligible” (p. 10). 7 A detailed discusion of my researcher-participant relationship is included in Chapter 3.  6 1.2 Research Questions This study examines the academic, linguistic, and sociocultural experiences of a group of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students. In particular, it explores how the students were influenced by various socializing agents within their local and global contexts to form beliefs, ideologies, and goals towards learning and use of their first, second, and sometimes their third languages (L1, L2, L3). The study also investigates the extent to which an examination of the experiences of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students can contribute to new understandings of Generation 1.5 language learners. The following questions have guided the study: 1) What are the contextual factors that shape the language socialization (LS) proceses and outcomes of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students? 2) How do such contextual factors influence the students’ investments in their identities and language learning and use, and how are these investments manifested in their everyday lived experiences? 3) To what extent do the perspectives and experiences of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students help to refine and extend current conceptions of Generation 1.5 language learners? 1.3 Significance of the Study Most of the applied linguistics research pertaining to Generation 1.5 university students has examined these students’ experiences within college/university ESL, composition, or academic writing programs. While this study also looks at students’ experiences in their university English courses, it goes beyond this seting and explores other micro- and macro-level contextual factors that afect students’ language learning and use in their L1, L2, and sometimes L3. Therefore, this study yields a more holistic and comprehensive understanding of the students’ experiences situated within contemporary Canada and the world. As a result, it is hoped that this study wil contribute to a reconceptualization of today’s Generation 1.5 language learners whose experiences may difer substantialy from those of previous generations of imigrants in North  7 America. The study also aims to provide important implications for educators and policy makers to help Generation 1.5 students met their educational goals and needs. Furthermore, by tracing the students’ trajectories since their arival in Canada, this study examines the interplay betwen the various contextual factors within their past, present, and (imagined) future, which contributes to a broader understanding of the complexities involved in LS proceses. Finaly, by addresing the gap in the Generation 1.5 student-related literature (particularly in higher education) in the Canadian context, this study seks to make significant contributions to the applied linguistics literature on Generation 1.5 language learners. That is, the study aims to identify aspects of students’ experiences that are unique to the Canadian context, as wel as to Korean-Canadian youth, and to also examine findings that are shared with those of U.S-based studies, thereby expanding our overal understanding of today’s Generation 1.5 imigrant students’ educational experiences, needs, and possibilities. 1.4 Organization of the Disertation This disertation consists of eight chapters. Following this introductory chapter, Chapter 2 provides a review of Generation 1.5-related studies drawing from the fields of applied linguistics, sociology, and migration and ethnic studies. In particular, because this research focuses on the experiences of Generation 1.5 Korean imigrant youth in Canada, the chapter presents a broad and in-depth overview of some of the most salient characteristics and isues pertaining to this group within the North American context. Moreover, it identifies the gap in the Generation 1.5-related applied linguistics literature that warants further investigation. Finaly, the chapter provides a brief overview of LS and language and identity (and related literature), two perspectives that have guided my disertation research. Chapter 3 describes the qualitative multiple-case study methodology, which was the selected method of inquiry for this disertation research. The chapter also discusses the research seting, participants, data collection and analysis procedures, trustworthines of the study, and other ethical considerations. In the thre chapters that follow, the cases of the seven student participants are introduced and discussed in depth. Based on similar  8 themes that emerged among the seven individual cases, two or thre of the students’ cases were combined in each of the analytic chapters, 4, 5, and 6. Chapter 4 introduces Yelina and Sheila’s cases through an in-depth analysis of their interview data and other relevant data sources. It examines the ways in which these two women have been socialized into various beliefs and ideologies towards English language learning and use and heritage language maintenance in the contexts of their past, present, and (imagined) future. It also looks at the women’s negotiation of investments (Norton, 2000) in languages and identities and how these investments were manifested in their everyday practices. The chapter also identifies similarities betwen as wel as the uniquenes of the individual cases. Chapter 5 investigates the cases of Hannah, Joon, and Mike. Following the same format as Chapter 4, this chapter discusses some of the major socializing agents that were involved in the students’ LS proceses and particularly focuses on the theme of positioning as it related to the students’ experiences. In Chapter 6, the cases of Yuri and Gilbert are introduced. As in the previous two chapters, the data are analyzed to identify the contextual factors that came into play within the students’ LS proceses. In particular, this chapter is organized around the theme of ‘goals’ and how these goals resulted in the students’ constant negotiations of their investments in multiple identities as wel as in their L1, L2, and sometimes their L3. Chapter 7 synthesizes the findings from al seven of the individual cases and identifies the major themes that emerged through a cross-case analysis. This chapter also identifies the broader and more global contextual factors that influenced the students’ socialization proceses and looks at the ways in which the seven participants themselves described today’s Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian youth. Chapter 8 summarizes the findings of the research and discusses the theoretical contribution of this study. It also presents implications for policy and pedagogy, and limitations of the study. The chapter ends with suggested directions for future research on Generation 1.5 language learners.  9 Chapter 2 GENERATION 1.5 COMUNITIES, SECOND LANGUAGE SOCIALIZATION, AND IDENTITY 2.1 Introduction This chapter is divided into two parts. In the first part of this chapter, I wil examine some of the defining characteristics of Generation 1.5 learners/populations in relation to their sociocultural, linguistic, and academic experiences. Through this proces, I sek to historicize this generation by discovering the socio-political and economic contexts within which they emerged as wel as how they are situated in the context of present day and future society. In particular, as my disertation research examines the experiences of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian students, in this chapter, I wil provide an overview of some of the defining characteristics of Generation 1.5 Korean imigrants in North America as wel as some of the relevant research pertaining to this group. However, in doing so, I do not claim that such characteristics are limited only to the Korean imigrant community nor do I wish to suggest an esentialized view of al Korean imigrants in North America. There are likely to be diferences among the various Generation 1.5 populations depending on the groups’ L1, ethnicities, and other external factors, including social, political, and economic conditions, and place of setlement, among others. Even among Korean imigrants, diferent contextual factors wil result in a broad range of experiences for diferent Generation 1.5 students. Regardles, findings from studies pertaining to Generation 1.5 Korean imigrants may have implications for other non-Korean Generation 1.5 imigrant groups with regard to their sociocultural and academic experiences and may help identify areas that require further research. Additionaly, in suggesting the areas for further investigation regarding Generation 1.5 students, I identify gaps in the applied linguistics literature and cal for more studies that understand Generation 1.5 language learners’ isues in relation to both the imediate and broader contextual factors in which their experiences are embedded.  10 In the second part of this chapter, I introduce the perspectives of language socialization (LS) and language and identity, two approaches that have guided my study towards understanding Generation 1.5 language learners’ isues from a holistic and socialy situated viewpoint. I provide examples of recent prominent works that have elaborated or adopted such perspectives, and discuss how they have directed my own disertation research. 2.2 Definition of Generation 1.5 Although many scholars have made reference to Generation 1.5 students over the years, there is a lack of consensus about whom exactly this population is comprised of. The term Generation 1.5 was first used in the Korean-American community to describe imigrants who arived as children (Danico, 2004; Roberge, 2002). Ilchŏmo-se, which literaly means Generation 1.5 in Korean, is commonly used in the Korean and Korean-American media as wel as in print and on-line publications, and has spread to other Korean imigrant communities, including those in Canada and Australia. A more thorough discussion of the Korean imigrant communities’ notions of Generation 1.5 wil take place in a later section of this chapter. In the educational research context, Rumbaut and Ima (1988) first used this term to describe the chalenges faced by Southeast Asian refugee youth in adapting to their new culture in the U.S. Their description of Generation 1.5 is as follows: ‘1.5’ generation [. . .] are neither part of the ‘first’ generation of their parents, the responsible adults who were formed in the homeland, who made the fateful decision to leave it and to fle as refugees to an uncertain exile in the United States, and who are thus defined by the consequences of that decision and by the need to justify it; nor are these youths part of the ‘second’ generation of children who are born in the U.S., and for whom the ‘homeland’ mainly exists as a representation consisting of parental memories and memorabilia, even though their ethnicity may remain wel defined (p. 22). There are especialy mixed views among researchers regarding the exact age at time of imigration that would qualify one as a Generation 1.5. In 1990, Portes and  1 Rumbaut used the term one and a half generation to refer to foreign-born youth who imigrated to the U.S. before the age of twelve. They refer to this group as one and a half because they posses traits of both the first and second generation and are often caught betwen two worlds. However, they do not provide an explanation for why twelve is the maximum age to be included in the group. Following Portes and Rumbaut, Chiang-Hom (2004) also defines Generation 1.5 as those who arived during their primary school years, while those who arived after puberty are considered the first generation. Zhou (2004), on the other hand, notes that although Generation 1.5 includes those who imigrated to the U.S. prior to adolescence, this group is sometimes categorized together with the new second generation (U.S.-born children of the first generation) based on similar linguistic, sociocultural and developmental experiences. Some scholars, including Vigil, Yun, and Cheng (2004) and Lay (2004), do not diferentiate betwen those who arived prior to or after adolescence, and al those who imigrated before or during secondary school are given the generic label of “imigrant youth.” In contrast, Gans (2000) goes as far as dividing foreign-born youth into thre groups: Generation 1.25, Generation 1.5, and Generation 1.75, although such distinctions are rather uncommon in the literature.8 There are also various working definitions of who makes up this population in the Korean-American studies literature. For example, acording to Hurh (1993), Generation 1.5 imigrants are “bilingual and bicultural . . . who imigrated. . . in early or middle adolescence, generaly betwen the ages of eleven and sixten” (p.19). This age range is based on the ability of the person to have acquired proficiency in the English language as wel as familiarity with American culture. At the same time, they have acquired and have the ability to maintain their level of Korean language proficiency as wel as their memories of Korean culture. Danico (2004) defines Generation 1.5 Korean-American imigrants as those who were born in Korea and imigrated to the U.S. with their                                                 8 Gans (200) refers to Generation 1.5 as those who imigrate as youngsters and who receive some or most of their education in the U.S. However, he does not provide the exact age of imigration that would categorize these youngsters into Generation 1.25, 1.5, and 1.75, respectively.  12 families before the age of 13, have memories of Korea, and are consciously bicultural. They are fluent in English and conversational Korean, can inter-mingle Korean, Korean-American and local ethnic expresions, and have an appreciation of Korean culture.9 She does not limit the minimum age of imigration but does choose 13 as the maximum age to define this generation since those who imigrated prior to their pretens can “pas” as native born as a result of their non-acented English speech, and can switch betwen their generational boundaries. That is, the Generation 1.5 individual can “fit in” relatively wel in diferent situations by presenting themselves as first, second, 1.5 generation or as Korean, Korean-American, or local. In this respect, because ten imigrants are les likely to be taken as native born, she excludes them from the Generation 1.5 category. She also argues that the 1.5 generation is clearly diferent from the second generation since the second generation includes American-born people who speak English as their dominant language and cannot relate to the imigrant experience. On the other hand, Park (1999) places more emphasis on the bicultural/multicultural aspect of the group rather than on their linguistic dimension. She defines Generation 1.5 as those who imigrated as minors (including infants, children, and adolescents) as wel as those born in the host country “who practice aspects of biculturalism and multiculturalism” (p. 158). Some researchers simply asume the experiences of the second and 1.5 generation to be the same, and their working definition of Generation 1.5 includes those who imigrated to North America before the age of fourten (e.g., Le, 2003).10 For the purpose of my own disertation research, I have broadly defined this population as imigrant youth who arived in their host country during their primary or secondary school years. Roberge (2002) argues that a broader and more flexible definition of Generation 1.5 students is needed due to the increasingly diverse nature of language minority communities and the blured boundaries betwen such communities. Like Roberge, I do not wish to box Generation 1.5 students within rigid boundaries,                                                 9 In Danico’s (204) study, “local” culture refers to local Hawaian culture. 10 This is especialy true of second-generation students who grow up speaking their parents’ L1 and not English, especialy in ethnolinguistic enclaves.  13 especialy considering the hybrid nature of many of their lives. More importantly, however, rather than adapting a clear-cut definition of these students, I sek to give voice to the students who participated in my study, alowing them a chance to describe in their own words 1) who Generation 1.5 imigrants are (in particular, Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadians); 2) what contextual factors led them to such definitions; and 3) what they fel are the salient characteristics of this population. 2.3 Korean-American Creation of Generation 1.5 2.3.1 Korean Imigration to North America In order to understand the historical contexts in which the concept of Generation 1.5 emerged within Korean communities, it is important to understand the history of Korean imigration to North America. Therefore, I wil first provide a brief historical overview of Korean imigration to Canada and the United States. Then, I wil discuss some of the salient characteristics of post-1960s Korean imigrants in North America.1 Canada Largely due to the short history of Korean imigration to Canada, few studies have investigated the experiences of Korean-Canadians.12 The history of Korean-Canadian imigration can be divided into thre waves. The “pioneer” generation, who arived betwen 1965 and 1975, was mostly white collar profesionals consisting of doctors, nurses, engineers, and academics (including graduate students). The second wave of Korean imigrants was either relatives or families of the first wave of imigrants or independent white/blue collar workers, who first arived betwen 1975 and                                                 1 I mark the 1960s as an important turning point as it was during this time that imigration policies excluding Asian imigrants from entering the U.S and Canada were abolished. As a result, it was since the mid 1960s that there has ben a drastic increase of Asian imigrants to North America, including Koreans (Min, 195; Song, 197). 12 Korean-Canadian diplomatic relations began during the Korean War when Canadian trops were deployed as part of the UN Comand. It is believed that the first group of Korean imigrants entered Canada in the 1950s, mainly comprised of war brides and orphans as wel as government sponsored orphans. They were listed as “other Asians” prior to 1965, and from the general Canadian public’s perception, Korean identity has ben for a long time synonymous with Chinese identity. The Korean-Canadian comunity was not established until the removal of Canada’s color-conscious imigrant policies in the 1960s (Song, 197).  14 1985. The final and current wave is characterized as investment Koreans, who began ariving around 1985 and continue to imigrate up to the present. This group of t’ujain (which means investors in Korean) generaly operates various busineses, and often spends relatively equal amounts of time in both Korea and Canada.13 Thus, they are often refered to as “astronaut imigrants” by the first two waves of imigrants (Song, 1997).14 Acording to Statistics Canada (2006a), there currently are about 100,000 Korean imigrants in Canada, the majority of them residing in Toronto or Vancouver.15 More than half of this population have arived since 1996 and over 35,000 arived betwen 2001 and 2006. Today, Koreans are the sixth largest non-European ethnic group in Canada and the fourth largest in Vancouver. It is anticipated that the number of Korean imigrants in Canada wil continue to grow as Canada has become the number one destination for Korean emigrants since the late 1990s (Yoon, 2001).16 In addition to its                                                 13 Here, it is important to note that although this group is often refered to as investors, their primary reason for imigration is not limited to economic investment. As wil be discused in a later section of this chapter as wel as in Chapters 4-6, educational investment for their children is also one of the most important reasons for imigration for many Korean families. 14 This notion of astronaut imigrants wil be explored further in a later discusion of kirŏgi (wild gese) families. 15 Although 10,00 may not be a large number in comparison to the over one milion Chinese imigrants in Canada, it is important to note that the number of Korean imigrants has almost doubled since the 196 census. Since 199, Canada has ben the leading country to which Koreans emigrated, and in 200 over 60% of al Korean emigrants left for Canada (Yon, 201). In 203, Hyundai Home Shoping, a leading Korean home-shoping chanel, sold almost 80 milion dolars worth of their “Canada imigration package” in two days. As part of this package, Hyundai included services that would help sped the imigration aplication proces and also help customers to secure jobs in Canada. This package was later criticized for having several flaws, yet until April, 208, it was recorded as the highest seling item in Korean home-shoping history. 16 There are various explanations for the popularity of Canada as a destination for Korean emigrants. For instance, Han & Ibot (204) claim that the depreciation of the Canadian dolar has resulted in Koreans chosing Canada over the United States, which had ben the leading destination for Koreans for over 35 years. Park (206) explains that relatively les complex imigration procedures, a developed educational and social welfare system as wel as the overal high quality of life are some of the reasons Koreans are drawn to Canada. The increased “English language bom” in Korea has also atracted Koreans to other English-speaking countries (like Australia and New Zealand), yet Park claims that Canada is beter known among Koreans as a multicultural nation. Thus, many Koreans asume that they wil face les racism in Canada compared to other English-speaking imigrant host countries. In adition to these reasons, Kim (208) sugests that Canada has become an atractive destination for Korean families who are seking cleaner environments for their children.  15 short history of imigration, Korean imigrants in Canada are also relatively young in age. In 2001, 41% of al Korean-Canadians were 25 or younger. This could be explained by the fact that the majority of Korean imigrants arived under the independent or busines categories and as families, typicaly consisting of middle-aged parents and their adolescent children. Consequently, 35% of the newly arived Korean imigrants betwen 1996 and 2000 were in the 5-19 age group (Statistics Canada, 2006a). The United States The year 2003 marked the centennial year of Korean imigration to the U.S. For the last 100 years, there have been thre significant waves of Korean imigrants. The third wave, which began with the Imigration and Nationalization Act of 1965, constitutes the majority of Koreans presently residing in the U.S.17 Today, there are over one milion Koreans living in the U.S. (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003), although since 1988, there has been a trend of return migration to Korea, especialy among the first generation, mostly due to their inability to adjust to life in America, increased quality of life available in Korea, and homesicknes (Hurh, 1998; Yoon, 2001).18 2.3.2 Characteristics of the Post-1960s Korean Imigrants in North America Downward Mobility: Self Employment in Small Busineses Most of the new Korean imigrants since 1965 are from urban, middle clas families and backgrounds. They were highly educated in Korea, yet due to low job transferability and lack of English proficiency, many experienced downward occupational mobility upon imigration to the U.S. In response to this occupational                                                 17 The first wave started in 1903 when 121 Koreans, 80% of whom were por, iliterate, Christian bachelors in their 20s and 30s, landed in Hawai to work in sugar plantations. The second wave of Korean imigrants resulted from the Korean War in 1950, and from 1951 to 1964, most Korean imigrants were the wives of soldiers who fought in the Korean War. An aditional 6,30 war orphans were adopted by American families and another 5,00 students also arived during that time although not much is known about these two groups (Hurh, 198). 18 Throughout this disertation, I use the term first generation to refer to those who imigrated to their host country as adults, namely, the parents of the 1.5 and second generation groups.  16 barier, Koreans have chosen self-employment, making them the highest, in numerical terms, self-employed group of al Asian imigrants in the U.S. (Hurh, 1998). Like the situation in the U.S., the educational and profesional credentials of Korean imigrants are often not recognized in the Canadian job market. Thus, despite the fact that among the top ten imigrant groups, Koreans (age 25 and up) have the highest level of education at the time of arival in Canada (B.C. Stats, 2001), they have limited aces to employment opportunities in their original areas of training (Yoon, 2001). Consequently, although most recent imigrants were admited under the clas of entrepreneurs (since 1999, Koreans were the largest group of entrepreneur imigrants in British Columbia), the biggest occupational category of Korean imigrants in Canada is retail and/or smal busines. Such occupational bariers, lack of language proficiency, and ethnic enclosure may have prevented Korean imigrants, especialy the first generation adult imigrants, from asimilating into the larger society.19 Hence, downward mobility is often perceived as one of the most significant sacrifices made by the parents for the sake of their children’s future and a factor which motivates many 1.5 and second-generation Korean youths to excel in their academic and profesional carers (Choi, Cranley, & Nichols, 2001).20 The Pivotal Role of Korean Christian Churches The foundations of the Korean-American and Canadian community were built around Korean Christian churches, and they stil remain the core of both the religious and sociocultural activities of Korean imigrants. In fact, two thirds of al Korean-Americans are afiliated with a Korean Christian church (Hurh & Kim, 1990, Min, 2000). The Korean church is a place for ethnic solidarity, especialy for the first generation. It is also                                                 19 Although the situation has ben gradualy improving, compared to other imigrant groups, a significantly higher proportion of Koreans (62.3% compared to 50% of overal imigrants betwen 196 and 200) imigrated without any knowledge of the English language. (B.C Stats, 201) In adition, Min (195) aserts that compared with other ethnic imigrant groups, rather than branching out, Korean first-generation imigrants tended to remain relatively more separate from the host culture. 20 This phenomenon of downward mobility is not uncomon among many other imigrant groups where imigrant parents are unable to find jobs with the same amount of prestige that they had in their home countries (Iredale, Guo & Rozario, 203; Louie, 204).  17 a place where they teach Korean culture and language to their children. This is reflected in the fact that more Korean families with one or more school-aged children atend Korean churches than those without children, in order to provide their children with Korean language and cultural education (Hurh, 1998). The church is also significant to the first generation because this is where their pre-imigrant status and educational backgrounds are recognized and validated. Thus, they are granted a status that they cannot obtain in mainstream society (Song, 1997). However, it is interesting to note that although they stil atend church regularly, because many 1.5 and second-generation young adults cannot relate to this need for status and are often disatisfied with the gender roles of their parents, over 80% of them have left their imigrant parents’ ethnic churches and have gravitated to other churches or ethnic campus ministries (Kim, 2004). Emphasis on Educational Achievement Like many other imigrants from Asia and elsewhere, the most important reason for Koreans’ imigration to the U.S. and Canada is for the education of their children (Hurh, 1998; Moon, 2003; Yoon, 2001).21 This heavy emphasis on education originates from the long history of Confucian teachings in Korea which stres learning as the best way to obtain wisdom and virtue, and the historical legacy of obtaining social mobility through education that is deeply rooted in Korean society. Thus, it is not uncommon for Korean parents to give up a stable life in Korea and emigrate in order to provide beter educational opportunities for their children, even if it entails undergoing downward occupational mobility as a result (Kim, 1993). Korean parents view good education as the most secure means to succes and often decide where to live (both in Korea and abroad) based mainly on the quality of public schools in the neighborhood, and many send their children to private after-school programs (Min, 1996; Le & Zhou, 2004). Acordingly, Koreans show the highest rate of residence in suburban neighborhoods among al ethnic minority groups in the U.S. (Hurh, 1998).                                                 21 This emphasis on education can also be found among other ethnic groups and has ben discused in various studies that have loked at the experiences of Vietnamese, Chinese, and Hmong-American imigrants (e.g., Kibria, 193; Le, 204; Louie, 204).  18 This pasion for education has resulted in the high achievement of many Korean-American youth in academics, and they are labeled, along with other Asian-American groups, “model minority” youth (Min, 1995; Silwany, 2007). Many Asian-American youth focus their studies on medicine, busines, law, or engineering based on their emphasis on social prestige and economic rewards (Gordon, 2000; Louie, 2004; Pai 1993). Korean youth are no exception, and as Ok and Baek (2000) and Park (2005) asert, most Korean parents desire their children to become doctors, engineers, lawyers or entrepreneurs. However, it is also worth noting here that their concentration on science and technical areas may be atributed to the fact that aces to non-academic succes is limited because “academic achievement is one of the few routes to social mobility open to Asians in American culture. . . For most Asian youngsters, who se most non-academic pathways to succes blocked off, they have ‘no choice’ but to apply themselves in school” (Steinberg, 1996, p. 46). Included in the notion of children’s education is the opportunity for the children to acquire a certain level of English proficiency. Many parents fel that in this era of globalization, their children cannot obtain a competitive level of English proficiency through the Korean educational system (which places too much emphasis on the university entrance exam), and thus decide to emigrate to English-speaking countries. A new type of imigrant group is emerging from this obsesion with the English language, where only some members of the family, usualy the mother and the children, emigrate while the father stays in Korea and supports his emigrant family financialy, creating the kirŏgi family (wild geese family) syndrome (Yoon, 2001). Leadership of the First Generation Unlike many imigrant communities whose leadership is now in the hands of the second or third generation, the leadership of the Korean imigrant community in North America stil remains largely in the hands of the first generation (Hurh, 1998). As briefly mentioned above in my discussion of Korean ethnic churches, the first generation is often able to obtain an executive, authoritative, and high-status position, at least within the Korean imigrant community, through voluntary participation in leadership positions.  19 This partialy compensates for their downward occupational adjustment, and they fel a sense of honor and pride through financial contributions and the demonstration of leadership skils (Song, 1997).2 In addition, as representatives of their communities, they establish relations with Korean government officials, and thus gain official recognition at public events. On the other hand, the new investment imigrants, who have not experienced as much profesional or economic marginalization as the first and second wave of imigrants, are not as motivated to participate in Korean imigrant society. In addition, the children of imigrants do not necesarily face the same obstacles in terms of carer opportunities, having been educated within the North American system. Thus, their sense of status may not be limited to the boundaries of the Korean ethnic community. Nonetheles, as a result of the first generation’s central role, the overal Korean-North American imigrant community has a very strong ethnic identity and posseses a strong desire to preserve the Korean language and culture (Min & Kim, 1999; Le, 2004; Yoon, 1995). 2.3.3 The Generation 1.5 Phenomenon The vast majority of the over one milion Korean-Americans live in metropolitan areas such as Los Angeles and New York City, and acordingly, the term ilchomose (literaly meaning Generation 1.5 in Korean) was first used within the Korean-American communities in Los Angeles and New York in the 1970s and was popularized by first-generation Korean community leaders (Hurh, 1998; Park, 1999; Danico, 2004).23 It was in the early 1980s that the editor of the Korea Times (English Edition), K.W. Le, first wrote about the Generation 1.5 Korean-Americans and described them as a “transitional                                                 2 Acording to Song (197), first-generation Korean imigrants, especialy those from the first and second wave of imigration to Canada, have acumulated capital as smal busines operators. Thus, they have substituted wealth as the more significant indicator of social status compared to the traditional symbol of status indicated by one’s profesion. 23 Within the Korean context, the concept of Generation 1.5 became more comonly known to native Koreans after a Korean drama, titled Ilchomo (One point Five) aired on one of Korea’s most popular television chanels in 195. The main characters of the drama were Generation 1.5 Korean-American youth, who were depicted as heavily lacking in their knowledge of Korean language and culture.  20 cultural phenomenon before the numerical dominance of the second generation” (Park, 1999, p. 140) within the Korean-American community. Hurh’s (1993) article is the only published work to date that provides an explanation of the context in which this generation emerged. He offers four factors which created the Generation 1.5 phenomenon: 1) the large proportion of adolescent Korean imigrants; 2) functional bilingualism and biculturalism which were facilitated through the parents’ high socioeconomic background; 3) the centripetal as wel as centrifugal nature of the Korean-American community; and 4) the first generation’s adhesive mode of adaptation, which implies that regardles of their length of residence in the U.S and their rates of aculturation, the first-generation imigrants are stil very atached to their ethnic culture and society. Here, I would like to note that the above four factors are certainly not limited only to the Korean-American community. However, the concept of Generation 1.5 is relatively more wel-known and commonly used within Korean imigrant communities even compared to other Asian-American imigrant comunities (Park, 1999). For instance, Japanese imigrants are refered to simply as isei, nisei, and sansei (first, second, and third generation, where the second and third generations are those born in their imigrant host countries), while Chinese and South Asian groups often refer to them as the knee-high generation (Danico, 2004). Adolescent Korean Imigration The proportion of adolescent (people under the age of 20) Korean-American imigrants had continuously been the highest among al Asian-American imigrant groups in the US from the early 1970s to the mid 1980s, averaging around 37.9%. Almost 15% of them were betwen the ages of 10 and 19, which again is a relatively higher proportion than other Asian imigrant groups like Japanese, Chinese, or Filipinos. Thus, considering this large number of adolescent imigrants during the 1970s up to the mid-1980s, it is not surprising that the term Generation 1.5 was first coined in the early 1980s (Hurh, 1993).  21 Parents’ Socioeconomic Background and Children’s Functional Bilingualism and Biculturalism Acording to Hurh (1993), the atainment of functional bilingualism and biculturalism involves four socialization or aculturation dimensions for Korean-Americans. These include the enculturation of Korean language and cultural values, which mostly takes place in Korea prior to emigration and the acquisition of English and American values, which are mostly experienced after their imigration to the U.S. Hurh claims that the proces of succesful socialization of these dimensions is highly dependent on a variety of variables, among which the parents’ socio-economic backgrounds play a significant role. This is true in the case of Korean imigrants who imigrated to the U.S. since the 1970s, as most of them came from relatively high socioeconomic backgrounds and continue to be one of the most highly educated imigrant groups in the U.S. (Hurh, 1998).24 The Centripetal and Centrifugal Nature of the Korean-American Community Korean imigrants, the second generation in particular, are scatered in middle clas neighborhoods in the suburbs within the major metropolitan areas (the first generation especialy look for areas with a good reputation for public schools). Hurh (1993) refers to this as a centrifugal development, where the second generation has left the imigrant enclaves, both physicaly and psychologicaly.25 On the other hand, the first generation is more centripetal, meaning regional imigrant enclaves or “Korea towns” remain a “sociocultural microcosm” (Hurh, 1993, p. 22), where first-generation Koreans share “support, recognition, and a reason for being” (p. 22) and a center for                                                 24 There are significant diferences among the first, second and third wave of imigrants. The first and second wave of imigrants did not have high socioeconomic or educational backgrounds and generaly did not imigrate with their adolescent children (Hurh, 198). 25 Hurh claims that this centrifugal development has already ben experienced by the Japanese and Chinese imigrant comunities, who have a longer imigration history in the U.S.  22 ethnic busineses and sociocultural activities.26 Hence, despite their residence in the suburbs, the first generation stil seks a sense of ethnic community in “Korea town.” The Adhesive Adaptation Mode of the First Generation First-generation Korean imigrants show a strong sense of ethnic atachment, regardles of their length of residence in the U.S. Ryu (1991) suggests that first-generation Koreans believe that unles you die and are buried in a land, you cannot claim that land as home, for home is where your ancestors are buried. Hurh (1993) claims that it is based on this mindset that first-generation imigrants take on the adhesive model of aculturation, where “certain aspects of the new culture and social relations with members of the host society are appended to the imigrants’ traditional culture and social networks, without significantly replacing or modifying them” (Hurh, 1998, p. 165). Therefore, the Generation 1.5 person’s ability to develop and maintain bilingualism and biculturalism was a byproduct of the above adhesive and centripetal adaptation tendencies of the first-generation parents as they expected their Generation 1.5 children to be “linguistic and cultural brokers while remaining loyal to family and ethnic community” (Park, 1999, p. 140). Furthermore, based on their bilingualism and biculturalism, they also expected Generation 1.5 youth to be bridge-builders betwen the first and second generation.27 2.4 Generation 1.5 Research 2.4.1 Identity and Generation 1.5 Early works on the Generation 1.5 population have often depicted them as a group caught betwen two worlds. When sociologists Rumbaut and Ima (1988) first coined the term Generation 1.5, it was used to describe the population of Southeast Asian refugee youths they studied in San Diego. They stated:                                                 26 “Korea towns” in major metropolitan cities in the U.S. are now mainly ocupied by the Latino imigrant comunities (Min, 196). 27 Kim, Brener, Liang, & Asay (203) also report on the bicultural and bilingual characteristics of Generation 1.5 Asian-American university students, who served as cultural brokers for their families.  23 They are those young people who were born in their countries of origin but formed in the U.S. (that is, they are completing their education in the U.S. during the key formative periods of adolescence and early adulthood) . . . They are in many ways marginal to both the new and old worlds, for while they straddle both worlds they are in some profound sense fully part of neither of them (p. 22). For the most part, this image of Generation 1.5 continues til today and Generation 1.5 youth are believed to be a group not fully belonging to either world, hence suffering from an identity crisis (Ryu, 1991). Oudenhoven (2006) suggests that while in the proces of “creating new lives, learning new skils, and forging new identities . . . they are often caught betwen two cultures, two languages, and two identities” (p. 318). Thus, as Talmy (2005) aserts, more often than not, the Generation 1.5 population’s range of identity has been simply confined to two worlds, where they are struggling betwen two cultures and two languages “with their fet at once in two worlds and in neither” (p. 54). Early Korean-American literature often echoed the above view. For instance, Ryu (1991) characterizes this group as marginalized and claims that “the 1.5 generation can be forever lost, and most of them are lost” (p. 51). As a result of their sense of alienation, they withdraw from social involvement, and in extreme cases, join Korean-American gangs.28 Ryu claims that most Korean-American gangs are indeed made up of Generation 1.5 imigrants because that is where they find a sense of structure, validation, and belonging. The Du-San on-line encyclopedia (one of the best known on-line encyclopedias in Korea) also provides the following esentialized view of Generation 1.5 imigrants (original text in Korean):                                                 28 Le (204) investigates the experiences of Hmong-American youth and argues that there is also a strong stereotype that simply confines Hmong imigrant youth to either model minorities or delinquents. In adition to the model minority/ delinquent dichotomy, Asian-American youth are sometimes stigmatized as either “Fresh of the Boat” (FOB) or a “banana” The term “FOB” often refers to Asian imigrants who are not yet asimilated to the American way of life (Eble, 196). On the other hand, “banana” often refers to Asian imigrants who have asimilated to North American ways of life in terms of language, behaviors and values (Kao, 197). More detailed discusions of these concepts wil folow in Chapter 5.  24 This term refers to those Korean imigrant youth in the U.S who are neither the first nor second generation. They exist betwen the first and second generation and agonize over the question of ‘Who am I?’ Because they imigrated during their adolescent or pre-ten years, they understand both American and Korean cultures and languages. However, this term refers to a ‘wandering generation’ because although they are U.S. citizens they stil perceive themselves as Korean; hence, they are unable to adapt to either American or Korean culture. The first generation is busy making a living. The second generation was born and raised in the U.S. and thus identify themselves as American. Therefore, they rarely experience crises as a result of cultural conflicts or linguistic dificulties. On the other hand, Generation 1.5 youths are caught in betwen two cultures and languages, not knowing what to do (TuSan Encyclopedia, 2006; my translation).29 Hurh (1993), coming from a sociological viewpoint, claims that there are two types of Generation 1.5: 1) a succesful cosmopolitan type who has creativity, leadership, a strong sense of Korean-American ethnicity, and is actively involved in both ethnic and mainstream American society and 2) the negative marginalized type who is reserved, socialy isolated, exhibits inferiority complexes and hypersensitivity. Although Hurh does not necesarily argue that Generation 1.5 imigrants are caught in betwen two worlds, he nonetheles provides an extreme, ‘either/or’ perspective of the group. More recently, however, scholars have argued against the esentialization of imigrant youths’ identities, including that of Generation 1.5, claiming that one’s sense of identity is dynamic with multiple dimensions afected by social environments, sociopolitical interests and transnational experiences (e.g., Jo, 2002; Kibria, 2000; Le, 2001; Lien, Conway, and Wong, 2003; Park, 2001; Roberge, 2002; Talmy, 2005). Some have adapted the notions of hybrid identities or third space (e.g., Bhabha,1990; Kramsch,                                                 29 While interviewing the participants in my study, I asked them to read and provide their thoughts about this description of Generation 1.5 imigrants (I provided both the original Korean text and my own translated English version). I wil discus the students’ reactions to this pasage in Chapter 7.  25 2000; Park, 2005; Zentela, 1997) to describe the identities imigrant youths create which go beyond simplified ethnic labels such as Korean, Puerto Rican, or Chinese. Park (1999) investigates the sociocultural, political, and economic contexts in which the identities and definitions of Generation 1.5 Korean-Americans are created. Based on ethnographic interviews with 17 Korean-Americans in their twenties or early thirties, Park suggests that the identities of Generation 1.5 Korean-Americans are fluid and constantly changing. For instance, many of her interviewes claimed to have adopted American, Asian-American, and Korean-American identities at diferent points in their lives. In this proces, they often “demystify images and identities of Korea and the U.S.” (p. 158) and develop a more complex understanding of each country. Thus, Park argues that biculturalism and multiculturalism are the most significant criteria in defining the Generation 1.5 group. For this reason Park claims that even U.S.-born Korean-Americans whose demographic characteristics define them to be second generation could also be sen as culturaly Generation 1.5, based on their afiliation with Korean culture and the Korean-American community. He further suggests that the changing structure of the global political economy, the rising economic status of Korea, the post-civil-rights racial structure in the U.S., and the image of Asian-Americans as the “model minority” establish the contexts in which Generation 1.5 Korean-Americans form their own construct of self and community. Danico (2004) also argues that Generation 1.5 imigrants are not caught betwen two worlds, but rather have the option to identify with and flow betwen generations and switch their ethnic identities. In her investigation of Generation 1.5 Korean youth in Hawai, her participants first acquired negative stereotypes of Korean “FOB” imigrants; thus, this shame led them to desire to pas as second-generation Korean-Americans or as “local” Hawaians. However, through meting other Generation 1.5 peers, they discovered shared experiences and positive Generation 1.5 identities, found an appreciation for the uniquenes of their group, and tried to create more positive images of the Korean-American community. Although Danico’s work deserves much credit as one of the very few empirical studies examining Generation 1.5 Korean youth, the fact that  26 her participants were investigated within the contexts of Hawai-a state where the majority of the population are Asians-must be taken into acount when considering the positive ethnic identities her participants were able to create. In today’s racialized world, the experiences of Generation 1.5 imigrant youth (Koreans in particular) in Canada or the continental U.S. could be quite diferent from those in the context of Hawai.30 Generation 1.5 Korean Imigrants’ Identity Changes across Time and Place The notion of Generation 1.5 was created in the 1980s when the socio-historical contexts of both North America and Korea were clearly diferent from those of today. Not only were Korean imigrants smaler in number, but their status as an imigrant group or as Asian-Americans was also not as high as it is now. Likewise, post-1965 imigrants difered from the first and second wave of imigrants, whose sense of national identity was quite strong due to the loss of their homeland during Japan’s colonization of Korea or the division of Korea during the Korean War (Cho, 2003). At present, a larger number of Koreans and Asians in North America are generaly being recognized as succesful imigrants (although this notion of “model minority” is also being problematized). Korea has also emerged as a key player in Asia-Pacific politics and economics. Furthermore, today’s advanced digital technology, means of transportation, and the internet enable imigrants to visit, communicate, and stay in touch with their native homelands far beter than they could two decades ago. Many Korean imigrant youth listen to Korean pop music, watch Korean movies and dramas, and search Korean websites. Thus, in a context where it has become much easier to maintain closer ties with the native land, today’s Korean imigrant youth may have a stronger ethnic atachment, and the proces of “North Americanization” can be much slower than for not only the first and second waves of Korean imigrants but also the for imigrants of the 1970s and 1980s. Consequently, Hurh (1998) suggests that these                                                 30 For example, in her 204 study of imigrant Chinese youth (those who imigrated during their adolescent years) in the U.S., Chiang-Hom discovers that her participants did not fel that they had the option to become either Chinese or American. Thus, they were asertive about maintaining their Chinese identity because they either felt that they would never be true Americans based on their race or chose not to identify as Americans because they did not want to lose their distinct identity by being “les Asian.”  27 imigrants are capable of going back “home” anytime. Hence, it is within this global structure that the present day Generation 1.5 Korean youth construct and develop a sense of self and community, and the context in which they create and negotiate their identities may not limited to the imediate physical location they reside in. How Generation 1.5 Korean youth wil construct their identities in the future wil again depend on the historical framework at that particular time. As images of Asians have developed from the “yelow peril” to the “model minority,” the image of future Asian-North Americans may evolve yet again. The notion of what it means to be Korean may also gradualy difer as the socioeconomic contexts of Korea are transformed. Korea is now slowly emerging as a target of imigration for many workers from Southeast Asia.31 In this respect, although certainly not in the imediate future, the gradual increase of imigrant workers may change the curent notion of “Koreannes” and what it means to be a true “Korean.” As Fischer (1986) claims, “ethnicity is not something that is simply pased on from generation to generation, taught and learned; it is something dynamic” (p. 195). In this sense, the notion of ethnic identity cannot be simplified or understood within an ahistoric context. Rather, it is continuously being negotiated by individuals within the socio-political, economic, historical context in which they are situated.32 It is this dynamic and complex view of identity that has guided my own study;                                                 31 To date, such imigrant workers face much discrimination and are not granted many of the legal rights of native Koreans, and most Koreans do not view them as legitimate members of Korean society. However, Koreans can no longer deny the existence of these imigrants in their land and the important role they play in the smal busineses of the Korean economy. Many of these workers have either maried native Koreans or are raising children in Korea, who are atending Korean public schols. Non-governmental organizations in Korea have ben batling for the humane and equal treatment of these imigrant workers that wil grant them rightful membership in Korean society. Lim (202) argues that whether Koreans like it or not, Korea has already become a land of imigration. 32 Chun (204), for instance, examines the dramatic shift in ethnic identity among Chinese-Americans in the 1930s and 1950s. In the former period, many Chinese-Americans chose to return to China due to the racial discrimination they experienced in the U.S. However, during the 1950s, when China turned comunist, many Chinese-Americans severed al ties to their homeland and asertively adopted American ideals and an American identity. Thus, Chun argues that this shift in ethnic identity was a result of the social, economical, and political context and constraints experienced by Chinese-American imigrants at that time.  28 thus, I wil addres the multifaceted nature of Generation 1.5 youths’ identities through the analyses of the data from my own participants. 2.4.2 Generation 1.5 and Language Learning Generation 1.5 in Higher Education The term Generation 1.5 is a relatively new concept in the field of applied linguistics. Isues pertaining to the language education of imigrant students are certainly not new in the field. However, as previously mentioned, most research on imigrant language education has been limited to K-12 students, and research on ESL students, in higher education in particular, has centered almost exclusively on international students (Bosher & Rowekamp, 1992; Crisostomo & De 2001; Harklau et al., 1999). Hence, the majority of the literature on ESL students in higher education asumes that international students are “the normative population of ESL clasrooms . . . students with limited exposure to U.S. society or the English language” (Harklau et al., 1999, p.2). However, Generation 1.5 students’ language learning experiences and needs may be considerably diferent from those of international students who are often equipped with relatively more socio-economic and intelectual capital (Roberge, 2001). Not Al ESL Students are Created Equal The above perception of ESL students has been reflected in institutional practices, and until about a decade ago, the characteristics and needs of Generation 1.5 students were either unknown or met with complete indiference by many universities and colleges who chose to ignore the presing concerns of this population of students (Elson, 1992). Gray, Rolph, and Melamid (1996) argue that many institutions have chosen not to distinguish among entering students based on their linguistic backgrounds, which Harklau et al. (1999) further criticize as a result of “institutional reluctance to take on the isue of linguistic diversity” (p. 6). When colleges and universities could no longer ignore the presence of imigrant linguistic minority students on their campuses, ESL clases started being offered to these students. However, these students were often (and stil often continue to be) put into clases designed for international students, and the majority of institutions offered ESL  29 clases as non-credit bearing courses that were prerequisites to regular first-year composition clases (Wiliams, 1995). This asumed homogeneity of ESL students is reflected in pedagogical practices, where Generation 1.5 students categorized as ‘ESL’ students, are constantly positioned as outsiders by ESL clas instructors who frequently ask students to write “imigrant naratives” or about “your country” (Harklau, 2000, p. 55).3 In her groundbreaking study on imigrant students’ transition from secondary school to college, Harklau (2000) argues that the trouble with placing Generation 1.5 students in ESL clases is not necesarily in the teaching of academic literacy skils; for, as revealed through Harklau’s participants, many Generation 1.5 students are generaly aware that there is always room for more improvement in their English language skils. Rather, resentment towards placement in college ESL clases is ignited when writing programs presume that all their students need cultural orientation, including those Generation 1.5 students who have already experienced North American culture during secondary school. Thus, despite their familiarity with North American culture, Generation 1.5 students are often perceived as cultural novices who need to be introduced to not only the norms of college but also to the norms of aceptable behavior in North American society in general. Although such teachings may be welcomed by international or newly arived imigrant students, this is often not the case with Generation 1.5 students. In fact, such practices are often insulting to many Generation 1.5 students who had striven to escape the “FOB” stigma frequently atached to ESL students during their high school years (Blanton, 1999; Talmy, 2005). In her study of Latino Generation 1.5 college students, Oudenhoven (2006) states that Generation 1.5 students would rather be enrolled in remedial English clases with native-speaker (NS) students than be placed in ESL clases with international, non-native-speaker (NS) students. By labeling a person as an ESL learner, there is an underlying asumption that despite the comfortable coexistence of two languages in a person’s life, their primary                                                 3 This is not to imply that ESL clases for international students do not take the students’ various levels and neds into acount.  30 afiliation must be with their heritage language, and thus, they wil never have ownership of the English language. If one expreses primary afiliation with English, their linguistic and cultural loyalties are questioned. As a result of stereotypes of ESL learners, Chiang and Schmida (1999) argue that many imigrant students view themselves as incapable of ever achieving the fluency of a native speaker. In the case of Asian-American students, they are expected to excel in math and science and are excused when they do not perform wel in other subjects that require extensive writing. This leads back to the “model minority” stereotype discussed earlier and how this image of the “science whiz” Asian student can limit the spaces within which these students can develop their academic and profesional potential. Eforts for Improvement From the mid to late 1990s onwards, there has been growing recognition and concern about the distinct characteristics of Generation 1.5 students and about how prexisting pedagogical and educational structures and policies, especialy those of college ESL and composition/writing programs, did not cater to the needs of these students (Blumenthal, 2002; Duff, 2001; Harklau et al, 1999; Miele, 2003; Roberge, 2001; Oudenhoven, 2006). For example, in his 2001 study of a university writing program’s responses to the increase in imigrant students, Roberge argues that a writing program’s practices could asume a gate-keeping function for Generation 1.5 students acquiring academic literacy by confining them to “a kind of remedial or ‘ESL gheto’” (p. 378). On the other hand, Miele’s (2003) study reveals a more succesful case of a community college’s cross-over program which provided Generation 1.5 students with meaningful, college-level reading and writing clases supplemented by gramar instruction based on data from analyses of the students’ erors. There continues to be research on improving placement practices and curriculum development of college writing programs for Generation 1.5 students (e.g., Schwartz , 2004; Singhal, 2004; Stegemoler, 2004), and supporting these students in writing across the curriculum has also gained increasing interest (e.g., Wolfe-Quintero & Segade, 1999).  31 2.4.3 The Gap in the Literature As discussed above, there has been a growing number of studies examining isues pertaining to Generation 1.5 imigrants over the last decade. However, the majority of these studies fal within the scope of sociology and ethnic studies, and there is stil a lack of applied linguistics research that investigates Generation 1.5 students’ experiences, especialy within the context of higher education. Furthermore, of those limited studies that examine Generation 1.5 university students’ experiences, most are within the context of academic writing or composition clases at the community college level in the United States (e.g., Burnside, 2006; Crosby, 2007; Nye, 2006; Wurr, 2004). Although such studies offer much insight about placement and instructional practices with regard to Generation 1.5 students, there is also a need to investigate the broader historical, sociocultural, and political contextual factors within which the students’ lived experiences take place. This linking of the ‘micro’ with the ‘macro’ wil yield a more in-depth and broader understanding of the students’ language learning experiences. Furthermore, a more holistic understanding of the students’ experiences may alow for the revaluation of the current notion of Generation 1.5, which is viewed as problematic by some due to its “notably deficit-oriented connotations” (Talmy, 2005, p. 46). Harklau (2003) also argues that al too often, the notion of Generation 1.5 is asociated with students in need of some kind of linguistic and cultural remediation. Additionaly, Roberge (2002) aserts that refering to a group as 1.5 is problematic because it implies that “these students are somewhere betwen first and second generation imigrants when, in fact, they may have experiences, characteristics, and educational needs which difer markedly from both of these groups” (p. 108). Thus, with such concerns in mind, I am guided by a holistic and poststructural (Morgan, 2007) perspective towards language learning in examining the experiences of Generation 1.5 students participating in my study. That is, from an epistemological position that believes in the existence of multiple realities that are socialy constructed, the purpose of my research is not to discover one ultimate truth that is already out there but rather to co-construct meanings of reality(ies) with those who live it.  32 In the next section, I introduce language socialization theory and the notion of language and identity which are the theoretical perspectives that have informed my research. 2.5 Language Socialization LS concerns the socialization of newcomers through and into the use of language (Schieflin & Ochs, 1986). Rooted in anthropology, linguistics, sociology, psychology, and education, LS theory emerged out of concerns about perceiving language acquisition from an exclusively cognitive and linguistic point of view (Garet, 2008; Ochs & Schieflin, 2008). That is, LS is grounded in the belief that language acquisition cannot be separated from the acquisition of sociocultural knowledge, thereby emphasizing the need to examine “the relationship among language, culture, and society” (Garet, 2008, p. 190). In this respect, LS theory takes on a more holistic sociocultural approach where the learner is socialized into and through language “not only in the imediate/local discourse context but also in the context of historicaly and culturaly grounded social beliefs, values, and expectations, that is, in socioculturaly recognized and organized practices asociated with membership in a social group” (Shi, 2006, p. 1). Thus, emphasis is placed on examining contextual factors surrounding one’s language learning both at the micro and macro level. Early works on LS mainly examined the socialization proceses through which young children acquired their first language. The first generation of LS researchers produced pioneering studies on child first language socialization in various contexts around the world, including the United States, Western Samoa, Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands (Heath, 1983; Ochs, 1988; Schiefelin, 1990; Watson-Gegeo, 1992). By combining methods typical of psycholinguistic and anthropology research, these studies employed longitudinal, ethnographic approaches to examine the mundane, everyday activities betwen children and their caregivers. They ilustrated how in the proces of engaging in everyday interactions with their caregivers, children acquired the diferent types of languages that are socialy and pragmaticaly appropriate for varying contexts, thereby enabling them to become socioculturaly competent members of society.  33 Thus, they demonstrated how language socialization is far more than the mere acquisition of linguistic structures, and these groundbreaking works continue to inspire LS-related studies. However, as Duff (2003) suggests, traditional LS research has perhaps implied a somewhat pasive role on the part of the novice/newcomer who undergoes a linear, albeit bi-directional proces of socialization by experts or more capable members of society who have “sufficient good wil and expertise… to asist, mentor, and acommodate them into the target culture and its practices” (p. 315). Hence, it is asumed that newcomers wil internalize new social and linguistic practices through the wiling help and facilitation of “old-timer” (experienced) interlocutors. Yet, the early understandings of LS were based on studies within relatively monolingual and homogeneous communities and have thus been problematized somewhat in bilingual or multilingual research setings, which are more reflective of emerging communities in a globalizing world. Therefore, over the years, the spectrum of LS research has broadened from its original examination of first language acquisition among young children to include a wider population of adolescents and adults in bilingual and/or multilingual setings where one is situated in a context of two or more languages and cultures (se Duff & Hornberger, 2008). For example, researchers (e.g., de la Piedra & Romo, 2003; Guadardo, 2008; Gutierez, Baquedano-Lopez, & Alvarez, 2001; Pease-Alvarez, 2003; Schecter & Bayley, 2002) have investigated language socialization practices within imigrant families in the U.S and Canada. Others have examined language socialization in vocational setings (e.g., Duff, Wong & Early 2000; Li, 2000; McAl, 2003; Roy, 2003; se also Duff, 2008b for a review of current LS research within the vocational seting). Elsewhere, studies have also looked at language socialization within various educational setings (e.g., Duff, 1995, 2001, 2003; He, 2003; Talmy, 2005, 2008), and more recently, with the increasing trend of internationalization within higher education, much atention has been paid to the academic literacy socialization of international students in universities (e.g., Kobayashi, 2003; Morita, 2000, 2002; Morita & Kobayashi, 2008; Séror, 2008; Zappa, 2007).  34 Consequently, through these various works, new developments have been made in depicting the dynamic and multidirectional nature of interactions through which newcomers, along with expert old-timers, co-construct socialization proceses, identities, and linguistic practices and ideologies. Throughout these proceses, newcomers may sometimes face gate-keeping practices and unequal power relations that hinder their entry into their target communities (Norton, 2000). Additionaly, they may also choose to asert their agency to “evaluate and contest target cultural values and beliefs, struggle to broaden their individual agendas, and actively negotiate and restablish their multiple identities, ideologies, and social networks” (Shi, 2006, p. 9, also se Garet & Baquendano-Lopez, 2002). And whatever complexities may emerge within the LS proces, they are rooted in and influenced by the equaly complex nature of sociocultural, historical, and political contexts. 2.5.1 Second Language Socialization and Generation 1.5 Language Learners Among recent LS research, a growing number of studies have addresed the linguistic socialization of imigrant youth within educational setings, although not al of them have explicitly labeled their participants as being Generation 1.5. For instance, Harklau’s (2003) study looks at the socialization practices within a secondary school in the U.S., which created a representation of adolescent imigrants as motivated, hardworking youths but who nonetheles remained as “cultural others” and who were cognitively and linguisticaly deficient. Duf (2001, 2002, 2004) examines Asian ESL students’ experiences in a secondary school social studies clasroom in Canada through which she reveals the dificulties these students underwent far beyond English language skils. For example, students were faced with the chalenges of lacking knowledge of contemporary North American pop culture and current afairs and needed to interact with local peers who were not as acommodating or sensitive to their linguistic chalenges as their teachers or felow ESL students. Pon, Goldstein, and Schecter’s (2003) work sheds light on Chinese-Canadian high school students’ clasroom experiences where they were often caught in a linguistic double-bind. That is, they were caught betwen loyalties  35 towards felow Chinese peers (who discouraged the use of English) and the need to increase English use in order to obtain high grades. Talmy (2005, 2008) explicitly identifies his focal population as Generation 1.5. Through a critical ethnography, he examines Generation 1.5 high school students in Hawai and the cultural production of ESL in everyday clasroom practices. His study is significant in its atempt to situate the students’ experiences in relation to broader contextual factors, including, for example, the political context of Hawai, past and present institutional structures, and program policies. 2.6 Language and Identity Within the field of language education, the language and identity approach aserts that “language constructs and is constructed by identities” (Liang, 2006 p. 145), and numerous studies have offered various perspectives on the relationship betwen language and identity. As Duff (2008b) notes, the concept of identity has also been an important part of LS research. For instance, Duff and Uchida’s (1997) study of English as a foreign language (EFL) teachers at a postsecondary institution in Japan highlights the teachers’ complex sociocultural identities and how they are manifested in their teaching practices. In her investigation of Japanese graduate students at a Canadian university, Morita (2002) suggests that negotiating their identities was a key element for the students to be recognized as legitimate and competent members of their academic communities. Elsewhere, Schecter and Bayley (1997, 2002) and Guardado (2008) look at the language socialization practices of Hispanic families in North America and how these practices related to the creation and/or maintenance of cultural identity. In addition to adopting LS perspectives in my investigation of the experiences of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students, I am also guided by Norton’s (2000) concept of language and identity, where she defines identity as “how people understand their relationship to the world, how that relationship is constructed across time and space, and how people understand their possibilities for the future” (p. 5). The notion of investment plays an important role in Norton’s approach to language and identity. She argues that traditional notions of motivation are inadequate for grasping the  36 complicated relationship betwen power, identity, and language learning because motivation alone does not capture how the learners’ relationship to the target language has been socialy and historicaly constructed. Furthermore, drawing on Bourdieu’s (1977) notion of cultural capital, she argues that if learners invest in a second language, they do so with the understanding that they wil acquire a wider range of symbolic and material resources, which wil in turn increase the value of their cultural capital (Norton, 2000, p. 17). In this respect, Norton aserts that an individual’s investment in a target language is in line with their investment in social identity, which constantly changes over time and space. Thus, in her own investigation of imigrant women’s L2 experiences in Canada, she explains that the women’s acts of speaking up or remaining silent in diferent contexts were reflections of their varying investments in English and their own social identities. McKay and Wong (1996) employ Norton Peirce’s (1995) notion of investment in their examination of Chinese imigrant tens’ L2 learning experiences at a secondary school in the U.S. The authors highlight the students’ varying investments in English and how they negotiate their multiple and sometimes contradictory identities in order to exercise their agency within the multiple discourses and counterdiscourses in which they are situated. Liang (2006) also incorporates Norton’s notion of investment to partialy explain the code-switching dilemas faced by Chinese imigrant high school students in the U.S. Liang argues that the students had multiple investments in their L1 and L2, and both in their Chinese-speaking and English-speaking communities, which were reflected in the students’ code-switching practices.34 Within the language and identity framework, I also draw on the notion of imagined communities. First coined by Anderson (1991) and further theorized by Wenger (1998), imagined communities refer to “a group of people, not imediately tangible and acesible, with whom we connect through the power of imagination” (Kanno & Norton,                                                 34 In adition to the notion of investment, Liang also draws on Haliday’s (1985, 194) functional theory to explain the findings of her data.  37 2003, p. 241). That is, through imagination, people are able to relate to those beyond their imediate social networks. Recently, this notion of imagined communities has been adapted in relation to language and identity by several applied linguistics scholars (e.g., Blackledge, 2003; Dagenais, 2003; Kanno, 2003; Norton, 2001; Pavlenko, 2003; Pavlenko & Norton, 2007; Silberstein, 2003). These studies se imagined communities as part of creating an imagined identity, which could influence the learners’ investments in their target language as wel as the educational practices that they are engaged in. For example, Kanno’s (2003) study looks at the imagined communities that four diferent schools in Japan envisioned for their students and how such visions were applied and reflected in the schools’ educational policies and practices. Pavlenko’s (2003) research demonstrates how, through notions of multicompetence and contemporary theories on bilingualism, a group of EFL pre-service and in-service teachers in a MATESOL program were able to adapt an identity as competent L2 users rather than as failed non-native speakers (NS). Additionaly, Dagenais’ (2003) research examines how Asian imigrant parents sending their children to a French imersion school in Canada imagine a future identity for their children as members of not only their imediate Canadian communities but also those of transnational and multilingual communities. However, as Pavlenko and Norton (2007) note, members of the learners’ target language community may sometimes hinder or limit the learners’ aces to their imagined community. Norton’s (2001) study provides an example of this hindrance, where an ESL teacher discouraged an imigrant learner (Katrina) from taking computer clases due to her poor English skils, thereby positioning her as an ilegitimate member of Katrina’s imagined profesional community. Therefore, guided by the notion of investment within the language and identity approach, in examining my participants’ various academic, sociocultural and linguistic experiences, I consider how the students invest in their L1, L2, and sometimes their L3 to negotiate their multiple identities within their varying networks and communities of their past, present and imagined futures. Additionaly, I atempt to understand the students’ complex LS proceses, including the presures, tensions, and sometimes conflicting  38 desires/needs that are reflected in their micro, everyday experiences and language practices, while also situating and comprehending such experiences within a broader, macro-level sociocultural, historical and political context The studies discussed in the sections above have not only guided and inspired my disertation research but have also helped determine areas that stil require further investigation. As demonstrated above, there is a growing number of LS and language and identity studies examining imigrants’ language learning experiences in the North American context. In Canada alone, scholars have looked into such isues within various setings of home, work, and school. However, to date, there has been no published work pertaining to the language learning experiences of Generation 1.5 youth in the Canadian university context. Hence, my disertation research seks to addres this gap by examining the various experiences of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students. Guided by LS perspectives and the language and identity approach, I sek to understand the everyday sociocultural, linguistic and academic experiences of my participants within the contexts of their imediate individual communities (past, present, and imagined future) as wel as within the broader contexts of Canadian and Korean society. 2.7 Sumary In this chapter, I have provided an overview of some of the defining characteristics of Generation 1.5, in particular those within Korean-North American communities. I have also briefly introduced the LS theory and the notion of language and identity, which served as the theoretical perspectives that guided my disertation research. I have reviewed various studies pertaining to Generation 1.5 imigrants’ isues and have addresed gaps in the literature that require further investigation. A discusion of my research questions and methodology wil follow in Chapter 3.  39 Chapter 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 3.1 Introduction As indicated in Chapter 1, the research questions guiding my study were: 1) What are the contextual factors that shape the language socialization proceses and outcomes of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students?; 2) How do such contextual factors influence the students’ investments in their identities and language learning and use, and how are these investments manifested in their everyday lived experiences?; and 3) To what extent do the perspectives and experiences of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students help to refine and extend current conceptions of Generation 1.5 language learners? In this chapter, I wil provide a discussion of qualitative case study research, which was the methodology I employed to addres my research questions. I wil then provide details of the research context, participant aces and a general profile of the participants. This wil be followed by descriptions of the data collection and data analysis proces. Finaly, I wil addres isues of the trustworthines of the study and ethical considerations. 3.2 Qualitative Case Study Research As discussed in the previous chapter, my study was guided by the perspectives of LS and language and identity, which place emphasis on examining both the micro- and macro-level contextual factors surrounding one’s experiences with language.35 In particular, the study sought to uncover the participants’ acounts of both micro and macro factors influencing their language development and use, sociocultural and academic                                                 35 As Baquedano-Lopez & Katan (208) note, the term LS is used broadly by scholars “as a theoretical and methodological paradigm [or] as a theme of study” (p. 161, italics aded). The former aproach has traditionaly taken on a qualitative ethnographic studies aproach, often involving “extended observations, interviews, triangulation, and (other) document analysis” (Duf, 208a, p. 34). It is the later aproach to LS (theme of study) that I have adopted for my own investigation, and thus I have employed various sources of data in order to yield an in-depth understanding of the language socialization experiences of Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students. The data gathered from these sources have also ben triangulated in order to enhance the trustworthines of the study.  40 choices, and related identities. Therefore, with the purpose of investigating the contextual factors that shaped the students’ experiences, I have employed a qualitative multiple case study approach for my study (Duff, 2008a; Meriam, 1988; Stake, 1994; Yin, 2003). Over the last few decades, qualitative case study research has gained increasing visibility and credibility as a valid form of inquiry in social science research. Such developments have also been witnesed in educational research, including the increased popularity of qualitative case studies in second language acquisition and applied linguistics research (Duff, 2008a). Among these studies, some works have served as models for my own research. For example, Harklau’s (2000) thre year longitudinal case study traces the changing representation of ESL student identities in diferent institutional setings and how this, in turn, influences the students’ own self-perception and academic learning. Others (e.g., Duff, 2001; McKay & Wong, 1996; Norton, 2000) also employed qualitative case studies to iluminate various important contextual factors that impacted individuals’ (particularly imigrants’) language learning experiences. Such studies have produced rich contextual information and insights into, for example, the individual learner’s personal struggles, resistance, agency, and negotiation of identities and how these al related to the bigger context in which they were experienced-al crucial isues that other forms of inquiry may not have been able to addres. In undertaking my study, I drew on the definitions of a few noted scholars who describe case study as an “empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real life context” (Yin, 2003, p. 13), through the intense and holistic description and analysis of the phenomenon through time and space (Meriam, 1988; Snow & Anderson, 1991). My study folows the experiences of seven Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students, where each student represented a case. I performed an individual case analysis of each student as wel as a cross-case analysis of al seven of the students. As Yin (2003) and Meriam (1998) suggest, multiple case studies have the potential to produce convincing evidence with increased trustworthines of the data.  41 As noted in Chapter 2, many educators and academics have espoused relatively simplistic or esentialized views of Generation 1.5 youth. As a result, Generation 1.5 students are often categorized under the labels of “good” or “bad” (or “model minorities” or “delinquents”) without a deeper understanding of the contextual factors that afect their language learning experiences. In this respect, I believe qualitative case study research alows for an in-depth examination in understanding the students’ own perspectives of their language learning and use as wel as their own identity shapings and negotiations. There have been a number of large scale surveys on Generation 1.5 and second-generation Korean-American imigrants, exploring isues of self-perceived ethnic identity and choice of language (e.g., Ok & Baek, 2000; Yoon, 1997; Yoon, 2001). However, although such studies are valuable in that they provide a sense of how many imigrants think in a certain way, the quantitative nature of the studies make it dificult to comprehend why and how they had reached such perceptions. Other studies like Kibria (2000) and Park (1999) examine identity formation of Korean youth based on interview data, but again, the choice to prioritize quantity over quality strips away most contextual information about the individual participants. In this respect, the later part of the definition of a case study that I described earlier-namely, the intense and holistic description and analysis of the phenomenon through time and space-aforded me the opportunity to gain a deeper understanding of a smaler group of students, delving into not only the current individual and general contexts in which these Generation 1.5 students’ lives were situated, but also their histories and future possibilities. In addition, the longitudinal aspect of this case study research alowed “the observation of the same real-life units of analysis across a specific period of time” (Snow & Anderson, 1991, p. 161), which has enabled me to trace the students’ trajectories over time and space.36 In addition, although closed studies are also a form of qualitative case study research, for the purpose of my own inquiry, I have employed a more flexible case                                                 36 As Duf (208a) cautions, this is not to imply that al case study research is longitudinal or that al longitudinal studies are automaticaly case studies. For the purpose of my own particular investigation, I have chosen to undertake an in-depth, longitudinal study of my research participants with the goal of discovering developments/changes in their language ideologies, use, learning, and related identities.  42 study design, which scholars have noted as one of the strengths of interpretive research (Duff, 2008a).37 In particular, the semi-structured (Snow & Anderson, 1991) nature of the interviews gave participants the chance to speak of isues and experiences that were significant to them rather than being solely dictated by predetermined interview questions selected in advance by the researcher and unresponsive to participants’ answers and unique experiences. Thus, this aspect of qualitative case studies was very significant for my work as giving voice to the students was one of the most important goals of my research. 3.3 Research Context The study took place at Pacific Canadian University (PCU), a large public university in Vancouver, Canada. PCU is an internationaly renowned institution, ranked among the top 40 universities in the world since 2003. In order to be admited to PCU’s undergraduate program, al students (both domestic and international) must met both English language and high school academic requirements.38 In addition to the general requirements, each program has specific course requirements that the student should met prior to enrolling at PCU. Upon admision, al undergraduate students at PCU must enroll in the first-year English program regardles of their area of study. Most faculties require six credits of first-year English courses (usualy recommended to be completed during their first two years at PCU), although some require only thre credits.39                                                 37 Again, this it not to imply that flexibility was chosen at the expense of a systematic, planed inquiry. 38 Students must demonstrate competency in English by meting one of eight requirements set out by PCU. My research participants had met one of the folowing thre requirements: 1) Complete thre or more consecutive years of ful-time education in English within Canada imediately prior to atending PCU; 2) Achieve a grade of 70% or beter on the provincial examination portion of B.C. English 12 or English Literature 12 or the equivalent; 3) Sucesfuly complete six credits of post-secondary first-year English studies that are eligible for transfer credit to PCU. To be eligible, the course must be taken at a recognized university in an English-speaking country. 39 In order to be eligible to take first-year English courses at PCU, students must either pas the Language Proficiency Index (LPI) exam or receive an exemption from the LPI by meting minimum grade requirements on Grade 12 level English (e.g., 80% for B.C high schol graduates admited prior to 208) or on other recognized exams. The purpose of the LPI is to provide post-secondary institutions and profesional organizations in British Columbia with an individual’s proficiency level in Canadian English. The test consists of four parts: identifying sentence structure erors; identifying language use erors;  43 PCU is located in the city of Vancouver, where nearly 40% of the population is foreign-born, second to Toronto (Statistics Canada, 2006a). Since 2001, most of the imigrant population in Vancouver has come from Asia and the Middle East. Koreans are the fourth largest non-European imigrant comunity in Vancouver. There are numerous Korean churches, busineses, and organizations throughout Vancouver. 3.4 Participants 3.4.1 Recruitment Upon receiving approval from the Behavioral Research Ethics Commite at the University of British Columbia, I began recruiting participants by posting a cal for volunter participants on PCU’s Korean Student Asociation website and the Vancouver Korean-Canadian Scholarship Foundation’s student email list (se Appendix A).40 Postings were writen in both English and Korean. In the postings, I provided general information about my research, the criteria I was seking in potential participants, time commitment required of them, and the type of compensation they would receive for their participation in my study.41 My criteria for participant recruitment included: 1) students pursuing undergraduate studies at PCU; 2) students of Korean background who had imigrated to Canada during their K-12 years; 3) students who were wiling and able to met with me once or twice a month for individual interviews (and one group interview each term) betwen September 2005 and April 2006.42 Those students interested in                                                                                                                                              sumarizing short pasages; and writing an argumentative esay ([PCU] Aplied Research and Evaluation Services, 208). 40 In the recruitment form, students were informed that participation in the research would involve bi-monthly interviews which would take aproximately 16-20 hours of their time betwen September 205 and April 206. However, when the actual data colection began, due to schedule conflicts, we had monthly interviews from September 205 to June 207. Only students whose schedules permited were asked to met with me after April 206. 41 I provided a $30 PCU bokstore gift certificate for each participant. 42 As wil be discused in a later section of this chapter, although al participants were invited to take part in the group interview, I emphasized that they were encouraged to do so only if their schedules alowed it and if they were comfortable sharing their ideas with other participants in a group seting.  44 participating were asked to contact me via email through which I answered any questions or concerns they had regarding their potential participation. Al of the participants were recruited through the postings with the exception of Joon, who voluntarily contacted me after learning of my research through his friend, Gilbert, who was also a participant in my study. 3.4.2 Profile of Participants Four female and thre male students took part in my research. They were in their second to fourth years of studies at PCU in various disciplines. One of the participants imigrated to Canada during elementary school while the rest of the six arived during their secondary school years. With the exception of Joon, who was born in Germany, al of the participants were born in Korea. Table 3.1 provides an overview of the participants’ general profiles. Chapters 4-6 wil provide in-depth descriptions of each of the participants and groups of participants, as indicated in the left hand column of the table. In Chapter 4, I wil examine the experiences of Yelina and Sheila, two women who have been most atached to and influenced by their Korean peers in their proces of LS. Chapter 5 wil introduce Hannah, Joon, and Mike, thre students whose linguistic, academic, and social choices revolved around not being an “FOB” or a “banana.” In Chapter 6, I wil discuss the experiences of Gilbert and Yuri, students whose experiences were heavily influenced by their future academic and profesional goals as wel as their strong sense of familial duty.  45 Table 3.1 General Profile of the Students Ch. Name43 Gender Age Age at time of imigration City of imigration Family Background PCU Major Yelina F 20 15 Vancouver Parents, one younger brother English 4 Sheila F 19 15 Calgary Parents, one older sister Biochemistry/ Microbiology & Immunology Hannah F 21 1 Vancouver Parents, one younger brother Commerce Jon M 20 12 Vancouver Parents, one older sister General Sciences 5 Mike M 21 17 Calgary Parents, one younger brother Commerce Gilbert M 20 16 Vancouver Parents, one older sister Pharmacy 6 Yuri F 21 14 Vancouver Parents, one younger brother Math  3.5 Data Collection 3.5.1 Background Questionnaire Prior to the first interview, I asked the students to fil out a brief questionnaire in order to obtain a general sense of their personal backgrounds (se Appendix B). In addition to serving as a basis for some of the questions for the first interview, having some familiarity with the students’ backgrounds prior to meting them helped in creating beter rapport upon meting them in person. Some of the questionnaire items included basic demographic information, family background, language(s) spoken at home and with                                                 43 Al names are pseudonyms selected by the students themselves.  46 friends, self-asesed English and Korean language skils, academic experiences at PCU, and involvement in extracurricular activities. Students received a Korean and English version of the questionnaire and had the option to choose one of the versions and to complete it in either English, Korean or both. The questionnaires were exchanged via email. 3.5.2 Individual Interviews 4 Betwen September 2005 and June 2006, I conducted individual interviews with the students. Depending on each student’s availability, I met with them about five to eight times for aproximately 50-60 minute interviews. During our first interview, I asked each individual student which language they would prefer to converse in, and depending on their choice, I spoke to them in Korean, English or a mixture of both. Students also answered questions in the language of their choice. Al interviews were digitaly audio-recorded and transcribed (either fully or in point form) prior to the next interview ith each student. I translated al interviews conducted in Korean into English during the transcription proces. Based on the transcriptions, if deemed necesary, I sent students follow-up emails about areas that needed further clarification or elaboration, and I also sent some new questions that I hoped they would try to think about before our next meting. During our subsequent interviews, I began each meting with a brief summary of some of the isues we had discussed during our last meting which alowed both of us to “refresh our memories” before moving on. Interviews took place on the PCU campus, either in empty clasrooms or library seminar rooms. Al interviews were semi-structured, and questions stemed from topics discussed in previous interviews, my own field notes, and stories or personal writings that students voluntarily brought to our metings. 3.5.3 Group Interviews with Students In addition to individual interviews, I also conducted group interviews with some of the students twice during the data collection period. As Wilkinson (2004) afirms, the                                                 4 Apendix C provides sample questions from interviews with individual students, student groups, and English clas instructors.  47 dynamics of group interaction in group interviews can often encourage interviewes to speak of isues that they may be reluctant to share in an individual interview. Moreover, members of the group may be able to build on each other’s responses, producing more elaborated answers, which Stewart and Shamdasani (1990) refer to as the “synergistic efect” (p. 16). In the case of my participants, although al of them were invited to join the interviews, I emphasized that they were in no way obliged to do so and that they should only take part if they felt comfortable speaking within a group seting and if their schedules permited time for a meting. Four of the seven students took part in the group interviews, which took place in October 2005 and January 2006. Although not al of the seven students took part, findings from these interviews generated topics that were later also discussed with students who were not at the group metings. Each group interview lasted about 70 minutes and were digitaly audio-recorded and transcribed. Students spoke in Korean, English, or a mixture of both. 3.5.4 Interviews with First-Year English Course Instructors45 At the outset of my data collection, it was not my intention to interview any course instructors as the students’ areas of study were quite diverse, and none of the students was taking any courses together. However, throughout the interview proces, one of the most salient themes that emerged was the dificult and frustrating experiences most of the students had had during their first-year English courses at PCU, especialy English 110 (Approaches to Literature) and English 112 (Strategies for University Writing). Furthermore, most of the students felt that it was their NS status that led to such chalenging experiences and asumed the situation would be diferent for NS students. Therefore, I felt it was important to sek the perspectives of those who taught these courses in order to beter understand how students in general performed in their clas(es). Thus, in February 2006, I contacted five individuals (both main instructors and teaching asistants) who were either teaching one of the first-year English courses at that                                                 45 I interviewed individuals who were teaching these clases as either the main instructor or as teaching asistants. Thus, my use of the word instructor here (and in later discusions in Chapters 7 and 8) includes both main instructors and teaching asistants (TAs).  48 time or who had taught a course in the previous academic year. These instructors were recruited through convenience and snowbal sampling, where one instructor with whom I had a personal acquaintance introduced me to his colleagues. Of those five individuals that I contacted, thre (one main instructor and two teaching asistants) agred to be interviewed as a group. However, due to schedule conflicts, I was able to interview only two of them (Daniel and Michele) together in person and one (Sarah) through email.46 At the time of the interview, Michele had been a TA for English 110 for thre terms, while Daniel had been a TA for it once during the previous academic year. Sarah was teaching English 112 as the main instructor for the second time.47 The interview ith Daniel and Michele were approximately 50 minutes long and were audio-recorded and transcribed. 3.5.5 Field Notes During and after interviews, I kept notes of ideas and themes that emerged, which was particularly useful when it came to “serendipitous” findings that surfaced with a particular student that I wanted to discuss with other students as wel. In addition, imediately upon transcribing each interview, I organized major themes that were derived and made note of areas that required further clarification or elaboration. 3.5.6 Researcher’s Reflection Journal During the data collection proces, I kept writen notes of my experiences as a researcher, including some of the concerns I had regarding my own biases or my relationship with the participants. I also sought fedback from colleagues regarding various aspects of my work. For instance, some coleagues helped review my choice of interview questions and offered insights into the interpretation of my data. I also documented any ideas that developed throughout the entire research proces. Often these                                                 46 Names of instructors are also pseudonyms but were selected by the researcher. 47 Although Daniel and Michele were working as teaching asistants for the literature courses, they (and not the main instructors) were the ones with direct contact with the students through their discusion sesions, and they were also solely responsible for asesing the students’ works. Sarah, who was teaching the academic writing course, was also in direct contact with her students and did not have TAs for her course.  49 ideas were spontaneous and occurred randomly, such as during a bus ride or while reading Korean blogs. Thus, keeping a writen record of my thoughts during that time alowed me to go back to those ideas later on and helped in the overal organization of my ideas. 3.5.7 Email, Web Mesenger Exchanges, and Personal Metings In some cases, follow-up interviews were conducted through email or Web Mesenger, where I asked students to clarify or elaborate on certain topics we had discussed during our metings. These exchanges were often brief and very casual in nature. Because I had formed a very close, trusting relationship with the students, my correspondence with some students developed beyond that of researcher and participant. Thus, in some cases, the students initiated contact with me, often through Web Mesenger, and we would “chat” about a variety of topics. Some students expresed perceiving me as an older sister figure or mentor and asked to personaly met them to offer advice and guidance. During these informal chats and metings, I discovered new and valuable information about the students that had not been discussed during our official interviews, which added to the richnes of the overal data. In particular, through metings and correspondence that occurred after the official data collection period, I was able to “observe” even further some changes and developments in the students’ thoughts over time. Therefore, with the students’ permision, some of this correspondence was saved or documented, and it served as an additional valuable source of information to my overal data collection. 3.5.8 Students’ Personal Writings Although I did not officialy request or sek students’ writing samples as part of my data collection (either personal or academic) a few of the students voluntarily shared some of their personal writings (e.g., journal entries, personal naratives, published work in the newspaper) with me either by bringing them to our interviews or by emailing their work to me. These writings, which described their struggles as imigrant youth and their personal thoughts on being Generation 1.5 persons in the Canadian context, were invaluable sources of data as they alowed me to trace the personal journeys of these  50 students since imigrating to Canada. However, except for one of Yelina’s writings that was published in the local Korean newspaper, due to the very personal nature of the writings, I did not keep copies of any of them. Regardles, they were a very significant part of the overal dialogue that I shared with the students, and they helped create a deeper level of understanding, especialy when discussing their past experiences in high school. Table 3.2 summarizes the methods of data collection and sources of data (and the purpose of the data sources) for this study.  Table 3.2 Methods and Sources of Data Methods of Data Colection Sources of Data Colection Purpose of Data Source Students (individual) - Understanding students’ own perceptions of their experiences. Students (group) - Potentially building on each other’s responses, producing more elaborated answers Semi-structured Interviews English Course Instructors - Gaining better understanding of PCU students’ performances in English courses Informal Correspondence Students (emails, web messenger, personal meetings) -Folow-up and clarifications of interview discusions  - Folowing students experiences after the “official” data colection period Researcher’s Field notes & Reflection Journal - During and after interviews  - During and after correspondences (Emails, Web Messenger, Personal meetings) - Organization of  researcher’s ideas  - Identifying areas that require folow-up and clarification  - Documenting researcher’s own reflections and posible biases  51 Methods of Data Colection Sources of Data Colection Purpose of Data Source Background Questionaire (prior to interview) - Factual information of students  - Creating faster rapport with students based on some familiarity with their backgrounds Other Writen Documents Students’ past personal writings - Better understanding of students’ past experiences as expressed in their own words at that particular time  3.6 Data Analysis My analysis of the data was iterative in that it began with, and continued throughout, the entire data collection proces (Duff, 2008a; Marshal & Rossman, 1995; Meriam, 1998; Miles & Huberman, 1994). However, during the initial stages of data collection, my analysis focused more on listening to interview recordings in order to identify areas that needed to be further explored in subsequent interviews. Upon finishing an interview ith the students, I made sure to listen to the audio-recordings again within the next couple of days so as to review them while they were stil fresh in my mind. Not al interviews were fuly transcribed imediately, but their contents were al summarized in paragraph or point form, and I made note of questions that needed revision and/or expansion, as wel as students’ answers that required further clarification and/or elaboration. I asked students to provide clarification/elaboration either through email or Web Mesenger prior to the next interview, or in some cases, we went over them at the beginning of our next meting. Towards the end of the official data collection period, the analyses became more detailed and in depth (and sometimes more complicated). In addition to the theoretical framework outlined in Chapter 2, several published works on social science research, qualitative case study research in particular, (Creswel, 1997; Duff, 2008a; Flyvbjerg, 2001; Meriam, 1988, 1998; Stake, 1995; Walker, 1983; Yin, 2003) as wel as recent  52 doctoral disertations (Guardado, 2008; Kobayashi, 2004; Morita, 2002; Zappa, 2007) provided invaluable guidance in helping me decide which procedures I would (and would not) choose in organizing and analyzing my own data, within and across cases. I read individual interview transcripts multiple times together with other available sources of data (e.g., field notes, group interview transcripts, instructors’ interview transcripts). Using hard copies of the data and utilizing multi-coloured pens, I identified and coded the salient themes that emerged among most (if not al) of the students. These themes were selected as tentative major categories that would be discussed in the cross-case analysis of the disertation. I then reviewed each individual student’s data several times separately and searched for characteristics and contextual factors that made each student’s case unique and diferent from those of the other six students. In particular, because I was following the trajectories of the students’ experiences since their arival in Canada, I organized each student’s data under the categories of past, present, and imagined future. Within each category, I identified and coded paterns and themes that related to each of the thre research questions guiding the study. For example, in organizing one of the students’ data, I identified information related to her language choices (Korean and/or English) in diferent contexts (past, present, and imagined future) of her everyday life (Research Question #2). With this information, I rexamined the data sources in order to trace the contextual factors behind her language choices, which I separated into two categories: micro-level factors and macro-level factors (Research Question #1). This rexamination helped refine and expand the answers to Research Question #2 found earlier and also generated tentative answers to Research Question #3. During the proces of individualizing each case, I also looked for similarities among the students that would alow me to group them together in the actual writing of the disertation. This additionaly enabled me to locate more in-depth information that could be added to the tentative themes that had emerged during the initial and brief cross-case analysis performed earlier, which in turn further expanded the answers to Research Question #3. Thus, my data analysis was a constant proces of going back and forth betwen the individual cases and the whole, which Tesch refers to as the hermeneutic  53 spiral (1990). I found Tesch’s notion of decontextualization and recontextualization key elements in synthesizing my data into one whole study while stil maintaining and honoring the rich contextual information found in each individual case. That is, through decontextualization, I sought to discover themes that emerged across cases (and in pairs or smal groups). But through detailed within-case analysis, I sought to recontextualize the themes and examine how they were manifested within the uniquenes of each individual case. 3.7 Trustworthines and Ethical Considerations This study utilized several key approaches in order to enhance its credibility and trustworthines (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). These include triangulation, member-checks, researcher self-reflexivity, sharing analyses with colleagues, and extensive data collection over ten months. 3.7.1 Triangulation and Member Checks Employing multiple data sources, methods, and theoretical lenses is one of the most esential ways in enhancing the trustworthines of the data (Duff, 2008a; Marshal & Rossman, 1989). As discussed in an earlier section, I employed multiple sources and methods as part of my data collection. Findings derived from these diferent sources and methods were triangulated with one another, within and across cases, sometimes corroborating and other times disconfirming initial interpretations. For instance, in their individual interviews, most students said they had experienced much frustration and many dificulties in their first-year English courses. This was also one of the biggest chalenges that students voiced during the group interviews. Additionaly, most of the students asumed that they had probably received the lowest grades in their clases because of their NS status and acepted this as their fate. At this point, in order to achieve more dependable observations, I felt it was necesary to interview English clas instructors at PCU, whose perspectives were, in fact, diferent from those of the students. In this respect, the comparison of these thre data sources provided valuable insights into the students’ ideas about their NS status, as wel as their notions about the ownership of language. In some cases, triangulation alowed the students and me to trace the  54 development of their ideas over time. For example, with one of the participants, we were able to witnes how her thoughts about her ethnic identity had fluctuated and developed over the years by reviewing her personal writings from high school in combination with interview transcripts during the official data collection period, as wel as documented Web Mesenger exchanges that occurred after our final official interview. Admitedly, not al sources or methods (e.g., instructor interviews and students’ personal writings) were planned from the outset of the study. However, being able to alter or add to the data collection method and sources during the study-the kind of flexibility that Eisenhardt (1989) refers to as “controlled opportunism” (p. 539)-is one of the merits of case studies, which alows the researcher to gain more insight and a deeper understanding of the case, as has been the situation with my own research. Duff (2008a) explains that member checking can “ensure the authenticity or credibility of interpretations, or shed new light on the analyses . . .and is therefore another form of triangulation or verification of perspectives and interpretations” (p. 171). One of the goals of my study was to learn about Generation 1.5 students’ language socialization experiences spoken in the students’ own voices. In this respect, it was crucial for me not to monopolize the interpretations of the data or to simply alow the data to speak for itself. Thus, I tried to continuously foster dialogue betwen the students and me so as to share ownership of the entire interview proces as wel as the final product. At the beginning of each interview, I offered a summary of my understanding of our previous interview. Upon listening to my summary, the students would either corroborate my views or clarify or correct any misunderstandings. In cases where I had to translate Korean interviews into English (especialy when I was agonizing over choosing the right equivalent English word), I showed them samples of my translations and made sure they agred with the word choices I had made. Email mesages and Web Mesengers exchanges were also useful in member checking. I often exchanged brief mesages with the students to confirm an interpretation of a comment they had made during an interview, to ask for additional information, or to help select the right English words for their Korean answers. This invitation for input from the students was a vital component of my research proces,  55 and I believe it was this active participation on the part of students that initialy created good rapport betwen us and also resulted in the unexpected and voluntary sharing of their writings with me (which, as I mentioned earlier, were excelent additional sources of data for my research). 3.7.2 Other Strategies for Demonstrating Trustworthines During my data collection period, I was enrolled in two graduate-level courses on qualitative interviewing and case study research. Elements of these clases were also beneficial in adding to the trustworthines of my study. That is, much of the coursework for these clases required me to continuously reflect on, rexamine, and put into writing various isues related to my research, from my views of myself as a researcher and the relationships I had with my interviewes, to the ontological and epistemological position of my work. These clases also aforded me many formal and informal opportunities to share my preliminary analyses and findings with my clasmates and instructors. Some of these were documented systematicaly while I made informal notes of others. However, al of these records were included as part of the researcher journal I mentioned earlier. 3.7.3 Generalizability Very often, at the conclusion of a case study, one is questioned about the extent to which the detailed descriptions of a particular phenomenon can be generalized to other contexts. There have been diferent responses to this concern on the part of qualitative researchers, but many sem to agre that statistical generalization (Yin, 2003), as often sen in quantitative studies, is not the goal of qualitative inquiries (Davis, 1995; Donmoyer, 1990; Duff, 2008a; Schofield, 2007; Stake, 1995). This is also the case with the findings of my study as I do not claim that the findings from seven Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian students can be generalized to the larger population of Generation 1.5 university students. In fact, that would defeat the purpose of providing rich contextualization of each individual student’s case. Rather, I sek to increase the transferability of the findings to populations in diferent contexts. Stake (1995) argues for naturalistic generalization, meaning that through the application of tacit knowledge, individuals are capable of generalizing the findings of one study to another similar  56 situation. Guba and Lincoln (1981) suggest that generalizabilty be replaced with the concept of fitingnes, which streses the degre to which the researched situation matches other sites of potential research. In a similar vein, Davis (1995) claims that the generalizability of working hypotheses depends on the degre of similarity betwen two contexts. The key element to al of the above arguments is providing extensive information about the case and the context in which it was studied, which I acomplish through thick descriptions of each individual student and the contextual factors in which he/she was situated. In addition, I believe analytic generalizations (Duff, 2008a; Yin, 1989) can be made from my study, where case studies are “generalizable to theoretical propositions” (Yin, 2003, p. 76). Thus, the aim of my study is to generalize findings to theory, although the detailed findings of the research may not be applicable to other research populations. 3.7.4 Ethical Concerns and Researcher-Participant Relationship At diferent stages of the study, I made eforts to ensure that I was meting my ethical responsibilities as a researcher. Before any of the students agred to take part in my study (se Appendix D for consent forms), I made sure to explain the purpose of my research, how I hoped they would participate, and how and where the findings would be reported. I encouraged students to ask questions about any aspects of my work and their participation that they needed clarification on and to expres any other concerns they might have had. I also emphasized that they were in no way obliged to take part in my study, and if for any reason they wished to stop participating, they were fre to do so at any time without any negative consequences. Al of this information was clearly stated in the consent form that they signed prior to the first interview. In addition, al of the students (and instructors) remained anonymous through the use of pseudonyms and any information that they requested remain “off the record” was not included in this disertation. Another area that I paid particular atention to was the relationship betwen me and the students. Throughout my interactions with the students, they caled me ŏnni or nuna (older sister) and shared very personal and emotional stories with me like being  57 teased in high school, recent arguments with their boyfriends, and conflicts with parents and siblings. Outside the official interview seting, students initiated contact with me in order to ask for reference leters or to sek advice on various topics ranging from how to prepare for graduate school to carer opportunities in Korea. Thus, I often became the students’ older sister, counselor or confidante. I was happy that I was able to build strong rapport with the students, which alowed me to gain a deeper understanding of each individual student’s experiences. At the end of the data collection period, al of the students expresed regret that the interviews had come to an end because they had not only enjoyed sharing their experiences with me but also enjoyed discovering or rexamining their own perceptions and identities along the way. However, despite such positive fedback, I made the conscious efort throughout the data collection proces not to perceive everything the students shared as potential data. Admitedly, I was fascinated by al the students’ stories, and especialy during informal metings, the researcher in me was tempted to take out my digital recorder so as not to mis a single word the students said. Thus, the boundaries betwen my role as a researcher and my role as an older sister/counselor/confidante were sometimes blurred. In this respect, I had to be extra cautious of these indistinct boundaries so as to find a sound balance betwen seking potentialy valuable data and respecting the students’ privacy and right to confidentiality. Thus, any information obtained outside our official data collection seting were included as part of the research data only with the students’ verbal consent. Over the years, there have been debates about the potential advantages and disadvantages of researcher-participant symmetry in terms of gender, age, race, and socio-economic status. Denzin (1997), for example, claims that shared lived experience and member status alow the researcher to identify underlying nuances or meanings of the interviewes. Seidman (1991), on the other hand, suggests that it is important for the researcher to maintain a certain distance so as to “explore, not to share asumptions” (p. 77). He notes that isues such as race, clas, and gender are related to the notion of power with regard to “who controls the direction of the interview, who controls the results, and who benefits” (p. 76). In this respect, I strove to be aware of potential biases and  58 asumptions that I brought to the research as someone who shared the same sociocultural and linguistic background as the students. In terms of academics, I have also experienced high school in Vancouver, Canada and have been educated in English in a number of countries since a very young age. Although it is dificult to know with absolute certainty how truly comfortable the students felt in our interactions, during our final interview I asked each student whether they felt my being an older female Korean afected our collaborations in any way. Al of the students responded that my being Korean made it convenient in that they did not fel that they had to explain every litle aspect of Korean culture. They also felt that our age gap made them fel more comfortable to open up to me. Female students in particular said it was easier to share their thoughts because we were the same gender. However, despite our semingly apparent commonalities (and the convenient and positive aspects that resulted from them) I would also like to point out that there were also various areas in which the students and I difered. For instance, my extensive overseas education (prior to my graduate studies) was a result of my father’s occupation, which required my family to move from one country to another every few years. Thus, my official status while living abroad has always ben international student, not imigrant. Furthermore, my education in English took place in both English-speaking and non-English-speaking countries. Additionaly, although English is also my second language, I have never actualy taken ESL clases, unlike most of my participants. Moreover, my experiences in high school in Vancouver took place in the mid 1990s, a period prior to the increased wave of Korean imigrants, and I returned to Korea for university. Therefore, although it is true that there were many areas in which the students and I had a shared understanding of the isues at hand, there were also many aspects of their experiences (e.g., as imigrants and students in ESL clases) that I was unable to relate to. In this respect, as Vincent and Waren (2001) asert, identities are multilayered and continuously being renegotiated over time, thus the researcher can be an insider in certain aspects as the interviewe, but an outsider with regard to other isues, which was also the case in my study.  59 Regardles, I acknowledge that my own biases and subjectivities may have afected various aspects of the study. For example, prior to the study, I had the asumption that as visible minorities, Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students would al aspire to work within mainstream Canadian society, and that this would be their main motivation to improve their English skils. Although this idea was rexamined as I began analyzing the data, stil, I acknowledge that it may have afected the initial formation of my interview questions. Similarly, other biases may have influenced the interpretation of the data and the selection and organization of findings reported in this disertation. However, as mentioned earlier, I strove to create a collaborative relationship with the participants, where they were invited and encouraged to offer their own thoughts on my interpretation of the data so as to ensure an acurate portrayal of their experiences. Also, the reflection journal that I had kept (particularly the entries writen while taking the two, previously mentioned graduate-level courses) was very helpful with my self-reflections as a researcher. 3.8 Sumary In this chapter, I described the proces through which I conducted multiple qualitative case studies on the language socialization experiences of seven Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian university students in Vancouver, Canada. Guided by the theoretical perspectives of LS and language and identity and the research questions and goals of the study, I have described why I believed multiple qualitative case studies were the appropriate approach for my research. I have also discussed my research seting and general profile of participants. In addition, I discussed isues of trustworthines, other ethical considerations, and my relationship with the participants. To strengthen the trustworthines of my study, I employed multiple data methods and sources which were triangulated during the data analysis. I also performed member checks and sought fedback from colleagues regarding various aspects of my data collection and analysis. As is often the case with qualitative case study research, my analysis of the data occurred in paralel with the data collection. The following four chapters wil report on the actual findings of the data. As earlier mentioned, Chapters 4 to 6 wil examine in depth two or  60 thre individual cases together. Chapter 7 wil then provide a cross-case analysis of al the cases.  61 Chapter 4 LEARNING TO NEGOTIATE MULTIPLE INVESTMENTS: YELINA ND SHEILA 4.1 Introduction In this chapter, I examine the linguistic, academic, and sociocultural experiences of Yelina and Sheila. I have paired these two students together in this chapter because they both began their lives in Canada with the dream of becoming English profesors one day. However, while one student is stil pursuing that dream, the other has completely abandoned it. Thus, in this chapter, I highlight the local and global contextual factors and language socialization proceses that have influenced the students’ experiences and perceptions of learning and using English. I examine their trajectories from high school to university as wel as their goals and desires for the future. In this proces, I identify areas where both students display similarities while also drawing atention to the uniquenes of their individual situations. I conclude the chapter with a summary and discussion of the two cases. 4.2 Students’ Backgrounds Of al my seven participants, the two students in this chapter, Yelina and Sheila, took on the most proactive roles in participating in my research. For example, they brought in notes of ideas and thoughts they had since the last time we had met for an interview. They also shared stories of recent experiences (either through email, Web Mesenger, or face-to-face metings) that made them reflect on what they had previously said in one of our metings. Without my even asking, they voluntarily shared some of their very personal writings which reflected some of their past struggles as imigrant students. In addition, they were both eager to co-analyze their data with me, and I found their ideas to be very insightful and helpful to my data analysis. In addition to the sisterly bond we had created, I also felt we had formed partnerships of mutual respect betwen us throughout the interview proces.  62 4.2.1 Yelina48 Yelina was originaly from Seoul, Korea and imigrated to Vancouver, Canada in 1999 with her parents and younger brother. At that time, her father ran a smal busines in Korea and her mother worked as a dance teacher at a junior high school. When her father’s busines failed, her parents decided to start a new life in Canada, which was also sen as a good opportunity for the children’s education. Yelina described both her and her brother’s academic achievements in Koreas as “above average but not outstanding” (Yelina, I#1, January 19, 2006, K-original) and that her parents did not decide to imigrate to Canada because they felt the children could not make it to a good university in Korea (which is sometimes the case for some Korean families).49 Yelina was in Grade 9 at the time of imigration and confesed that initialy, she was resistant to moving to another country. She possesed a romanticized image of university life in Korea which she had created based on Korean dramas and movies. Hence, when her parents decided to move to Canada, she felt that she was being forced to alter her future plans. Upon arival in Vancouver, Yelina’s parents ran a smal restaurant busines for about a year but found it too chalenging for various reasons. Thus, her father decided to restart a busines in Korea and became a gireogi father (Yoon, 2001); going back and forth betwen Korea and Canada for about six years while the rest of the family remained in Vancouver. When her younger brother entered PCU in 2005, her parents believed both Yelina and her brother were now mature enough to take care of themselves. Therefore, her parents began a proces of reverse migration (Hurh, 1998; Yoon, 2001), and in early 2007, returned to Korea for good. At the time of the interview, Yelina and her brother were living together                                                 48 Due to Yelina’s personal circumstances, “oficial” data colection with her only began in January 206 and continued through June 206. We met for bi-monthly interviews and continued to kep in touch even after the end of our final oficial interview. Through email mesages, Web Mesenger chat, or face-to-face informal metings, Yelina updated me on her life and also shared insights about being a Generation 1.5 student. The information in this thesis obtained after the completion of the “oficial” data colection period has ben included with Yelina’s permision. Interviews with Yelina were conducted in both Korean and English. Coments in Korean have ben translated into English by me. 49 K-original indicates that the original quote was in Korean. Transcription conventions are included in Apendix E.  63 in Vancouver. She had always spoken Korean at home with her family and continued to do so with her brother. In Korea, she learned EFL at her junior high school, and she also received some private tutoring for English gramar and reading comprehension lesons.50 At the time of the interview, she considered herself quite “fluent” in English, and “felt no burden talking with other Canadians or going to a government office to translate for [her] mom” (Yelina I#1, January 19, 2006, K-original).51 4.2.2 Sheila52 Sheila and her family (parents and older sister) imigrated to Calgary, Canada in 2000 when she was 15 years old. The decision to imigrate was mostly her mother’s idea. Sheila’s mother was unhappy with her husband’s hectic and stresful lifestyle connected with his job in Korea. Furthermore, unlike some parents who choose to imigrate because of their children’s poor academic performance in Korean schools, Sheila’s mother felt that Sheila, who was the top student in her junior high at the time of imigration, would have an even more succesful future if she received quality education within the Canadian system. Sheila was very happy and excited about their move to Canada as she was not looking forward to living the much presured life of a Korean high school student. Her sister (who was thre years older than Sheila), on the other hand, was not happy because she had planned to atend university in Korea. Her father was also hesitant to leave the profesional and financial stability he had in Korea as a scientific researcher in order to start a new life in Canada. However, the family finaly decided to move to Canada together and chose Calgary as their destination because the parents felt that the children would acquire English faster in a city like Calgary. This would be                                                 50 In Korea, it is very comon for students to receive either private tutoring or atend privately owned after-schol suplementary schols. 51 It was dificult to form an impresion of Yelina’s level of English proficiency as she used Korean during most of our interviews. She was very articulate in both spoken and writen Korean. 52 Interviews with Sheila were conducted in both English and Korean. Korean quotes included in this chapter were translated into English by me. Sheila semed to be quite fluent in both Korean and English, and she often code-switched betwen the two languages during our interviews.  64 because there were fewer Koreans in Calgary compared to in other cities like Toronto or Vancouver, which were very popular destinations among Korean imigrants at that time. Sheila’s parents started a smal busines in Calgary, but the family moved to Vancouver when Sheila was admited to PCU in 2004. Her sister, who was atending a university in Calgary, also transfered to PCU. At the time of the interview, Sheila’s parents ran a smal motel on Vancouver Island, and Sheila lived in Vancouver with her older sister. Almost every wekend, she traveled four hours to visit her parents and to help out with the family busines. Sheila and her family only communicated with each other in Korean. Her parents spoke enough English to run their busines, but when it came to maters requiring more complicated English, they relied on Sheila and her sister for help. Sheila’s sister was a fourth-year commerce student at PCU and was determined to return to Korea upon graduation. Their parents were also planning to return to Korea one day once both Sheila and her sister had setled down profesionaly. Because he had a relatively more succesful carer in Korea, her father was particularly eager to return to his native land. 4.3 Life in Secondary School Both Yelina and Sheila arived in Canada in Grade 9. Yelina setled quite wel into her new school seting, befriending Korean peers who had a strong influence on her throughout her entire high school years. Sheila, however, struggled to belong at first and longed for Korean friends. Yet when the opportunity for these friendships arose at one point, she chose not to socialize with other Korean peers for the sake of her linguistic and academic goals. At the end of high school, Yelina’s dream of studying English literature in university lived on while Sheila’s future plans changed drasticaly. In the following sections, I wil provide a detailed acount of each of their experiences. 4.3.1 Yelina Korean Per Influences on Social, Linguistic, and Academic Choices Upon imigrating to Canada, Yelina enrolled in Grade 9 at a secondary school in Vancouver. Her school was quite diverse in terms of students’ ethnic backgrounds and included a large Korean student population. In her grade alone, there were about 20-30  65 Korean students, and many of them were recent imigrants like herself. When Yelina transfered to her first Canadian school, she imediately made Korean friends and continued to form friendships with mainly Korean students throughout her entire high school life. Her initial unhappines towards imigrating to Canada made her unmotivated to put in the efort to make “Canadian” friends, thus she distanced herself from local, White Anglo-Canadian peers from the start.53 She expresed feling relatively more comfortable with other Asian peers, including Japanese and Chinese students, but the depth of communication and friendship was unlike that which she shared with her Korean friends. Socializing with Korean peers enabled her to maintain a peer culture similar to that of Korean high school students as their main areas of interest included contemporary Korean pop culture, including dramas, movies and celebrity gossip. Yelina also continued to maintain contact with her friends in Korea through email and Web Mesenger. One of the most esential factors in being a member of the Korean peer group was to speak only in Korean when they were amongst themselves. Yelina, herself, had very strong views about Koreans speaking English with each other and felt that those who avoided using Korean only did so in order to distance themselves from Korean students: I have this thing about Koreans speaking English with each other. From the beginning, I hated Koreans who spoke English to other Koreans if I knew they spoke Korean fluently. In high school, there were these two diferent groups. One group hung out with only non-Koreans and avoided Koreans completely and the other group hung out with both non-Koreans and Koreans. My friends and I were always speaking badly about the first group. It was obvious they were using English because they didn’t want to be close to Koreans. (Yelina, I#1, January 19, 2006, K-original) Thus, speaking English among her peer group suggested a lack of alegiance to other Koreans and was perceived almost as an act of betrayal to one’s Koreannnes. When I asked her if she ever felt that her decision to socialize with this group might have afected her English skils, Yelina agred that it might have. Nonetheles, during our first                                                 53 The notion of “Canadian”=White Anglo-Canadian was a prevalent theme among al of the participants and wil be further discused in Chapter 7.  66 few interviews, she expresed no regrets about the choices she had made in high school and said that if she had to do it al over again, she would have probably made the same choices. That is, at that time, the relationship with her peers had been too important to her for her to have agonized over whether or not it would afect her English proficiency. Yet by the time of our final official interview in June 2006, Yelina’s views had changed drasticaly, and she expresed regret about some of the choices she had made in high school. She atributed this sense of regret to the various experiences she had throughout university, which, in turn resulted in considerable changes in her perceptions of life in Canada and her lifestyle and behaviors. However, throughout our correspondence after our final official interview, I yet again observed her returning to the original views she conveyed in 2005. Yelina described herself as having a “fluctuation of emotions” (Yelina, personal Web correspondence, May 12, 2008, K-original) with regard to where she belonged-an atribute she believed was unique to Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian youth.54 In addition to language choices, Korean peers also influenced each other’s academic choices, especialy with regard to atending university. Acording to Yelina, Korean universities were a topic frequently discussed among her peers, and several of her friends returned to Korea after graduating from high school to atend university: Just about five years before I came, there weren’t that many Koreans in Vancouver. But I think from around the late 1990s, there was this rush of Korean imigrants. So when I arived here, there were a lot of Koreans in high school, and we were able to have this Korean culture maintained among our group. We would talk about Korean culture and Korean universities, so I think it became natural for us to talk about going back to Korea for university. So there was almost like a trend to go back to Korea at that time. (Yelina, I#6, March 24, 2006, K-original) As mentioned earlier, Yelina already possesed a romanticized image of Korean university life, thus talking to her peers about it only reinforced her desire to return to Korea. With her peers’ strong encouragement, in Grade 12, she searched for information                                                 54 A more detailed discusion of Generation 1.5 imigrant youths’ sense of belonging wil folow in Chapter 7 where I perform a cros-case analysis of al the participants.  67 on Korean university entrance exams for overseas Koreans and was prepared to return to Korea upon graduation. However, her father was very much against this idea, especialy when she was admited to PCU. Hence, Yelina stated that had it not been for her father’s strong opposition, she would have most definitely returned to Korea for university. Fierce Competition among Korean Students and their Parents When Yelina first transfered to her new high school in Vancouver, she was enrolled in ESL clases for one year during Grade 9.5 As mentioned earlier, her high school’s student body was made up of students from diverse ethnic backgrounds, including newly arived imigrant students like Yelina. As a result, her ESL clases were comprised of imigrant students from various countries. During our discussions of her life in high school, her desire to escape from ESL clases was one of the topics Yelina most frequently brought up. However, her motivation to leave ESL was not necesarily based on an aspiration to enrol in regular clases or a desire to improve her English as soon as possible. Rather, she was mostly driven by the intense level of competition among Korean students in the ESL clases.56 As soon as she began her Canadian high school studies, she would hear rumors about which Korean student moved on to regular clases while other students were stil stuck in level one. There were also cases of broken friendships because one friend moved up a level faster than the other: There was so much competition among Korean students. It was an embarasment                                                 5 In Canada, although the implementation of the programs varies with each schol district as wel as with individual schols, there are four most comon types of ESL suport ofered in public schols. They include: 1) ful-time, self-contained programs; 2) withdrawal or pulout clases (i.e., while taking mainstream clases, smal groups of students met with specialists teachers for ESL suport several times a wek) ; 3) transitional programs (i.e., students study grade-level content but with language adaptations) ; and 4) mainstreaming (Ashworth, 201). The type of ESL suport necesary for each student is determined by the schol’s ESL specialists and/or other teachers and counselors (B.C. Ministry ESL Policy Framework, 199) Students (whether NSs or NSs) are unable to remain enroled in high schol beyond the age of 19, and Wat and Roesingh (194) explain that many ESL students are pushed out of schol regardles of their ned for further ESL suport and time in mainstream clases. 56 Most of the Korean students in the clas, including Yelina, learned English as a formal subject in junior high in Korea. It is uncertain whether the other students also received private tutoring in Korea, although as mentioned earlier, this is very comon for most Korean students.  68 to stay in ESL especialy if you had been here for a few years, and I saw people who eventualy couldn’t graduate after being in ESL for a few years. So I felt so much presure to leave ESL and go on to regular clases. I’ve been in Canada for six years, and I don’t think I’ve ever studied as hard as when I was in ESL. I would study so hard even on the smalest quizes. I felt like I had to get 100% on al of them so that I can stand out from the crowd and move on to the next level. (Yelina, I#3, February 3, 2006, K-original) In addition, she was also eager to break fre from her ESL student status because of the stigma atached to the label of ESL student within the Korean imigrant community. Over the years, many studies have cautioned against the deficiency label often asociated with ESL clases (e.g., Salzberg, 1998; Séror, 2002; Talmy, 2005; Toohey, 1992; Zamel, 1995) and the negative impact this has on the ESL students (e.g., Cummins, 1996; Gunderson, 2000). Such views were also confirmed in Yelina’s case as she detested the fact that she was taking ESL clases: I hated the fact that I had to read the books that were K level or elementary school level. Basicaly, I hated the fact that I was an ESL student. I wanted to be a "REGULAR student" so badly. To describe it in extreme terms, within the Korean community, the word “ESL student” sounded like a handicapped student or something like that. (Yelina, Email Correspondence, May 31, 2008, E-original)57 Here, it is worth noting that despite the large presence of other non-Korean students in the ESL clases, when it came to competition as wel as escaping the “ESL student” label, the Korean students only paid atention to each other.58 She explained that there may have been a stigma atached to ESL students within her school in general, but non-Korean students’ views were not as important to Yelina or to her Korean peers and their parents. As Yelina stated, al the Koreans were “making such a big deal out of it” (Yelina, I#3, February 3, 2006, E-original) and the anxiety spread rapidly. As a result, students were extremely sensitive and emotional about each other’s progres. In Yelina’s case, after much hard work, she was able to move on to regular clases after just one year.                                                 57 E-original indicates the original quote was in English. 58 Based on Yelina’s memory, there were about four or five Korean students within a clas of 15 to 20, where more than half of the students were Chinese.  69 This was an acomplishment she was very proud of.59 However, she was aware that some Korean peers were jealous of her achievement and spoke badly about her behind her back. This type of rivalry among Korean students stil continued even after moving on to regular clases (e.g., with grades and awards), yet it was the most fierce among students in ESL clases. In addition to this severe competition among the Korean students, Yelina explained that there was also very strong competition among the parents, especialy the mothers, who had sacrificed so much-including their own lives and carers in Korea-to se to their children’s education in Canada, and this was an additional burden for her and her peers. When Yelina’s family arived in Vancouver, her mother brought home information about how other Korean parents’ children performed in school even before Yelina began her studies at her new Canadian school. In part because her family lived in a kind of Korean enclave community, al the Koreans in the neighborhood knew one another, and unsurprisingly, news spread rapidly. Her parents were very also anxious for her and her brother to leave ESL and tried to provide an environment at home that would help their children improve their English skils. For instance, because they feared Korean videos would delay their children’s English language development, her parents limited Korean video rentals to about once every two months. However, Yelina reported that she never felt presured by her parents themselves, but it was rather her parents’ friends or other adult acquaintances who urged her to get out of ESL as soon as possible. Even when she showed interest in atending university in Korea, it was not just her father but also his friends who were the most against the idea. Acording to Yelina, when someone is acepted to PCU, the Korean community recognizes it as a significant acomplishment as PCU is a symbol of elitism among local Korean parents. Consequently, atending university in Korea was perceived to be only  for those who could not make the grades required in high school for aceptance into a Canadian university. Interestingly, this phenomenon is quite diferent from the situation                                                 59 Yelina also received private ESL tutoring from a Korean university student for about six months upon ariving in Canada.  70 of imigrants of the early 1990s, where parents usualy chose to leave Korea precisely because the children did not have the grades to enter universities in Korea (Park, 2006). During Yelina’s Grade 12 year, there were rumors among Korean parents that the competition to be acepted to PCU that year was going to be particularly fierce. There was no real certainty as to why this was the case nor did anyone know the source of the information or its degre of acuracy. But most parents and their children believed it nonetheles and were very nervous and anxious. Thus, when Yelina was acepted to PCU, her father convinced her to atend the school. 4.3.2 Sheila A Struggle to Belong Unlike Yelina, who described having faced no particular chalenges adjusting to her new life in Canada, Sheila did not have very fond memories of her first year in her new country. In fact, she often cried when we discussed about this time period of her life during our interviews. This is quite ironic when considering how it was Yelina who initialy resented imigrating to Canada whereas Sheila was excited about the move. However, despite her hardships, it was specificaly this time of her life that she was most eager to talk about with me, and during several of our interviews, she would bring new stories that she had remembered about her life in high school that she wanted to share with me that day. She also brought in journal entries that she had writen during that time, which described the struggles she was experiencing. She conceded that she now liked talking about that time in her life because she was proud of having overcome al the dificulties she had once faced. Sheila began Grade 9 upon imigrating to Calgary, Canada. She enrolled in a school that was predominantly White Anglo-Canadian and where there was no formal ESL instruction offered to NS students. Therefore, from day one, she began taking regular clases with NS students and did not receive formal help with her English. Although this was very dificult for her at first, she believed that this was the time during which her English improved the most.  71 However, with regard to her social life, Sheila described her life in junior high as a very lonely and stresful time. There were very few visible minority students in her school, and the only other Korean girl in her grade never tried to befriend her. Thus, unlike her life in Korea, Sheila had no close friends in her new school in Calgary and felt that a wal existed betwen her and her NS clasmates from the very beginning. This distance that Sheila felt from her NS “Canadian” pers mirored Yelina’s views mentioned earlier and also echo the sentiments of the Korean-American imigrant high school students in Seo’s (2007) study. However, in Yelina’s case, she never made the efort to make “Canadian” friends because of her unhappines towards imigrating to Canada. On the other hand, Sheila explained that she initialy did want to make local Canadian friends, but her own lack of confidence in her English prevented her from doing so. She also added that she never felt that anyone was discriminating against her because of her race or language skils, implying that the lack of aces to her “Canadian” peer group was based solely on her own shortcomings. Chiang-Hom’s (2004) study of foreign-born Asian-American youth demonstrates how homeland cultures-usualy maintained through technology-were an important part of the youths’ ways of coping with the unwelcoming reception from their “American” peers. Such was the case of Sheila, who continued to visit Korean websites almost every day to keep up with the current happenings in her native land. She also relied on her Korean friends back home for comfort and support, and she communicated with them often through email and Web Mesenger. This distance that she felt with her local NS peers continued throughout high school, and even at the time of our interview, Sheila stil felt intimidated to make White Anglo-Canadian friends: I lacked confidence in my English and thought I was diferent from other students, so I just closed myself up. I also didn’t have anything to say when they were talking about celebrity gossip, partying, putting makeup on and so on. So, I was the one that closed the door first from them. I could’ve tried to create a good relationship with them, but I couldn’t. I often regreted that in high school and cried about it. But I had only myself to blame. It wasn’t them. I was embarased to approach them. It was me who did it, and since then I continue to fel intimidated when I’m interacting with White people. It’s almost like I fel they might give me a signal that my English isn’t good enough.  72 (Sheila, I#5, February 7, 2006, K-original). In Grade 10, Sheila began her life as a high school student at a diferent school in the city. This new school was known to have many ESL imigrant students and also had the largest Korean student population within the district. Although there was an ESL program offered at the school, the school ESL teachers who evaluated her English exempted her from the clas. When she began the new school year, Sheila was excited to finaly have the chance to make some Korean friends and to escape the lonely social life she experienced in junior high school. Kanno and Applebaum (1995) reported similar findings in their study of thre Japanese high school ESL students in Canada who chose to socialize with students from the same ethnic origin when they felt that aces to Caucasian NS peer groups would be chalenging. Throughout Grade 10, she only socialized with Korean students; participating in after-school activities with them and keeping up with Korean pop culture, which was the main topic of interest among her Korean peers at that time. Like Yelina, Sheila also spoke Korean with these friends almost al the time. However, while Yelina was strongly against using English among Korean peers, Sheila struggled with this isue. By Grade 11, Sheila began to notice that her English skils had not improved at al since she started socializing exclusively with Koreans. This became a growing concern for her as she felt she needed to improve her English skils if she wanted to be acepted into university. Therefore, in order to increase her level of English use, she began mixing Korean and English when conversing with her friends. However, this was received with disapproving looks from her friends because there was an unspoken agrement among them that only Korean would be used within the group. If someone spoke English, they were viewed as somehow trying to show off. As a result, Sheila fought an internal batle within herself, trying to reach a balance betwen her desire to maintain friendships with her Korean peers and her own sense of anxiety about not using enough English: I would think to myself that I was just stuck in the middle of nowhere. I mean, I wasn’t achieving anything. It’s not so much that I felt I had to hang out with non-Koreans because I wasn’t trying to make White friends or anything like that. But  73 when I was hanging out with Korean friends, I stil felt that it wasn’t the way things were supposed to be. They were always speaking Korean, always talking about Korean culture and stuff. I felt so anxious when I was with them because I desperately wanted to use English. What’s more is that I started seing some friends skipping clases and being rude to the ESL teacher, and I realized they didn’t have the same kind of academic goal as I did. I was sure I wanted to go to university, but they didn’t have the same kind of ambition. (Sheila, I#1, September 28, 2005, K-original) As a result, Sheila started distancing herself from her Korean peers for the remainder of her high school life. Her first step in doing so was to select her locker in a new area where there were more Chinese and Indian students. She started to decrease the amount of time socializing with the Korean group and spent more time with her new friends. She explained that she felt comfortable with her Chinese and Indian friends because they al shared an Asian background, thus she never felt uncomfortable or intimidated to talk to them. At the same time, she was relieved to be able to increase her use of English with them and no longer felt anxious about using too much Korean. She suggested that this might have been sen as an act of betrayal in the eyes of some Korean peers, yet she had no regrets about her choice, since at that time her determination to improve her English as wel as to enter university semed more important than being afiliated with the Korean group. In this respect, Sheila’s priorities, or investments (Norton, 2000) in high school were very diferent from Yelina’s. As is the case with most high school students, finding a peer group with whom they could relate was an important investment for both Sheila and Yelina. However, in Yelina’s case, her primary investment remained in maintaining her Korean culture and identity with her Korean peers. This is not to say that she was not invested in improving her English skils, but so long as it was enough for her to “escape” ESL clases, she was satisfied. On the other hand, Sheila struggled with conflicting investments and identities, trying to balance her loyalty to her Korean friends while aiming for her goal to improve her English and enter university. When a balance was deemed unfeasible, she chose a diferent English-speaking peer group who semed more compatible with her goals, even if it meant that she would not be able to create the same  74 depth of friendship that she had with her Korean pers. Therefore, unlike Yelina, Sheila minimized her investment in friendship and placed more emphasis on her linguistic and academic goals. Change of Academic Path: From English to Science As mentioned earlier, Sheila was the top student in her junior high school in Korea. Although she was an overal A+ student, her favorite subject was English, and she received a perfect score on al her English exams throughout junior high. She explained that she “fel in love with English” (Sheila I#2, October 19, 2005, E-original) at an early age and begged her mother to let her tag along with her sister when she went to receive private tutoring to study English. Upon entering junior high, her love of English grew significantly, and she made up her mind to become a profesor of English literature. In fact, had it not been for the family’s choice to imigrate to Canada, she was planning to atend a foreign language high school in Korea.60 However, Sheila was even happier that she would be moving to Canada, a place where she would be able to make NS friends and more greatly improve her English skils, facilitating her goal to become an English profesor. Yet soon after beginning her studies in Canada, she realized that her dreams of becoming an English profesor were “al an ilusion” (Sheila, I#2, October 19, 2005, K-original). Because there were no formal ESL clases she could take in her new junior high, she enrolled in regular clases right away. Thus, she experienced much dificulty in many of her clases, particularly in English and social studies clases, where she could hardly participate in any of the clas discussions. Sheila’s experiences echo the findings of Duff’s (2001) study of imigrant ESL learners in a Canadian high school who similarly struggled with these clases in particular due to their lack of knowledge of                                                 60 Foreign language high schols are private schols in Korea which were created with the purpose of specializing in foreign language education. In order to be acepted, most schols require that the students be in the top 10% of their junior high schols and that they pas a very competitive entrance exam. Most students graduating from these schols are acepted into the highest ranked universities in Korea, and more recently, these schols also started ofering special clases for student preparing for Ivy League universities in the U.S. Therefore, these schols are considered to be some of the most “elite” and most expensive high schols in Korea.  75 contemporary Canadian culture and current afairs. Thus, the self-asurance she once had in Korea regarding her English skils quickly disappeared, and this loss of confidence led her to believe that she was no longer capable of pursuing a carer in English literature. When asked why she lost her confidence in English so quickly despite the love she had for it in Korea, she explained that the sense of intimidation by and lack of interaction with her NS peers led her to asume that she could not achieve a high level of English proficiency. Another reason why she believed NS-like English skils were beyond her reach was because as one of the very few minority students in her school and the only minority family in her neighborhood, she constantly felt like a foreigner in Calgary: Very soon after I imigrated to Canada, I started to just asume that I couldn’t be good in English. So, I just pushed it aside from my priority. It’s funny because normaly, if I knew I wasn’t good at something, I would try realy hard to be beter at it. But with English, I kind of gave up. So shortly after coming to Canada, I decided that I wanted to be good at something other than English, and that’s why I studied math and science much harder. (Sheila, I#2, October 19, 2005, E-original) Sheila’s comments are similar to the findings in Chiang and Schmida’s (1999) study, where imigrant students viewed themselves as incapable of ever achieving the fluency of a native speaker because they were “not supposed to be good anyway” (p. 93). However, although her dream to major in English would not be realized, Sheila quickly focused her time and energy on other subjects that she could excel in like math and science. Despite her lack of confidence in spoken English, she felt knowledgeable enough in these subjects to be very active in these clases, like leading clas discussions and tutoring other students. Her hard work became worthwhile because she was recognized by her peers and teachers as one of the most outstanding students in math and science subjects. When she graduated from high school, she was awarded the top honor in math in her graduating clas. Having exceled greatly in math and science, Sheila decided to major in the sciences at PCU. Regarding this choice, she commented that she was uncertain whether she truly had a talent in the sciences; yet she chose the field because she was confident  76 she could succed in it and because her lack of English skils would not be a disadvantage: I chose a field that would not require a lot of English. So naturaly, I came to the sciences. I could never enjoy subjects like social studies when I was in high school because of the stres from English. I couldn’t even wonder whether they could be fun. So in the same vein, I could never even wonder if I could major in something like philosophy or sociology. (Sheila, I#3, November 23, 2005, K-original) 4.4 Life in University In the Fal of 2004, Yelina began her studies at PCU as a General Arts major Even though she was somewhat disappointed that her dreams to begin university life in Korea were not fulfiled, she was happy to pursue her higher education at PCU because she knew that her parents had imense pride in her becoming a PCU student. She decided she could fulfil her Korean university fantasy one day as an exchange student, perhaps during her second or third year at university. Before enrolling at PCU, Yelina was particularly excited at the possibility of becoming an English literature major someday-a dream that she had since Grade 10. In fact, it was her English teacher in high school who strongly encouraged her to major in English literature in university. Her teacher believed that Yelina’s first language, Korean, would serve as an advantage when doing creative writing and that her expresions would become more unique as a result of her bilingual skils. Thus, Yelina began her university life with much hope about her future carer. However, over the next few years, she would experience several ups and downs related to this dream. Sheila also began her studies at PCU in Fal 2004 as a Biochemistry major. Prior to moving to Vancouver with her family, she had heard rumors about the large Korean population at PCU and was afraid she might become part of the Korean university student culture if she began socializing with other Koreans.61 She was aware of how students in                                                 61The exact number of Korean students at PCU is unavailable as PCU does not kep statistics on ethnocultural backgrounds of its students. However, it should also be noted that the Korean student population at PCU is not only made up of imigrant students like Sheila. Each year, many exchange students from various universities in Korea study at PCU. For instance, from 201, Korea University has ben sending up to one hundred exchange students to PCU each year. In adition, PCU’s Center for  77 Korea neglected their studies during their first year of university, thus, in order to avoid this, she chose not to approach any Koreans during her first year and concentrated on her academic life. With the exception of English courses, Sheila did not experience any dificulties with regard to her studies at PCU.62 She continued to receive excelent marks in al her clases and in the Spring term of 2006, she changed her major to imunology. She hoped to atend graduate school upon completing her degre, and ultimately, pursue a carer as a veterinarian in the future. 4.4.1 Continued Influence of Korean Pers Yelina: “They all said I was crazy” As mentioned earlier, Yelina’s high school experiences were heavily influenced by her Korean peers. In addition, much of the information she gained was from Korean adults (mostly mothers-although much of the information was often closer to closer to rumor than fact). However, upon becoming a university student, parents or adult figures no longer had such a significant efect on her or her peers’ lives. Instead, Yelina was under the influence of a new type of group: namely, her sŏnbaes or upper clasmen at PCU.63 Even prior to starting her studies at university, some sŏnbae students at PCU warned her that on average, only about 20% of the Korean students are able to succesfully graduate; thus, Yelina began her university life with much anxiety and worry. Upon enrolling at PCU, Yelina soon joined the Korean Student Asociation out                                                                                                                                              Intercultural Comunication and English Language Institute (both located on PCU’s campus) also atract many students from Korea each year. 62 Sheila tok the LPI exam twice (failing the first time) during her first term at PCU and was able to take English courses starting her second term. The dificulty with first-year English courses was a salient theme among most of the participants and wil be discused more in depth in Chapter 7. 63 In Korea, a person usualy uses the term sŏnbae to adres someone who is more experienced and often older than him/herself within the comunity they both belong to. Such comunities include, but are not limited to, schols, companies, military, sports teams, religious groups, clubs, and hometowns. Hubae is the oposite of sŏnbae and refers to a les-experienced and oftentimes younger member of a comunity. For Korean university students, the sŏnbae-hubae relationship is very important because sŏnbaes often play an important role in building personal networks and suport systems for the hubaes, thereby facilitating the hubaes’ routes to profesional suces.  78 of the desire to make new Korean friends at university. There, she continued to met many sŏnbaes who offered her various types of advice, ranging from which courses she would get an easy grade in to how to prepare for the LPI: Sŏnbaes would tel us that when we are writing the LPI, we shouldn’t choose a topic that would require us to write about our imigrant experiences or learning ESL. They said you don’t want to give even the slightest clue that you are an ESL student and that if you make more than five gramar mistakes, you are doomed. (Yelina, I#2, January 25, 2006, K-original) Whether or not such information was grounded on acurate facts was not the isue. As someone who was not familiar with the university culture, Yelina relied on her sŏnbaes for many of the academic choices she made during her first year. Of al the advice Yelina took from her sŏnbaes, one particular piece of advice played a crucial role in her academic path. Yelina began her university studies with the hopes of being an English literature major as noted above. Additionaly, she began developing an interest in studying political science. However, shortly after enrolling at PCU, she encountered strong discouragement from her sŏnbaes, who urged her to change her mind about her major and to simply choose something that would alow her to graduate more easily: The sŏnbaes, they al said I was crazy and that I’l never graduate if I majored in those things. They said unles I’m going to med school or busines, it’s no diferent what I major in, so I should just do what everyone else does like Economics or Psychology. Then everyone around me, not just the sŏnbaes started trying to convince me to change my mind. So, I got realy scared at that time because I thought I was making the wrong choice. So I decided to just major in Asian Studies and thought it didn’t realy mater what I majored in. I just didn’t fel like I needed to study something that was considered more dificult. (Yelina, I#2, January 25, 2006, K-original) When I asked her why she thought her sŏnbaes discouraged her from pursuing her original dreams, Yelina provided a detailed and insightful answer. The following is a short excerpt from one of our interviews (I=Interviewer, Jean; Y=Yelina):  I: Why did they discourage you? Were they refering to linguistic dificulties? Y: No, it wasn’t so much because of the individual diferences in English.  79 I: What do you mean individual diferences? I: Wel, they weren’t discouraging me because they thought my English skils weren’t good enough. They were refering to al of us as a group of Generation 1.5. They said that because of the fact that English is not our first language, there were so many things we would have to give up. I: So it’s more about how you as a group perceive your linguistic limitations? Y: Yes, it’s something like that. Even today, there are so many things we have to give up. It’s not like there is an external policy or regulations that limit us. It’s more the self-presure that we fel that scares us away (…) and that keeps us from doing certain things. We just get scared from the start. We also think that because we weren’t born here, we’l have a disadvantage when we’re looking for jobs after we graduate.(…) There’s this sŏnbae I know who I think has a lot of political ambition. He said if he had been in Korea, he would have run for student president. But the thing is, because we are so presured and burdened by it al, we have this feling among ourselves (…) we just don’t even want to look at that direction [of pursuing our dreams]. So, for someone like me, we think to ourselves, English is not even our first language, how can we even dare study English literature? (Yelina, I#2, January 25, 2006, K-original) Thus, this fear of failure and lack of confidence, imposed on her by her sŏnbaes and acepted by Yelina herself, eventualy led her to declare a major in Asian Studies. In some ways, this is similar to Sheila’s decision in high school discussed earlier, where she gave up on her dream as an English major. She instead chose to study sciences at university because she, too, acepted the view that her English would never be as good as a NS. However, in Sheila’s case, Korean peers and sŏnbaes had no influence on her choice since she chose not to socialize with Korean students from Grade 1 onwards. Also, while Sheila chose the sciences because she thought that was a field she could excel in, Yelina chose Asian Studies with the goal of becoming a profesor in the future and playing a role in introducing Asian and Korean culture to Canadians. Her sense of commitment to the Korean-Canadian community was very strong, and she felt that by becoming an Asian Studies profesor and diseminating knowledge about Korea, she would be able to contribute to the Korean community in her own way. However, throughout her first two years at university, Yelina became unhappy with her choice to study Asian Studies. Yet because she was surrounded by sŏnbaes and peers who held  80 fatalistic atitudes about their status and possibilities as Generation 1.5, Yelina was also hesitant to pursue her original dream. Furthermore, discouraging experiences with certain clases and instructors at university also conspired against her realization of that dream. Sheila: “They asked me why I was trying so hard” Unlike Yelina who continued to socialize almost exclusively with Korean peers upon entering PCU, Sheila avoided them until the summer of 2005, when she began socializing a lot more with her Korean clasmates. Although a part of her stil had reservations towards the typical Korean university student culture, she became very lonely during her first year in university and longed to form deep friendships with those she could truly connect with. Therefore, when a couple of Korean students approached her in one of her summer courses, she was delighted at the chance to met other Koreans and to become part of a Korean peer group. In the fal of 2005, Sheila also joined the Korean Student Asociation at PCU, where her sister was serving as an executive member.64 Through this organization, Sheila met many new Korean peers and participated in numerous social events. She also started dating a Korean sŏnbae that she met there. However, she soon faced the same dilema that she had during high school. That is, she was not using English enough in her daily life. Outside the clasroom seting, she was always with her Korean friends with whom she spoke mainly Korean. When she tried mixing English with them, she was again faced with awkward looks and criticism, even from her own sister: I fel the presure to use Korean al the time. Sometimes I try to just mix English and Korean but my sister tels me to stop because I look obnoxious, as if I think I’m behaving like I’m beter than the others. We used to argue about this even in high school. She’d ask me why I am trying so hard to use English even when I’m with Koreans. She’d say “What the hel is wrong with you?” I know other Koreans fel the same way when I use English with them. I can se it in their faces. So, I’m always feling anxious about this. (Sheila, I#3, November 23, 2005, K-original)                                                 64 Over the next few years, Sheila continued to play an active role in the Korean Student Asociation, and during the 207-208 academic year, she served as the vice-president.  81 Sheila believed her sister’s lack of efort to use English was not only due to the presure within the Korean group, but also because, unlike Sheila, her sister had plans to return to Korea upon graduating from PCU.65 Thus, for her sister, her future life plans did not require sophisticated and advanced English skils. On the other hand, Sheila did wish to reside in Canada in the long run and felt the need to increase the amount of English she used every day so as to fel more comfortable conversing with NSs in the future. Moreover, because it was Sheila’s profesional goal to become a veterinarian, she agonized over whether her current linguistic choices would enable her to achieve the kind of English proficiency required to work within mainstream Canadian society with NS clients and colleagues: I think it’s a negative thing that I’m speaking Korean al the time. I know that I won’t be going back to Korea. I wil be in Canada for the rest of my life and spending life with these people. So, I ask myself, what I am going to do with my life here if I’m only speaking Korean al the time. I fel like I’m just suppresing or ignoring those felings inside and just speaking Korean. There are days when I’m watching Korean TV, and I have to stop myself because I fel so pathetic.6 (Sheila, I#5, February 7, 2006, E-original) Additionaly, Sheila felt her predominant use of Korean outside of clas was afecting her interactions with clasmates and instructors in the courses she was taking. That is, although she experienced no dificulty understanding the course content and performing wel on exams, she felt she was unable to verbaly expres herself clearly to her clasmates and instructors. She found herself being misunderstood during clas discussions or when she asked questions to course instructors after clas. After a while, asking questions became such a burden on her that she made sure to practice each word she was going to say the night before she approached her instructor, or she would simply                                                 65 Sheila’s sister did, in fact, return to Korea upon graduating from PCU and was working for a Korean company. She planed to return to Canada in 209 for graduate studies. 6 However, it should be noted that while Sheila had no desire to leave Canada in terms of her profesional carer, her parents’ posible return to Korea in the future aded another layer to the complexities of her experiences. This factor wil be discused more in detail in Chapter 7 in my discusion of return migration.  82 write him/her an email instead. Thus, such stresful experiences only added to Sheila’s overal frustration towards not using enough English in her daily life. However, when asked whether she considered not socializing with Koreans anymore (like the choice she had made in high school), Sheila expresed a strong reluctance to do so. She felt that her Korean peers provided her with understanding and support that was dificult to find with other ethnic groups. In particular, because she had experienced much lonelines when she first arived in Canada as wel as during the first year of university, she was even more atached to her current group of Korean friends. Although it is true that many NS students also fel very lonely in high school and during their first year of university, it semed that in Sheila’s mind, it was precisely her NS imigrant status that led to such felings. Therefore, having similar experiences as imigrants, particularly as those who left Korea during secondary school, created an even stronger bond betwen Sheila and her friends. In fact, Sheila mentioned that a few of her friends shared the same concern as her with regard to their lack of spoken English, yet each time they discussed it, they concluded “wel, what can we do…maybe next term” (Sheila, I#5, February 7, 2006, E-original). Nonetheles, there were several times when Sheila came to our interview metings feling extremely upset and anxious. As soon as she sat down, she asked me if it would be alright for her to just start “venting” about her frustrations towards not using English enough. On one occasion, she had just returned from a lab sesion and described feling awkward conversing with her lab mate because it had been so long since she last used English. With that said, she described feling glad that she was participating in my study as it alowed her to at least mix Korean and English with me, thereby increasing her overal use of English at least for that day. Even until our final interview in June 2006, Sheila’s dilema continued. She hoped the situation would change the next academic year. 4.4.2 New and Continued Dilemas Despite the amount of emotional support and comfort that Korean peers brought to Yelina and Sheila’s lives, it was apparent that the same peers also created some  83 presures and tensions for the students with regard to their use of English and/or academic choices. Yet in Yelina’s case, it semed she did not question her sŏnbaes’ advice very much and also acepted the limitations of her choices based on her NS status. On the other hand, Sheila experienced much agony because even though she enjoyed the new company of her Korean peers, the same peers criticized her for trying so hard to use English. In this section, I wil describe the various experiences and proceses through which Yelina and Sheila had new realizations and continued dilemas with regard to their use of English. Yelina: A New View towards Learning English In my discussion of Yelina’s life in high school, it was evident how important it was for her to escape the title of “ESL student.” Hence, she invested much time and energy into improving her English skils in order to “graduate” from ESL clases. Yelina described her academic life in high school as a time when she only studied for English. Yet as she embarked on her life as a university student, she soon realized that she was now in a position where she was studying in English: In high school, English used to be just a form of survival for me. And I was just happy to get out of ESL and then to get a good enough grade to enter PCU. But now, it’s more a tool for my academic carer. I am no longer studying for English but studying in English. (Yelina, I#4, February 16, 2006, K-original) This idea was reinforced by courses she took which demanded a high level of English proficiency, especialy academic writing skils, as wel as background knowledge of Canadian sociopolitical and cultural maters. For example, in her first term at university, Yelina registered for an Anthropology course. On the first day of clas, the profesor went over the syllabus and emphasized that the course would require excelent writing skils. He also added that if students were not confident about their English, especialy writing, then they should drop the course. This came as a shock to Yelina because she was already questioning her English language skils after having just taken her LPI in the summer on which she had received a 4 (which was not sufficient for her to  84 take first-year English courses at PCU). Consequently, Yelina quickly dropped the course and never renrolled in it again. She also experienced much discouragement while taking a Political Science course on Canadian government; yet this time, it was not so much because of the level of English required to take the course. Rather, her lack of knowledge of Canadian politics and sociocultural isues left her feling completely out of place. Again, this was similar to the experiences of the students in Duff’s (2001) study, and also echoed Sheila’s experiences in her high school social studies and English clases mentioned earlier: These people, for twenty years, they have lived in an environment where they’ve received certain governmental benefits and so on. So, even if someone has no interest in politics, if you’ve lived here since birth, you can’t help but have some knowledge about Canadian politics. So, certain things are very natural to them. I went to clas without those twenty years with the desire to study the subject. And honestly, it wasn’t so much the studying that was hard. I just had nothing to say during clas discussions. When people talked about politics, curent afairs, hockey, I couldn’t join at al. I felt so disappointed in myself at that time. (Yelina, I#1, January 19, 2006, K-original) A point worth noting in the above comment is how Yelina blamed herself for her lack of knowledge of Canadian isues. In particular, she regreted certain choices she had made in high school including not making the efort to befriend “Canadian” peers. She was stil uncertain whether she would be able to reach out to “Canadian” friends, but she knew some changes needed to be made in her life. In addition, during her first two years in university, she became more aware that she was in an educational system where she was learning North American academic norms and values. In high school, her primary focus was on learning English and taking exams, and she was also stil strongly atached to everything Korean. Consequently, she was indiferent to the kind of values that she was being exposed to under the Canadian educational system. However, at university, although not overtly taught, she discovered Canada in each course she took. And as a result, slowly, but gradualy, she started revaluating her future academic and profesional plans. In the Fal of 2005, Yelina took a leave of absence from school. When the previous academic year ended in April 2005, she was unhappy with her academic life  85 studying Asian Studies, and dificulties living in an on-campus dormitory left her feling emotionaly drained. She decided to take a break from everything and planned trips to Korea and New York City. Her visit in 2005 was Yelina’s second trip back to Korea. During her first trip back in 2004, Yelina was stil in her fantasy world where Korea was a place she continuously longed for. She was only there for two weks, and she returned to Canada with even bigger ilusions of Korea. In the Summer of 2005, she stayed in Korea for two months, which brought about considerable changes in her views towards Korean society. During that time, Yelina worked as an intern for a publishing company. There, she witnesed the reality of fierce competition among Koreans and realized that the Korea she dreamed of was the Korea she remembered when she was 15 years old. She also became more conscious of the diferences betwen those who were born and raised in Korea and Generation 1.5 Koreans émigrés like herself. She believed that because of North American educational influences, Generation 1.5 Koreans were more flexible in their thoughts and les dependent on their parents. She admited to speaking il of local Koreans with her felow Generation 1.5 friends in Korea, and with those experiences, her ilusions of Korea were shatered. In addition, her trip to Korea crushed a belief Yelina had maintained since she first imigrated to Canada in 1999. Whenever Yelina felt discouraged by her lack of English skils, she took comfort in the fact that she was stil more fluent than those back in Korea. That is, because she planned to return to Korea upon graduating from university, she believed her Korean-English bilingual skils would give her the competitive edge over her Korean peers (who were born and raised in Korea). However, during her two months in Korea, she realized that her bilingual skils were no longer a major advantage for her: I used to fel a bit safe (…) I had this sense of relief knowing that I speak beter English than those in Korea, but that was a time when I was just a “frog in a wel.”67 There are so many people who are good at English back in Korea now, so many bilinguals, so I’m not sure I have a huge advantage.                                                 67 “A frog in a wel” is a Korean expresion used to describe someone with a narow orld view.  86 (Yelina, I#5, March 2, 2006, K-original) A visit to New York during her leave of absence also broadened Yelina’s views. While in New York, Yelina met many Generation 1.5 Korean-American university students, whom she believed were diferent from Korean-Canadians. She saw many students who, in her eyes, maintained their Korean identity but who also actively participated in mainstream American society. More specificaly, she envied their ability to maintain close ties with Korean friends while developing an advanced level of proficiency in English. In contrast to these New Yorkers, Yelina believed that Korean-Canadian youth were stil too heavily influenced by Korean culture without combining that with Canadian values and ideas. She felt their English skils were also lacking compared to the Korean-Americans she met. Yelina suggested that this was the reason why so many Korean-Canadians ended up pursuing a carer within the Korean community, where advanced English skils were not required. In addition, she felt that compared to New York, Vancouver as a city was too smal to pursue her future posibilities. Thus, she decided to be open to the idea of living in diferent cities around the world as part of her future carer path. Yet in order to do so, a high level of English proficiency would be required. I realized that English realy is a global language. These days, everything is in English. English is leading the world in technology. If someone asked me a few years ago about officializing English in Korea, I would have said no. But now, I think it is dumb not to do it. If we do not make English an official language, then we are alowing other people to take advantage of al the things in the world that are led by English. English is something you need in this day and age. I may go back to Korea for a few years to work one day. I may go do volunter work in Africa. Who knows? I know my heart is stil close to Korea, so I may want to work on something related to Korea. But no mater what I do and where I go, I wil always need English. (Yelina, I#4, February 16, 2006, K-original) Sheila: “I fel like I ned to prove myself” Earlier, I described the frustration that Sheila felt about having to speak Korean al the time with her Korean peers. With the amount of Korean she was using, one of her concerns was whether she would be able to acquire the level of English proficiency needed to work within mainstream Canadian society. However, for Sheila, the more  87 crucial isue at hand was how she would be viewed in the eyes of her friends back in Korea as wel as other Korean imigrants in Canada. Because Sheila was a top student in her school in Korea (and particularly exceled in English), when she imigrated to Canada, her friends expresed envy that Sheila would soon become a NS of English-an expectation that Sheila also had for herself as wel. However, although five years had pased since she first arived in Canada (at the time of our interview), Sheila did not fel that she had reached a level of English that would be deemed “aceptable” for someone who had resided in Canada for that long. Consequently, although she had once planned on visiting Korea as an exchange student, she felt too ashamed to return with her current English skils. I do want to experience Korean university culture, but I don’t want to go back to Korea yet because I don’t think my English has improved to the level that I want it to be at. I wil be embarased to go back with this level of English. I’d be les embarased if I went there after having forgotten some Korean and I was trying to improve my mother tongue. My friends back home sem to think I’m a total NS because I used to be the best in junior high. So, it’s kind of funny how I don’t want to go back to Korea because of my English. It’s not right to do so yet. I fel like I need to prove myself more first. (Sheila, I#2, October 19, 2005, K-original) In addition to having to prove her English skils to her Korean friends in Korea, Sheila constantly compared her English skils with other Korean imigrant students she encountered. This tendency to compare started imediately upon ariving in Canada when she saw that the only other Korean girl in her clas spoke relatively fluent English just one year after imigrating to Canada. Since then, whenever she came across a Korean imigrant student who was fluent in English she would automaticaly wonder how long that person had been in Canada for and would became envious of their English skils. For example, during one of our interviews, Sheila had just come from a biology clas where a Korean girl gave a presentation in clas. She expresed feling inferior to the girl because of her fluency in English and began to fel frustrated again by the quality of her own English skils. Sheila was particularly concerned that she would be judged by other Koreans if her English was not good enough. She, herself, admited to judging and feling pity  88 towards other Koreans if their English did not reflect the level of fluency of people who claimed to have lived in Canada for a certain period of time. Moreover, because she knew she was already being criticized by some of her peers for mixing Korean and English, she felt she had to be extra cautious not to make any mistakes in English when she spoke to other Koreans: They’l probably smirk or something if I make mistakes in English. I mean, they might think, “Why does she insist on using English when it isn’t that great to begin with?” So, when I’m using English with other Koreans, I’m always monitoring myself. And if I notice that I’ve just made a mistake, I’l corect myself right away. In general, I fel like I have to prove myself to other Korean imigrant students, so I’m always comparing myself to them. When I met someone who arived around the same time as me and who is more fluent than I am, I ask myself “Why am I like this?” And that definitely motivates me to study harder and improve my English. (Sheila, I#3, November 23, 2005, E-original) This level of anxiety was further amplified if she ever met imigrant students who were fluent in both Korean and English. Although Sheila considered herself completely fluent in spoken Korean, she did not fel as confident in writen academic Korean. Thus, when she saw someone who possesed strong spoken and writen skils in both Korean and English, she became envious and then ashamed of her own skils and felt anxious to improve her Korean skils. Yet soon after, she scolded herself for worrying about Korean when her English was not even good enough yet. In the end, she became even more worried about her state of English and became concerned that she would be “stuck in neither that nor this and just remain at the current stage of English forever” (Sheila, I#2, October 19, 2005, K-original). Sheila admited that she had never actualy received criticism for her English skils from any of her Korean friends either in Korea or in Canada. Moreover, she was uncertain whether her friends back home did indeed have such high expectations of her or whether other Korean imigrants realy did judge others based on their English skils. Nonetheles, regardles of whether they were real or imagined, the presures Sheila felt were indeed very real, and they only escalated as she became more socialy involved with her Korean friends.  89 In addition, Sheila also put more presure on herself whenever she thought of her parents’ sacrifices. Every time we discussed her parents, Sheila cried. She was very grateful to her parents for having given up so much in Korea for the sake of their children’s education. Thus, she felt extremely guilty about not improving her English and remaining in her Korean peer group, implying that by making such choices, she was not fulfiling her duties as a daughter. She added that she wanted to be someone her parents could be proud of and that she felt very guilty when she was “just hanging out with Korean friends and not speaking English or studying” (Sheila, I#3, November 23, 2005, E-original). It is worth noting here that Sheila was a very succesful student academicaly both in high school and at PCU, and such academic achievement is a source of pride for most parents. However, it semed that in Sheila’s mind, she had somehow “failed” as a daughter by not using more English in her daily life and not reaching out to members of other non-Korean communities. 4.4.3 Negotiating Change As discussed above, various factors and experiences influenced the students’ views towards improving their English skils. Clases at university and experiences outside of Canada made Yelina realize the narow view she used to have about learning English. Sheila’s internal struggle continued as she put more presure on herself to improve her English skils. Therefore, upon revaluating their situations, both women felt the need for changes in their lives-some changes more substantial than others-which wil be discussed in the following sections. Yelina: A More Proactive Aproach to Improving English Trips to Korea and New York in 2005 served as significant catalysts for change in Yelina as she returned with a new outlook on life and a completely diferent future plan for herself. The first step towards change involved declaring English as her major in the Summer of 2006. During our final “official” interview, Yelina appeared very excited to finaly work on something that she had been truly interested in since her high school years. However, her motivation behind majoring in English was no longer simply to fulfil a long, lost dream. Now, improving her English was the fundamental reason for  90 selecting English as her academic major. She believed that by making English the center of her studies, she would be able to gain more in-depth knowledge of the English language, which would ultimately aid in developing her English skils. Hence, if learning English in high school was a tool for imediate survival, improving her English in university was somewhat like completing a prerequisite for competing in a global market. In addition to majoring in English literature, Yelina decided to take on a more proactive and aggresive atitude toward improving her English skils. For example, up until her second year of university, Yelina acepted her “fate” as a NS and avoided clases that required a lot of academic writing.68 Yet she now decided to face her fears and to try harder, even though she stil acepted that she would always be disadvantaged to a certain extent due to her NS status. However, despite Yelina’s enthusiasm about improving her English, there was one aspect of her life that she was not wiling to change. That is, she was stil very atached to her Korean peers and sŏnbaes and was not ready to change her habit of speaking Korean with them. Yelina regretfully mentioned not using enough English every day and said that on some days, she spoke no English at al. Even at school, she felt she was “listening” to English in clases instead of “using” English herself. Yet Yelina stated that no mater where she ended up in life, she felt that Koreans would remain her closest friends, and her ability to connect with them came from sharing the same cultural background and language. Thus, regardles of how important it was to improve her English and to increase the amount of time she used English on a daily basis, she was not wiling to sacrifice her friendships for the sake of English. In fact, Yelina was even reluctant to share with her friends her decision to declare English as her major. She was concerned about their possible reactions and disapproval and hence chose not to disclose anything until the change in major was finalized. Thus, instead of minimizing Korean usage with her friends, Yelina opted to sek alternative approaches to increasing her time using English. For instance, she decided to                                                 68 This avoidance of clases with heavy writing requirements was also the case with most of the participants and wil be discused more in depth in Chapter 7.  91 apply for a part-time position at a local bookstore, where she would be able to have more interaction with NSs of English. She was also planning to join a club at PCU, although she was undecided about which one she was most interested in. In addition, she sought ways to improve both her Korean and English writen skils by taking on Korean-English translation work. Because her trip to Korea made her realize that her English skils alone would not serve as an advantage, Yelina felt she also needed to maintain a certain level of Korean language skils in order to have more marketability if she ever returned to Korea to pursue a carer.69 Sheila: Finding Alternative Oportunities to Use English Around the time of our fourth interview in January, Sheila decided something had to be done about her situation of not speaking enough English in her daily life. Like Yelina, she was stil very much atached to her Korean friends and was thus unwiling to minimize her time socializing with them. Therefore, like Yelina, she chose to increase her amount of time using English by placing herself in situations where she had no choice but to interact with people in English. For instance, she took on a part-time position as a waitres at a Japanese restaurant near her home. She worked during the evening shifts, so by the time she returned home, it was close to midnight. Nedles to say, it was extremely physicaly tiring to work long hours after a ful day of studies at school. However, Sheila felt it was a worthwhile investment if it meant increasing her use of English without sacrificing her relationship with her Korean friends. Moreover, she also decided to be more aggresive and talkative during her volunter hours at a hospital gift shop. Thus far, she had been comfortable with her position as a cashier as it had required minimal conversation with the customers. Now, she was determined to make the efort to at least exchange “smal talk” with the customers so as to increase her English communication time as much as possible.                                                 69 In fact, upon graduating from PCU in May 208, Yelina returned to Korea to sek temporary carer posibilities. She planed to work for a few years then eventualy atend graduate schol in Korea, where she was hoping to major in English literature with a concentration on Asian-North American diasporas.  92 Finaly, Sheila also returned to a “strategy” she employed in high school. That is, she made some Chinese friends in clas with whom she could communicate in English, and she made the efort to create opportunities to converse with them outside the clas such as going for coffe or spending time with them during breaks. The very fact that she was conversing in English instead of Korean made her fel as if she was doing something important; hence, she tried to make the most out of the short time she did spend with her Chinese friends by talking as much as possible. Sheila admited that she never talked to these friends about deper and more confidential isues that she only shared with her Korean friends. However, she nonetheles wanted to practice conversing about general isues with her Chinese friends-friends who were fluent in English but with whom she did not fel intimidated like she did with her White Anglo-Canadian peers. In examining the above experiences of Sheila, it is important to consider how someone as academicaly succesful and bilingual as Sheila-whom many would refer to as a “model minority” student-stil struggled with finding opportunities to use English and feling competent in her English skils. The simple explanation could be that Sheila as an individual had set very high standards for herself or that her shy personality kept her from socializing with NS “Canadian” peers. Although there is certainly some truth to such explanations, it also raises the question of whether our schools and society in general have a “false sense of security” (Hurh, 1993, p. 26) with regard to imigrant students who appear bilingual and bicultural, and therefore “succesful,” on the surface. That is, it is critical to consider whether the students’ functional bilingualism and academic succes serve as a pacifier to some extent, possibly leading to the overlooking of other isues of aces, rejection, and for some ethnic populations, racism. 4.5 Sumary and Discusion In this chapter, I have described Yelina and Sheila’s academic, social, and linguistic trajectories since their arival in Canada. Both students arived in Canada with a dream to become profesors in English literature. In Yelina’s case, the dream stil lives on, whereas Sheila has chosen to pursue a completely diferent field. It is not my intention to judge whether one choice was beter than the other. Rather, I have  93 highlighted the contextual factors that have led to the diferent decisions made by each student. However, in doing so, I have also identified some of the commonalities betwen the two young women. For both women, Korean peers (in Canada and elsewhere) played an important role in their everyday lives and in many ways served as “experts” (Duff, 2003, Lave & Wenger, 1991) in their proces of L2 socialization in Canada. In particular, from early on in high school, interactions with Korean peers taught Yelina and Sheila that it was unaceptable to use English among other Korean imigrant youth like themselves- an expectation which continued throughout university. The presure to use their L1 is similar to the findings in Goldstein (1997a) and Liang’s (2006) studies, where Chinese adolescent imigrant students in the U.S and Canada felt presured to use their L1 with their Chinese-speaking peers because using English was considered rude and arogant. Thus, in order not to jeopardize their friendships with their peers, the students chose to speak in their L1s despite their desires to improve their English skils. However, it is also interesting to note that in Fought (2006) and Zentela’s (1997) studies with Latin-American imigrant youth, in some cases, they deliberately code-switched betwen English and Spanish in order to display their bilingual identity, thereby distinguishing themselves from recently-arived imigrants. In this respect, the fact that Yelina and Sheila were newly arived imigrants in high school (hence not yet bilingual) could partialy explain why they felt presured to use Korean with their felow Korean imigrant friends. However, this does not explain the continued presure to use Korean in university because by then, the students had become quite bilingual and peer presure is usualy not an isue for most university students. Thus, this raises the question about how much English proficiency one must have in order to truly qualify as a bilingual and not be criticized as a “show-off.” It also makes one speculate whether such presures are only found among Generation 1.5 youth or if second generation Korean imigrants might fel the same. In addition to not speaking English among other Koreans, members of the Korean community continued to influence and socialize Yelina and Sheila into various  94 ideologies regarding English language learning and their future possibilities. In Yelina’s case, in high school, the competitive nature of Korean students and their parents socialized Yelina into believing that her objective for learning English was to escape her ESL status and to “defeat” other Korean imigrant students. Korean peers and parents also influenced Yelina to believe that ESL students were somehow handicapped. In addition, the need to remain familiar with contemporary Korean pop culture (in order to socialize with Korean peers) kept Yelina from being interested in Canadian culture and current afairs-a choice which disadvantaged her later on in various clases at PCU. In university, sŏnbaes took over the role of peers and parents and guided Yelina into a world of Generation 1.5 that is limited by their own perceived disadvantages as NSs and imigrants. However (although not as explicitly), the Koreans back in Korea and Generation 1.5 Korean-Americans that she met during her leave from PCU also caused Yelina to revaluate her perceptions towards English as wel as her future goals. That is, the encounters with other Korean youths outside of Canada made Yelina realize the importance of improving her English skils, not just because it is a language spoken in Canada, but because it is a crucial element to competing in the global market. Consequently, Yelina resisted the discouraging “Generation 1.5 boundary” set before her by her sŏnbaes at PCU and reclaimed her original intentions of studying English literature. Yet again, though her decision was no longer influenced by Korean-Canadian imigrants, her points of reference remained Korean nonetheles. Therefore, Yelina’s experiences suggest that in her case, English NSs were rarely taken into consideration as “experts” of her target language and culture nor were they necesarily her role models with regard to English to begin with. For the most part, felow Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadians were experts to Yelina and served as mentors and advisers with regard to their academic and sociocultural choices, but most importantly, with regard to what was and what was not desirable for Korean imigrant students’ L2 learning and use. Duff (2003) aserts that traditional LS approaches have often asumed a relatively smooth LS proces for newcomers who are guided by “experts who have considerable good wil and patience and who helpfully acommodate newcomers to their group, their  95 culture, their community” (p. 333). She also adds that such approaches may not fully grasp the contexts of contemporary society, which tends to be “much more complicated, fluid, dynamic, competitive, multilingual and potentialy unwelcoming” (p. 333). Many of Sheila’s experiences confirm Duff’s arguments. For Sheila, contrary to her expectations to make NS “Canadian” friends upon moving to Canada, she felt too intimidated to approach White Anglo-Canadian NSs in high school and had continued to fel this way ever since. This intimidation was not necesarily a result of rejection or lack of acommodation from the NS peers; rather, Sheila atributed her poor English skils as the main reason for these felings. However, the indiference on the part of NS peers and the perceived cultural diferences that Sheila felt with them also contributed to her building a wal against them. Thus, even when she opted to befriend non-Korean students for the sake of English, she automaticaly eliminated White Anglo-Canadian students from becoming her potential friends. It is worth noting, however, that despite the fact that she felt intimidated by White Anglo-Canadian NSs because of her perceived lack of English proficiency, she primarily judged the quality of her English based on whether it would be deemed “aceptable” by her Korean friends back home as wel as by other Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadians. Hence, the level of English she aimed to obtain was not necesarily that of a NS. Rather, she felt the need to prove herself capable of speaking English at the level of someone who has resided in Canada for five years-namely an “oldtimer” (Lave & Wenger, 1991) by Generation 1.5 Korean-Canadian standards. Only then would she be able to proudly visit Korea as an exchange student and only then would she gain legitimacy to mix Korean and English with her Korean peers without the worry of being judged by them. Both women’s experiences also demonstrate the notion of continuity and discontinuity and ideological considerations, two of the thre major isues in LS studies in educational research, acording to Baquendano-Lopez and Katan (2008) (se also Garet & Baquedano-Lopez, 2002). While many of the studies in Baquendano-Lopez and Katan’s review look at the discontinuities betwen the socialization practices at school and at home, Yelina and Sheila’s experiences display a discontinuity betwen the  96 practices encouraged within their Korean peer groups (in high school and university) and the practices required to realize their future possibilities. In addition, the diferences in their socialization practices also reflected the contradicting ideologies that came into play. That is, within the boundaries of their Korean communities, be it with their peers, parents, or sŏnbaes, the women were influenced by beliefs of what it meant to be an ESL student, a Korean, a NS, and a Generation 1.5 imigrant in Canada, and these were reflected in their linguistic choices. Yet, such ideologies conflicted with their beliefs of what it meant to be a succesful university student, a global citizen, a good daughter, and a member of mainstream Canadian society and pulled them towards another direction in terms of linguistic choices and practices. I believe that in addition to the above explanations, at the center of both students’ experiences lies their negotiation of multiple and sometimes conflicting investments and identities (Norton, 2000). For Yelina, her initial resistance towards imigration to Canada and her desire to remain connected to the Korean language and culture drew her to socialize exclusively with Korean peers in high school. Hence, at that time, she was heavily invested in her personal Korean identity and group afiliation. Competition among Korean ESL clasmates and their parents stimulated Yelina to work hard to “escape” her ESL status, yet she was not wiling to sacrifice her friendship with her Korean friends by speaking les Korean or leaving her Korean peer group for the sake of improving her English. That is, she minimized her investment in English and learning about Canadian culture and gave priority to her investment in maintaining her Korean identity with her Korean peers. In university, her identity as a Korean remained strong, and she continued to socialize almost exclusively with Korean peers and sŏnbaes, who strongly influenced her initial aceptance of a somewhat “helples and hopeles” Generation 1.5 identity and the academic choices she made acordingly. However, through her various experiences over the next few years Yelina’s investments in English grew and she began to take on the identity of a global citizen. As a result, she altered her future plans and decided to major in English literature-a major which was strongly discouraged by her Korean sŏnbaes. This semed like an act of agency on Yelina’s part  97 and a sign of determination to control her own future. However, Yelina was hesitant to share her decision with her Korean friends as she was unsure of how they might react. Also, although Yelina did fel that she needed to speak more English in her everyday life, she was not wiling to minimize her time with her Korean friends with whom she always spoke Korean. Instead, she chose to sek alternative ways to increase her time speaking English (e.g., through a part-time job and PCU club activities), which demonstrated how she was stil trying to balance betwen her multiple and conflicting investments in languages and identities. Figure 4.1 summarizes Yelina’s investments in languages and identities. Sheila also had to negotiate betwen her multiple investments and identities, and in some ways, her trajectory could be characterized by even more dilemas than Yelina’s. For Sheila, the very group she desired so strongly to become a member of was simultaneously the source of many of her internal struggles. That is, the lonelines she felt in the past drew her to socialize with felow Generation 1.5 imigrant Korean friends. Yet this investment in her friendships was made at the cost of her use of and improvement in English. This competed with her investment (in high school) to enter university and later (at university), to participate in mainstream Canadian society in the future. In addition, her desire to prove herself to other Koreans (both back in Korea and in Vancouver) and her sense of duty as a daughter added even more layers to the complexity of her struggles and the presures she imposed on herself. Yet, despite such internal batles, Sheila never gave up on her afiliation with her Korean peers and instead tried to find alternative opportunities to use English (e.g., through volunter work and waitresing). Therefore, Sheila was constantly trying to negotiate and renegotiate her multiple investments in her identities as a member of her Korean peer group, future member of mainstream Canadian society, top student in Korea, Korean imigrant in Canada, and responsible daughter. Figure 4. 2 summarizes Sheila’s investments in languages and identities. Finaly, the experiences of both Yelina and Sheila need to be examined within the broader sociocultural contexts in which they were situated. The changing  98 demographics of Vancouver, the role of English in Korea and the world, and technological advancements which alowed easier and more frequent contact with Korean culture were some of the key factors afecting the students’ atitudes, ideologies, and investments in English language learning and heritage language maintenance. In this respect, the proces of “Canadianization” or “North Americanization” were quite slow for the two women-a factor which added another layer to the complexities of their language socialization proceses.   Past Present Future Desire to escape ESL. (Competition among Korean peers and parents)  Studying for English. Studying in English. Desire to enter English Department. Global competition with English speakers. English  Goal to become English profesor. Resistance towards imigration to Canada.  Marketability in Korea. Korean  Desire to maintain friendship with Korean peers. Figure 4.1 Yelina’s Investments in Languages and Identities  99   Past Present Future Dream of becoming English profesor. Goal to enter university. Goal to enter graduate school. Perceived expectations of peers in Korea. Desire to have English ability like “oldtimer” Generation 1.5 students. Member of mainstream Canadian profesional society. English  Responsibility towards parents Contact with peers in Korea to escape lonelines in Canadian middle school. Presure from sister. Envy towards Korean imigrant students who are fluent in English and Korean. Korean   Presure from Korean peers Uncertain. Figure 4.2 Sheila’s Investments in Languages and Identities  100 Chapter 5 NEITHER A “FOB” NOR A “BANANA”: HANAH, JOON, AND MIKE 5.1 Introduction In the previous chapter, I discussed the experiences of Sheila and Yelina and the contextual factors that influenced their linguistic, social, and academic choices since imigrating to Canada. In this chapter, I explore the language socialization of Hannah, Joon, and Mike. Unlike Sheila and Yelina, who were strongly atached to and heavily influenced by their felow Generation 1.5 Korean peers (particularly those who spoke Korean al the time), the thre students in this chapter made the conscious choice to disconnect themselves from such Korean-speaking peers at particular times after imigrating to Canada. As wil be described throughout the chapter, their choices were not determined by a single factor, nor were their decisions made overnight. As was the case with Sheila’s and Yelina’s various life decisions, theirs were also the results of past, present, and future (imagined) contextual factors that shaped the students’ sense of identity, practical goals, and general outlook on life. Therefore, in the following sections, I wil trace the thre students’ language socialization proceses and the contextual factors that have shaped their various experiences. First, I briefly introduce each student’s background including family information and studies at PCU. Next, I examine the students’ views towards what they refered to as “FOB” Korean peers in high school and university and their reactions to being labeled a “banana” or “banana-wanna-be.”70 In doing so, I examine the areas in which the thre students displayed similarities while also highlighting their individual, unique circumstances. I conclude the chapter by providing a discussion and summary of the thre students’ cases.                                                 70 Detailed descriptions of these terms wil folow in later sections of this chapter.  101 5.2 Students’ Backgrounds 5.2.1 Hannah Hannah was a 20 year old female student originaly from Seoul, who imigrated to Vancouver, Canada with her family (mother and younger brother) in 1995 when she was 11 years old. Like most Korean families, Hannah’s family also moved to Canada for the sake of the children’s education. In addition, several members of Hannah’s mother’s family were already established in Edmonton, thus, her mother was even more eager to move the family to Canada. Initialy, the family setled in Vancouver, where Hannah atended Grades 6 to 8. Then in the beginning of Grade 9, in order to be closer to Hannah’s aunt’s family, the family moved to Edmonton, where they lived for thre years. However, Hannah’s mother was unhappy with the weather conditions in Edmonton, and at the beginning of her Grade 12 year, they made a permanent move back to Vancouver. Hannah’s father was a civil servant in Korea who visited Vancouver about thre or four times a year but had plans to ultimately retire in Vancouver. Her mother, who used to be an acountant in Korea, was now a stay-at-home mom in Canada. At the time of the interview, Hannah was living with her mother and brother. At the time of the interview, she spoke mainly Korean with her parents and English with her brother, who was a year younger than her.71 Upon graduating from high school, Hannah atended a local community college in Vancouver. A year later, she transfered to PCU and enrolled as a General Arts major, with a focus on Asian Studies. At the time of our interview, she was in the second year of the Commerce program at PCU. 5.2.2 Joon Joon was a 20 year old male student, who at the time of the interview as a third year General Sciences student at PCU. Joon and his family (parents and older sister) imigrated to Vancouver, Canada in 1997 when Joon was 11 years old. Both Joon and his sister were born and raised in Germany, where his parents did their graduate studies and worked for 13 years. His family returned to Korea when Joon was 9 years old but                                                 71 She used Korean with her brother when they first moved to Canada but started using mainly English from about two years later.  102 decided to imigrate to Canada because of the lack of carer opportunities for his parents in Korea. Both Joon and his sister were quite glad when their parents chose to move to Canada because they were not very happy with the strict, conservative nature of Korean society that they experienced upon returning from Germany. They had no idea where Canada was nor what it was like, but his parents and relatives explained that it was like the United States, so they were happy to move to a place that was more “Westernized.” Shortly after imigrating to Vancouver, his mother found a job as a researcher and his father opened a smal seafood export-import busines. Later on, his mother quit her job and joined his father in operating the family busines, which Joon described as being “not so lucrative” (Joon, I#2, November 15, 2005, E-original). None of his family members have visited Korea since imigrating to Canada mostly due to financial reasons. Joon lived with his parents and spoke mostly Korean with them. He only spoke English with his sister who lived alone. At the time of the interview, he was taking German clases at PCU to try and regain his German language skils that he had once had as a child. 5.2.3 Mike Mike was a 21-year-old, second year Commerce student at PCU. Originaly from Seoul, he had been a snowboarder during high school in Korea who was training to compete for the national team. However, with concerns about Mike’s very poor academic achievement, his parents decided to imigrate to Canada when Mike was in Grade 11. Mike’s move to Canada was not his first time living overseas. Due to his father’s occupational circumstances, Mike’s family lived in New Jersey, U.S. when he was 3 to 7 years old. In 2001 (age 17), he moved to Calgary with his mother and younger brother while his father stayed in Korea to manage the family busines. When Mike was admited to PCU, the family al moved to Vancouver. His mother was a stay-at-home mom in Canada, but in the fal of 2006 (when Mike’s brother became a university student), she returned to Korea permanently. Mike spoke only Korean to both his parents and his brother. At the time of the interview, Mike was living at an undergraduate residence on PCU’s campus.  103 5.3 Detachment from “FOBs” In her study on slang used by American college students, Eble (1996) states that “FOB” often refers to Asian imigrants who are not yet asimilated to the American way of life. Recently, scholars have examined the use of this term among Korean, Southeast Asian, and Pacific Islander imigrant youth in the United States and have noted that it is often used among second generation and long-term, U.S.-educated Generation 1.5 youth to distinguish themselves from “uncool” (Talmy, 2005, p. 64), recently arived imigrants who lacked English proficiency, mainly asociated with their ethnic peer group, and who often came from lower clas family backgrounds (Jeon, 2001; Reyes, 2007; Talmy, 2005). In particular, these studies found that in some cases, imigrant youth made the deliberate efort to marginalize or “other” the newly arived imigrants so as not to be labeled “FOBs” themselves. The term “FOB” also often arose during my interviews with Hannah, Joon, and Mike, and like the findings of the above studies, the students disasociated with Korean peers as a means of distancing themselves from the “FOB” label. Hannah and Joon had formed strong views and stereotypes towards “FOBs” since their high school years. Mike, on the other hand, was not aware of the term until he entered university but had nonetheles formed critical views towards the group at PCU, especialy after entering the commerce program. The following sections wil describe the various contexts in which the students’ views towards “FOBs” were created, revaluated, and reinforced. 5.3.1 “FOBs” in High School Hannah: “I wanted to completely shed my Korean identity”72 When Hannah and her family first imigrated to Vancouver, she enrolled in Grade 6 at a local elementary school. For two years, she took ESL clases along with a few regular clases, and she became very close to her Chinese ESL friends. Unlike the cases of Yelina and Sheila in Chapter 4, Hannah did not experience any fierce competition among Korean ESL students, which she believed was because of the smal                                                 72 Al interviews with Hanah were conducted in English. The quotes included in this chapter are Hanah’s own words. Based on our interviews, I felt that Hanah was very fluent in spoken English.  104 Korean student population in the school as wel as the very smal size of ESL clases (usualy no more than five students in each clas). Throughout Grades 6 to 8, Hannah continued to remain close to her Chinese friends, yet she began to have felings of wanting to become more “Canadian,” which in her mind meant spending time with White Anglo-Canadian friends. At that time, her school was predominantly made up of White Anglo-Canadian and Chinese imigrant students, and Hannah belonged to the later group. She never felt particularly alienated or discriminated against by her White Anglo-Canadian peers, but she nonetheles felt too shy about befriending them due to her lack of English proficiency. In Grade 9, the family moved back to Edmonton to be closer to Hannah’s aunt’s family, and Hannah transfered to a local high school in her new neighborhood. Her new school was very multicultural and also had a fairly large Korean student population. Initialy, Hannah started socializing with the Korean student crowd who were mainly made up of recently arived imigrant students who were enrolled in ESL clases. Although she enjoyed the company of her new friends, she continued to have the feling of wanting to be more “Canadian” and doing things that her “White” peers did (e.g., socializing after school, playing sports) which semed more fun to her at the time: When I was young, I used to fel that since I was here in Canada, I should be more Canadian. So, being with Chinese friends in elementary school and then Korean friends in my new high school, I didn’t fel like I was being Canadian enough. I felt like I was stil Korean but just living in Canada. (Hannah, I#1, September 25, 2005, E-original) Therefore, upon making some non-Korean friends in some of her clases, Hannah one day decided to socialize exclusively with her new group of friends: It’s interesting because my school building was shaped like a rotunda, but we had four corners where there was a diferent ethnic group in each corner. We had the Caucasian/Banana corner, East Indian corner, multicultural corner, and then the Asian corner. One day, I just literaly moved myself to the Caucasian corner and said to my friends, “I’m just going to hang out with you guys from now on,” and I never looked back. It wasn’t a gradual change or anything, I just suddenly changed, and I did fel bad because I felt like I was ditching my Korean friends. But at that time, I realy felt like I had to get rid of my Korean identity in order to become more Canadian, and that meant not hanging out with any Koreans at al.  105 (Hannah, I#1, September 25, 2005, E-original) When asked what it was about the Korean peers that made them not Canadian enough, Hannah described them as being too “FOB.” In her school, the term “FOB” was used to refer to Chinese and Korean students who recently imigrated to Canada. These students often stood out from the rest of the crowd, but usualy in a negative way to the minds of other students. Like the findings in the studies mentioned earlier, the “FOBs” in Hannah’s school were also known for dresing diferently from Canadian students, being “nerdy” or “geeky,” or on the other extreme end, being troublemakers (skipping clases, smoking). However, the most defining characteristic of “FOBs” was their tendency to stick to their own ethnic cliques and their predominant use of their mother tongue within those groups. As a result, “FOB” students were often perceived to be “cocky and snobby (…) so [they] would always be like a social outcast” (Hannah, I#2, October 28, 2005, E-original). Olsen (2000) aserts that to many imigrant students in the United States, becoming American means speaking English, and English becomes “the social and political marker of afiliation and belonging” (p. 198). In a similar vein, the “FOB” traits, including their lack of English use that Hannah observed in her peers, were everything she believed to be non-Canadian. Thus, she distanced herself from Korean friends completely during her high school years in Edmonton and deliberately disconnected herself from Korean culture and language as wel. In addition to speaking only English at school, she also spoke English to her parents and brother at home. Her parents were worried that she would lose her Korean language skils and her brother questioned why she only had Caucasian friends. However, she simply explained that she found friends who were more fun to be with and dismised her family’s concerns. In addition, fearing that she may not be sen as Canadian enough, she never spoke of Korean culture with her Canadian peers and even purposely complained about her parents’ traditional Korean ways so as to asert her “Canadiannes” to her friends: I tried not to show any of my Korean side to my Canadian friends. I realy tried to adapt to their ways of thinking and behaving, even if it made me fel uncomfortable at times. For instance, sometimes they would talk back to the  106 teachers, which in Korea is unimaginable. But my friends would say “You’re in Canada, so you don’t have to be Korean,” and I just thought they were correct. I made fun of my parents and other Asian parents for being so restrictive, and I complained about it a lot to my friends. (Hannah, I #2, October 28, 2005, E-original) Therefore, although the desire to shed off her Korean identity was originaly initiated by Hannah herself, it was later on further encouraged by her “Canadian” peers to do things the Canadian way. As Gibson, Gandara, and Koyama (2004) suggest, during adolescence, peers have a strong influence on the creation and development of one’s self-perception. In the case of Hannah, the peer presure that she felt further reinforced her detachment from the “FOB” crowd, who in Hannah’s eyes represented everything “uncool” and embarasing. Joon: “I felt out of place”73 Like Hannah, Joon imigrated to Canada in Grade 6. Although he had only lived in Korea for two years (as mentioned earlier, he was born and raised in Germany until age 9), he was very fluent in Korean at the time of his arival in Canada. He took ESL clases for thre months in Grade 6 but was no longer required to take them upon entering middle school. By Grade 8, he began feling more comfortable using English over Korean. And out of concern for his potential Korean language loss, his parents asked him not to speak English at home. In middle school, Joon was friends with students from a variety of ethnic backgrounds and recaled having an active social life playing sports and taking part in other extracurricular activities. At that time, he was one of the few Korean students in his school. As it is the case for many tenagers, high school was an awkward time for Joon. He entered Grade 9 determined to be one of the “cool” kids in school, yet over the years, he struggled with self-confidence isues and finding a sense of belonging among his peers. Unlike his middle school, there were a large number of Korean imigrant students in his high school as wel as students from other various ethnic backgrounds. He                                                 73 Al interviews with Jon were conducted in English. The quotes included in this chapter were his own words. In my opinion, Jon was one of the most fluent English speakers among the seven participants.  107 remained very close to his friends from middle school, but many of them were not very academicaly oriented, which caused some conflict betwen him and his friends. Trying to find a group that he could belong to, Joon tried approaching some Korean students at his school, but he soon realized that their “FOB” characteristics made them too diferent from him. Like Hannah’s description of “FOBs,” Joon categorized “FOBs” as geeks or troublemakers who only socialized within their cliques and who were stil very much atached to Korean language and culture. However, unlike Hannah who chose to disociate herself from “FOB” friends and Korean culture because they were not Canadian enough, Joon felt he did not fit into this group because of his lack of Korean language skils and difering “Korean” values: I think the general thought proces of the way most Korean youth think and their values were too diferent from mine. I also wasn’t able to speak very fast. You know, Korean speech is very fast and wity, and you had to be in with the modern times to have a conversation with the modern views. I gues it’s like when adults try to talk to kids and they can’t speak about the same modern topics because they use colloquial slang. I felt like I wasn’t up to date and felt out of place. (Joon, I#2, November 15, 2005, E-original) Furthermore, although he had never received any explicit criticism from his Korean peers, he felt he was being looked down upon due to his relative lack of Korean skils and knowledge of Korean culture. Consequently, he felt he was being pushed away from this group. Joon’s experience is in stark contrast to Hannah’s as wel as to the findings of previous studies mentioned above (Jeon, 2001; Reyes, 2007; Talmy, 2005), where it was the more asimilated oldtimer students who mocked or rejected the semingly les aculturated, non-English-speaking newcomers: To be honest, I have never felt like I realy mised Korea and felt that I had to go back. But the kids in the Korean group were always talking about Korean things, so I felt realy awkward. I tried to speak Korean with them, but it was just too weird. I was afraid that they would be too condescending and that I wouldn’t measure up. They were also critical of people who used English and said that person was trying to be too Canadian, meaning, they were trying to be too White. I was one of those who felt more comfortable speaking in English, so I didn’t fel like I was being acepted by them. (Joon, I#4, January 19, 2006, E-original)  108 In addition to feling out of place and criticized due to his lack of Koreannes, Joon felt he could not asociate with “FOBs” who were mostly from rich families and who took for granted the sacrifices the parents made for the children. He felt they were “not taking advantage of the opportunities but taking advantage of the situation” (Joon, I#2, November 15, 2005, E-original), and that he was disappointed by their lack of appreciation for the struggles of the first generation. Again, Joon’s observation of Korean “FOBs” is comparable to Jeon’s (2001) and Reyes’s (2007) studies, where Korean and Southeast Asian imigrant students asociated “FOBs” with those from relatively poor imigrant families with “FOB jobs” (Reyes, 2007, p. 98). However, as mentioned in Chapter 2, such a diference could be atributed to the fact that many recent Korean imigrants to Canada have been t’ujains (investors) who came to Canada already with enough financial stability, which has often not been the case with Korean imigrants in the United States (Yoon, 2001). 5.3.2 “FOBs” in University Mike: “We were the FOBs”74 Mike atended high school in Calgary where there was a very smal ethnic minority student population. In fact, he was one of the only thre Korean students in his entire school; thus, the majority of his friends in high school were White Anglo-Canadians. His talent in sports, especialy snowboarding, helped him to bond with his new friends, and Mike believed that although he imigrated to Canada at a relatively older age, socializing almost exclusively with NS peers in high school helped speed his acquisition of English. Furthermore, he commented that although he had lost most of his English upon returning to Korea, his experience living in New Jersey as a young child may have also helped with his pronunciation skils, which made him almost sound like a NS of English.                                                 74 Interviews with Mike were conducted in both English and Korean. Thus, coments made in Korean were translated into English by me. Mike comfortably mixed Korean and English during our interviews and semed quite fluent in both languages.  109 Unlike Hannah and Joon who had strong views towards “FOBs” since high school, Mike only became familiar with the term in university. Upon entering PCU, he joined the Korean Student Asociation, and he often socialized with the friends he met there, including going drinking after clas and traveling together on wekends. It was during this time with his Korean peers that he learned of the term “FOB,” which was often used to refer to Korean exchange students at PCU or Korean university students who were in Vancouver for temporary ESL studies (not necesarily at PCU). University “FOBs” were often criticized as being cliquish, speaking only Korean amongst themselves, and atached to Korean culture despite their goals to learn English in Vancouver. This description resembled the high school “FOB” stereotypes described by Hannah and Joon. Yet, during his first year at PCU, Mike never gave much thought to the notion of “FOB” as he felt they were a group distant from his own pers and that as a succesful university student, he was more Canadianized than the Korean “FOBs.” However, it was through his academic studies over the next couple of years that led him to revaluate the notion of “FOB” and to reconsider his socialization paterns with other Korean peers. After entering PCU, Mike enrolled as a General Arts student and took many Political Science courses during the first year. In these courses, he experienced many dificulties with writing asignments not only because of his lack of academic writing skils but also because of his unfamiliarity with asignment topics. He felt that as a NS and as someone who was not born and raised in the Canadian context, he had to put in extra efort working on his asignments in order to receive a reasonable grade. For instance, in his Canadian Government clas, there were often times when he did not understand the asignment topic itself because of a lack of background information on the Canadian political system as wel as on aspects of Canadian culture. Mike’s experience was similar to that of Yelina in Chapter 4 (who also took a clas on Canadian government) as wel the students in Duff’s (2001) study, where Asian ESL students experienced dificulties in a high school social studies clases due to their lack of knowledge of contemporary North American current afairs and culture. He particularly  110 experienced this more often during clas discussions, where students talked about various topics that were very familiar to the average Canadian student: I don’t think it was just the English that was the problem because a lot of the times, I could understand what the others were saying, but I had no idea what was going on. So it’s not just English, it’s also culture. That’s the bigger problem. Like, if I don’t know who Wayne Gretsky is, then I have no clue what’s going on. (Mike, I#1, September 26, 2005, E-original) However, despite such discouraging factors, Mike worked extremely hard and received excelent grades in most of his courses. Yet, after two years in the Faculty of Arts (with a Political Science focus), he became overwhelmed and exhausted by the amount of writing required in his courses. Therefore, upon consulting with a carer advisor at PCU, he transfered to the Commerce program, where he was told he would not be required to write as many extensive and creative esays compared to the Arts Faculty. In addition, he felt a degre in Commerce would provide him with more carer options in the future. Indeed, Mike did have les dificulty with writen asignments in the Commerce program. However, within the new program, he was faced with a diferent kind of chalenge that he had not experienced before in other courses. That is, he became overwhelmed with the fierce level of competition among the students. Not only were the students high academic achievers, but they were also very aggresive in trying to make themselves known and to “keep on adding to their resumes” (Mike, I#2, November 6, 2005, E-original): It’s a totaly diferent environment, not just in terms of studying, but the overal atmosphere. It’s like a dog eat dog world (…) there’s also a lot of emphasis on doing extracurricular activities. Even the profesors think that’s more important because that’s what potential employers look for. So, now in Commerce, I have a diferent kind of stres compared to when I was in Arts. (Mike, I#3, January 12, 2006, E-original) As noted in Chapter 2, various language socialization studies have investigated newcomers’ socialization into the discourses of their new (or desired) profesional communities (e.g., Duff, Wong & Early, 2000; Goldstein, 1997b; Jacobs-Huey, 2003; McCal, 1997; Sarangi and Roberts, 1999). Mertz (1996, 2007), for instance, looked at  111 how through engaging in certain types of interaction with their law profesors, students were socialized into adapting a new identity and a new discourse of a law profesional. Similarly, through interactions with his profesors and other members of the “real world,” Mike learned that in order to survive within the Commerce program, it was more important to excel socialy than academicaly. Presentations, debates, and portfolio analyses required much group work among the students. There were also many organized events with recruiters where students could find potential internships and other future employment opportunities. Through such social interactions, Mike became aware of the importance of “soft topic skils” (Mike, I#3, January 12, 2006, E-original): In Commerce, you have to know about current isues, sports, economics, investing, you name it. You have to know those things to survive socialy. It’s not about hiting the hard topics; it’s al about the soft topics. Even though you don’t do wel academicaly, you can become realy likeable if you know the soft topics. That’s what al the profesors emphasize because they’re the ones who used to work in companies and recruit employees, so they emphasize on soft topic skils. (Mike, I#3, January 12, 2006, E-original) However, Mike felt that as a person who had only lived in Canada for les than five years, it was extremely dificult for him to be familiar with “soft topics” that were of interest to mainstream Canadians. In particular, he felt that his exclusive social relationships with his Korean peers prevented him from learning more about Canadian culture. Thus, he revaluated his involvement with the Korean Student Asociation and realized that the only purpose of the group was to socialize among Koreans, where most of the functions were held in Korean. He described being “sucked into the club” (Mike, I#2, November 6, 2005, E-original) because it was so much fun, but at the end of the day, he felt the club members were isolating themselves by speaking in Korean al the time, following Korean popular culture and current afairs, and forming cliques without reaching out to the larger PCU community. In other words, he felt that the Korean group he socialized with was no diferent from the “FOBs” that they were criticizing. He added that because “we only got together on the basis that we are al Koreans (…) it was almost like we were the FOBs” (Mike, I#2, November 6, 2005, E-original).  112 Consequently, it was during his studies within the Commerce program that he deliberately began distancing himself from his Korean peers. Although he did not completely abandon his Korean friends as Hannah did, he no longer atended the Korean Student Asociation events and started joining several PCU clubs to expand his circle of friends. He even started playing hockey to improve his so-caled “soft topic skils.” Thus, unlike Hannah, who avoided “FOBs” to become more Canadian, and Joon, who actualy felt pushed away by them, Mike chose to gradualy leave the boundaries of his Korean peer group for the sake of his imediate survival in the Commerce program and for his future survival in his profesional carer: Ever since my Political Science days, I have felt that my being a NS and not possesing Canadian cultural knowledge was a huge disadvantage. But I just thought that was a disadvantage in terms of studying. But I think after coming to Commerce, I truly realized that life is realy competitive. If you live like the Koreans here, then it’s hard to be succesful. There’s a lot of things you have to pay atention to and do, but because Koreans are within their own boundaries, you don’t realy know what is going on in the outside world. I was like that too. But after coming to Commerce, I realized how the real world was living. (Mike, I#4, January 27, 2006, E-original) During our final official interview as wel as in subsequent unofficial correspondences, Mike described that despite his hectic schedule, he believed he had the best time of his university life during the 2005-2006 academic year, being involved in diverse activities and making friends from various ethnic backgrounds al the while improving his English and “soft topic skils.” Hannah and Joon: “Stop the Minoritizing” At PCU, both Hannah and Joon continued to keep a distance from “FOB” Korean students, although by this time, in addition to refering to them as “FOBs,” they also often labeled such students as “Korean-Koreans.” Like Mike, Hannah also transfered to the Commerce program from the Arts Faculty and also felt the fierce competition among the Commerce students.75 Hannah echoed the importance of “soft topic skils” expresed                                                 75 At the time of the interview, Hanah was planing to graduate with a Bachelor’s degre in Comerce, minoring in Asian studies.  113 by Mike, and when given the choice to select group members, she admited that she avoided working with “Korean-Korean” students in clases: I felt like Korean-Korean students wouldn’t be good at group presentations or other types of group work due to cultural bariers. For instance, they wouldn’t know the similar humor to put in. (Hannah, I#4, November 22, 2005, E-original) Hannah explained that at this point in her life, she knew how sily it was to have teased the “FOBs” as being “uncool” during high school, and she regreted abandoning her friends the way she did. Regardles, she felt that within the university academic context, asociating with Korean “FOB” students would put her at a disadvantage in terms of obtaining more imediate and practical goals (like geting group work done faster and more eficiently and receiving higher marks on group presentations). Socialy, she continued to distance herself from “FOB” peers who only spoke Korean amongst themselves. She was certain that her detachment from these peers in university was no longer about becoming completely Canadian because her experiences at university alowed her to embrace her Korean-Canadian identity and helped her fel more comfortable in her own skin. Rather, she felt that by choosing to remain in a clique that only spoke Korean, that person was choosing to “minoritize” (Hannah, I#4, November 22, 2005, E-original) him/herself and was building a wal against other Canadians, regardles of race. In addition to the academic and social seting, Hannah also explained that she avoided speaking Korean in her work seting as a sales asociate for a popular clothing store in Vancouver. She said that she never used Korean in her workplace with either her Korean-speaking colleagues or customers. Even when her customers spoke Korean, she pretended not to understand and only conversed with them in English. Like her atitude towards forming Korean cliques, she felt that by using Korean in a profesional seting, she was again “minoritizing” herself from the English speaking Canadian majority. Thus, to Hannah, English was the only language one should speak in public, especialy in order to look more profesional.  114 In Joon’s case, he stil continued to hold strong views towards Korean “FOB” students at PCU. At university, most of Joon’s closest friends were either non-Korean students or English-speaking Koreans. However, while he had felt looked down upon or even pushed away by the “FOBs” in high school, now at university, he felt the roles had been reversed. Joon believed that over the years, he had matured enough to know that he did not need a clique to define who he was as an individual. Consequently, he became more comfortable with his unique identity that had been influenced by his combined experiences in Germany, Korea, and Canada. Thus, if it was the “FOB” groups in high school that pushed him away, it was now his choice in university to reject the “FOBs.” When asked why he chose not to engage with them, Joon replied that his perception of Korean “FOBs” included people who were “flaky and shalow, flamboyant and flashy, somewhat ditsy, like what you se on Korean dramas” (Joon, I#4, January 19, 2006). Most importantly, however, he felt superior to them due to his fluent English language skils: I don’t mean to be judgmental or anything. Wel, maybe it’s that I’m not trying to please everyone now, so I fel more comfortable speaking English. And in a way, I can honestly say that sometimes, I sort of pity them (…) I’d be lying if I said that I didn’t fel that I was superior. I mean, no mal-intent, but I think that there is more that I can do since I’m in an English-speaking society and I speak the language wel. It’s such a big tool, right? (Joon, I#2, November 15, 2005, E-original) Joon also added that his English skils contributed to his ability to be more profesional in his extracurricular activities. For instance, he explained that he was reluctant to join one of the science clubs at PCU when he noticed that many of its members were Korean students who spoke mostly Korean amongst themselves. He stated that his imediate reaction to the large number of Korean students was “Oh boy, are we going to get any work done?” (Joon, I#2, November 15, 2005, E-original), because he believed that the Korean students semed to only be there for the sole purpose of socializing. Joon eventualy did join the club and had been playing a significant role in it as an executive member. Stil, he added that he was able to work much beter with its English-speaking members who were more serious about the club’s objectives. He also  115 said that he was particularly inspired by one Chinese-Canadian member who was one of the leaders in the club. For Joon, this member served as a role model in terms of his leadership skils, which included being highly articulate in English and delivering excelent public speeches. Joon believed this member’s ability to speak sophisticated English added to his charisma; thus, he aspired to be like him in the future. He also explained that the fact that this member was an Asian-Canadian provided an even stronger incentive to emulate him. This is not to say that Joon no longer felt judged by Korean “FOBs” when he spoke to them in English. There were stil occasions when he felt awkward and knew that he was automaticaly being stigmatized as a “banana” (a concept that wil be discussed in the following section). Nonetheles, for the most part, Joon now felt that it was not necesary for him to acommodate them by speaking to them in Korean, especialy if they were going to prejudge him based on his Korean skils. In addition, he now believed that he was doing the Koreans a favor by speaking to them in English: I know it sounds prety smug, but my atitude now is that if you’re in Canada, you should be able to speak in English, so I’m doing you a favor by speaking to you in English. I sort of fel pity towards them and fel sorry for them. I fel like they are more close-minded, cowardly and don’t appreciate the fact that they are in an environment where they could realy get a leg up on other people that don’t have such opportunities. I think they should get their heads straight. (Joon, I#1, October 26, 2005, E-original). In this respect, the English skils which Joon felt contributed to making him an outcast among Korean peers in high school now placed him in a superior position in university against the same peers. Furthermore, although Joon’s views were expresed in slightly more extreme language, his criticism towards the “FOB” groups’ cliquishnes and closed-mindednes afirmed Hannah and Mike’s views regarding the need for “FOBs” to stop “minoritizing” themselves and to reach beyond the boundaries of their imediate Korean groups. 5.4 Rejecting the “Banana” Label Over the years, many scholars have cautioned against the dangers of teachers, researchers, and institutions labeling a student because by doing so, “we may be  116 imposing an ethnocentric ideology and inadvertently supporting the esentialized discourse that represents cultural groups as stable of or homogeneous entities” (Spack, 1997, p.773, also se Harklau, 2000; Leung, Haris, & Rampton, 1997; Pennycook, 2001; Talmy, 2005, 2008; Thesen, 1997). In the following sections, I continue with this discussion of labeling. However, I focus on Hannah, Joon and Mike’s perceptions of the label “banana” or “banana-wanna-be” imposed on them by their Korean peers and the ways in which they rejected such labeling. The term “banana” is often used to refer to an individual who is ethnicaly Asian but who has asimilated to North American ways of life in terms of language, behaviors and values. Similar labels exist in other ethnic groups such as “Oreo” and “coconut” within the Black and Hispanic communities, and they have often been negatively asociated with individuals who are viewed as “acting White” by their ethnic group peers (Kao, 1997). In the cases of Hannah, Joon, and Mike, although they acknowledged having adjusted to Canadian cultural norms and speaking English more often than the so-caled “Korean-Koreans,” they were uncomfortable with being stigmatized as a “banana” as they believed the term had negative connotations atached to it. 5.4.1 Hannah As discussed in an earlier section of this chapter, Hannah distanced herself from her Korean peers during the majority of her high school years. However, from around Grade 11, she started wishing she had more Korean friends when she observed Korean girls socializing together at the church she was atending in Edmonton. She was envious of how those girls semed comfortable showing their Korean sides to each other, while she on the other hand was always trying to hide her “Koreannes” from her non-Korean friends at school. The opportunity to make new Korean friends came in the beginning of Grade 12, when her family moved back to Vancouver and she transfered to a new school. There, she was approached by second generation Korean-Canadian peers. At first, she was delighted to be with friends who spoke fluent English and who also had an understanding  117 of the Korean language and culture. However, over time, she felt that there was stil a diference betwen her and her friends, whom she refered to as “bananas:” My Korean friends in the [X] high school, even though they were Korean, they were very “banana” Korean, very White inside. They did a lot of things I wouldn’t do, like partying and stuff like that. They were fun, but I didn’t fel like I realy connected with them. But in a way, at the back of my mind, I was thinking, “I’m only here for a year, so they are my short-term friends.” (Hannah, I#2, October 28, 2005, E-original) Hannah explained that she found real friends she could connect with at her new Korean church in Vancouver. These friends were similar to Hannah in that they had also imigrated to Canada during elementary school. They spoke English, understood Korean language and culture, but were not too “White.” Thus, because they shared experiences as Generation 1.5 youth, she felt a much stronger bond with these friends compared to her second-generation friends in school. In Danico’s (2004) study of Generation 1.5 Korean tenagers in Hawai, she found that through interactions with other Generation 1.5 youth, the Korean tenagers learned to appreciate their Korean identity, which they had been embarased about while growing up. Hannah’s case echoes Danico’s findings in that through the interactions with her church friends, she became more comfortable with and appreciative of her Korean identity. It was during the next couple of years at university that she became even more aware of her Korean heritage and proud of her Korean identity. She took several Asian Studies courses at the local community college and at PCU through which she gained more knowledge of Korean history and culture. She enrolled in Korean language clases at PCU and also participated in a summer exchange program at a university in Korea, where she took courses on Korean history, contemporary Korean culture, and Korean language. Hannah felt that these combined experiences helped her become more appreciative of her Korean heritage and also led to a deeper understanding of Korean values, especialy those of her parents’ generation. Such experiences of Hannah are not uncommon among minority imigrant students. Park (1999) suggests that many imigrant youth experience adopting diferent identity “categories” as they go through their formal school years. In the case of many Korean-Americans in particular, many  118 individuals experience being “bleached back to the original color” (p.158) as they move from their younger school years to colege. Therefore, Hannah felt that she had experienced several ups and downs since imigrating to Canada to reach a point in her life where she felt proud of being a Korean-Canadian who has succesfully adapted to Canadian ways while embracing and appreciating her Koreannnes.76 Thus, in this respect, Hannah felt offended when someone automaticaly labeled her as a “banana” simply because she spoke fluent English and because she had had more White Anglo-Canadian friends in high school: Some people refer to me as a “banana,” but I don’t think I am at al because I stil have that Koreannes in me. Friends who were born here, they are so much more Canadianized than me, so I think they are the ones that are “bananas.” I don’t like it when people give me the vibe that I have somehow betrayed my Koreannes by having more White friends back in high school and that I should be ashamed of myself. (Hannah, I#5, January 26, 2006, E-original) In addition, Hannah defended her Koreannes by adding how she wanted to make a contribution to the Korean community in her own way. That is, although she may not be actively involved in the Korean community (like taking part in Korean cultural events), she nonetheles made the efort to create positive images of Koreans in Canada: I don’t realy have that sense that I must stay connected to the Korean community, like most Koreans sem to think. But I do want to distinguish myself from Chinese people because a lot of Canadians don’t sem to know the diference betwen Koreans and Chinese. I want to give an impresion that Koreans are not Chinese and that we are a separate people. I want to be able to show my work and do my best so that people can recognize me as a Korean. Does that make me a “banana” just because I don’t speak Korean al the time and am not involved more actively in Korean events? I don’t think so. (Hannah, I#3, November 18, 2005, E-original) As can be sen from her comment above, Hannah did not view the use of Korean as an indicator of one’s Koreannes. However, although Hannah defended her Korean identity and refused to be asociated with the “banana” label in general, there was one                                                 76 This sense of hybrid identity (Bhabha, 190; Kramsch, 200) was also observed in several other students and wil be discused more in detail in Chapter 7.  119 particular seting in which Hannah described feling embarased about her lack of Korean skils, which was within the Bible study clases that she taught at her church. Hannah’s family was a member of a Korean Protestant church in Vancouver, and since her first year of university, Hannah taught Bible study clases to Korean children. During her first six months as a teacher, Hannah was asigned to teach clases where the medium of instruction was Korean. Yet, she described having much dificulty teaching these clases because of her unfamiliarity with certain biblical terms in Korean and explained feling extremely ashamed and embarased to face her students as a result. There were times when she had to rely on the students to teach her the correct Korean words, and she felt horrible that she might be sen as a teacher who was not Korean enough in the eyes of the students due to her lack of Korean skils. Therefore, although Hannah was very proud of her fluency in English in al other aspects of her life, within the seting of the Bible study clases she taught, her English skils became almost meaningles because she was in a position where Korean language skils were valued. Thus, when the opportunity came where Hannah was able to teach English Bible study clases, she quickly requested the switch and had been teaching only English clases ever since. 5.4.2 Joon Joon also felt that he was being judged as a “banana” by other Koreans, particularly by the “FOB” groups who spoke Korean al the time and who remained in their Korean cliques. He was aware that he was atached with this label mainly because he did not speak Korean with them and did not follow contemporary Korean pop culture. However, he felt very offended by this because he believed there was a negative stigma atached to the word: You know, Koreans are so patriotic, so I think they fel that a “banana” is so weird and moraly unaceptable. It’s like (…) I have this gut feling that they think “bananas” are flaky, abandoning their Korean identity and being White-washed, not having pride in their Korean heritage. Of course language has a lot to do with it because if you can’t speak Korean, people roll their eyes and automaticaly asume you’re a “banana.” (Joon, I#5, February 12, 2006, E-original)  120 In addition, Joon explained that he felt particularly annoyed by the notion that not following contemporary Korean culture was somehow equated with a lack of interest in Korean culture in general. Although it was true that he was neither knowledgeable about nor interested in contemporary Korean pop culture like many of his Korean peers, he stil valued and had pride for traditional Korean culture and values. Moreover, even though he might not converse in Korean al the time, Korean had the most personal meaning to him because it was the language of his “family, blood, and roots” (Joon, I#2, November 15, 2005, E-original). Joon also felt that it was wrong to question his patriotism or perceive him to be a traitor to his heritage when he was making the efort to create a positive image of Koreans. However, unlike Hannah who tried to distinguish herself as a Korean from Chinese-Canadians, Joon was motivated to fight the racial stereotypes of Asians as a more collective pan-ethnic group. For instance, in one of the group interviews in which Joon took part, al of the other students described feling upset when someone asumed they were Chinese or asumed that Korean culture was similar to Chinese culture. During one of our subsequent email correspondences, Joon described feling surprised that the other students had such strong views towards the isue and stated that although he agred that it was important to distinguish oneself as a Korean, it was equaly important to “create positive images of Asians so that there wil be fewer negative racial stereotypes that Asians, including Koreans, have to fight through” (Joon, email correspondence, June 14, 2006, E-original). In another interview, he explained: When I’m like in Richmond and there are some White people around, and there’s not that many, I come across them and I want to make sure that they are aware that there are Asian people in Richmond who actualy speak English. I try not to reinforce the negative stereotypes of Asians in Richmond. Sort of like this complex that I want to(..) to the Caucasian man that not al Asians are like that. I find that I try to be overly friendly sometimes and strike up a casual conversation, trying to show that “Hey, I’m sociable!” (Joon, I#2, November 15, 2005, E-original)  121 Therefore, while Hannah resisted the notion of Asian-samenes (Kibria, 2000) by aserting her Koreannes, Joon made the efort not to reinforce the notion of Asian-foreignnes to other ethnic groups, particularly to White Anglo-Canadians. 5.4.3 Mike Mike found it odd that he was often thought of as a “banana” because he had lived in Canada for les than five years. His definition of a “banana” was “someone who doesn’t understand a lot of Korean cultural stuff like the drinking customs or junior/senior relationship (…) who doesn’t speak Korean that wel either, but it’s more on how they think; it’s more White” (Mike, I#3, January 12, 2006, E-original). In this sense, he felt that it was unfair to categorize him as a “banana” because he was indeed familiar with Korean culture and customs but made the conscious choice not to “be sucked into it because once you’re in, it’s hard to get out” (Mike, I#2, November, 6, 2005, K-original). In addition to his intentional detachment from “FOB” Korean peers, he believed that he was also often misunderstood as a “banana” because there was no noticeable acent when he spoke English. In Kang and Lo’s (2004) study, Korean-American youth identified acents as a trait of one’s “fobbynes.” In this respect, Mike’s excelent English pronunciation skils semed to have automaticaly eliminated him from the “FOB” category. Koreans often asked him how long he had been in Canada and were always surprised when they heard he imigrated in high school. However, although they were initialy impresed by his excelent English pronunciation, he soon got the impresion that they perceived him as a “banana-wanna-be” (Mike, I#3, January 12, 2006, E-original). Acording to Mike, a “banana-wanna-be” was somewhat diferent from a “banana” in that the former arived in Canada at a relatively older age. The “banana-wanna-be” does understand Korean culture and speaks Korean wel but tries very hard to suppres his/her Koreannnes in order to fit in with the mainstream White Anglo-Canadian society. However, Mike completely denied that he was a “banana-wanna-be” and in reverse criticized those who atached that label to him: I am only doing what I’m doing because I think there needs to be a solid balance betwen being Korean and being Canadian. I know I wil live here for the rest of my life, so it wil be kind of stupid to just follow the Korean lifestyle. I’m just  122 doing what I have to do. It’s like, if you are playing soccer and you are bad at shooting, then you have to practice shooting. So, if you are not confident in English, you have to practice speaking English. You have to work hard to improve. I don’t envy “bananas” and I don’t want to be one. But I’m just doing what I have to do because I am being realistic. (Mike, I#4, January 27, 2006, K-original) Hence, Mike defended his choices as being wiser and more realistic and claimed that those criticizing his choices were the ones with the real problems. Having had a glimpse of the “real” world in the Commerce program, he felt that it was crucial for Koreans to make the efort to become part of mainstream society while not losing their Korean heritage. In this respect, Mike felt that his current choices were helping to build an infrastructure which would pave the way for younger Generation 1.5 Korean students (including his own younger brother who was in high school at the time of the interview). Mike’s atitude was in line with those of Hannah and Joon who wished to contribute to the Korean-Canadian and Asian-Canadian community in their own way. Furthermore, as the eldest son for whom his parents had sacrificed so much, Mike also felt a sense of duty to give back to his parents through his academic and profesional succes. In this respect, Mike felt that his semingly “bananaish” choices in life were a part of his strategies to succed profesionaly so as to make his parents proud. 5.5 Sumary and Discusion In this chapter, I have examined the experiences of Hannah, Joon, and Mike and the circumstances that have influenced the linguistic, sociocultural, and academic choices they have made over the years. In particular, I have described the students’ choices to detach themselves from Korean “FOBs” and how such decisions were influenced by their varying contextual factors over time and space. Additionaly, I have also examined the students’ rejections of the label “banana” or “banana-wanna-be,” which they were often asociated with. Table 5.1 summarizes their detachment from “FOBs” and rejection of the “banana” label.   123 Table 5.1 Reasons for Detachment from "FOBs” and Rejection of “Banana” Label  Hannah Jon Mike “FOB” Traits -Cliquish. -Non-English-speaking. -Troublemakers. -Nerdy/geeky. -Snoby/cocky. -Social outcasts. -“Uncool” fashion. -Atached to Korean culture. -From privileged families /Lack of appreciation for parents’ sacrifices. Other Factors Reasons for Detachment from “FOBs” in High School -Desire to be “Canadian.” -Pressure from “Canadian” peers. “FOB”peers’ condescending attitudes towards Jon. Unaware of the term in high schol. “FOB” Traits -Flaky/shallow. -Flamboyant/ ditsy. -Closed-minded.  -Non-English-speaking. -To atached to Korean culture. -Cliquish/Not reaching out to larger PCU community. Other Factors: Reasons for Detachment from “FOBs” in University -Less beneficial for academic achievement. -FOBs “minoritizing” themselves from other Canadians. Sense of superiority and pity towards “FOBS.” Need for Canadian cultural knowledge/ Soft-topic skils.  124  Hannah Jon Mike Negative stigma attached to “Bananas.” Reasons for Rejecting the “Banana” Label -Did not view herself as “White” as 2nd gen. -Apreciated “Koreanness” & tried to create positive image of Koreans. -Valued traditional Korean culture and language. -Tried to create positive image of Asians. -Believed he was being wiser/ realistic &  was creating infrastructure for future Gen.1.5.  In understanding the experiences of the thre students in this chapter, the notion of positioning (Davies & Haré, 1990; Pavlenko & Blackledge, 2004) is helpful.7 Although it was at diferent points in their lives, al of the thre students in this chapter positioned “FOBs” as a group of people with whom they did not want to be asociated. Furthermore, although they semed to have peers from many ethnic backgrounds in their schools (particularly Hannah and Joon), their notion of who constituted the “FOB” population was clearly limited to the Korean student group. In Hannah’s case, relatively newly arived Korean peers who semed “cliquey,” “nerdy,” “geeky,” who only spoke Korean amongst themselves, or who were troublemakers were positioned as “FOBs.” Most importantly, such “FOB” peers were positioned as non-Canadian; an idea that was initialy created within Hannah but further reinforced by her “Canadian” peers, who encouraged her to distance herself from Korean ways of life. Hence, for Hannah, distancing herself from “FOBs” in high school was part of her desire to be a member of the “in group” within the popularity hierarchy at her school. At university, as a result of maturity and a newly found appreciation for her Korean heritage and identity, Hannah no longer avoided “FOBs” because they were not “cool” enough. However, she nonetheles continued to distance herself from the “FOBs” who semed les beneficial for her academic achievement and who also semed to “minoritize” themselves from non-                                                7 I employ Pavlenko & Blackledge’s (204) notion of positioning, which expands Davies & Haré’s (190) view of positioning as a conversational phenomenon into one that also includes “al discursive practices which may position individuals in particular ways or alows individuals to position themselves” (Pavlenko & Blackledge, 204, p. 20).  125 Korean communities. That is, in university, regardles of their length of residence in Canada, if she observed that an individual lacked academic literacy skils (mostly in spoken academic English), Hannah positioned that person as a “FOB.” Furthermore, she positioned members of Korean cliques as “FOBs” due to their lack of engagement with non-Korean communities and criticized them for reinforcing their minority status in society. Joon also possesed critical views towards “FOBs” from his high school years although it semed such views were enhanced when he felt he was rejected by this group. As described earlier, Joon initialy made an atempt to befriend the “FOB” group as part of a tenager’s atempt to find his own clique in high school. Yet, due to his lack of Korean skils and knowledge of Korean pop culture, he felt he was being looked down upon by members of the Korean group. That is, although the “FOB” students were often teased by local students for their atachment to their native language and culture, in the eyes of the “FOB” students, the fact that Joon lacked these very characteristics positioned him as an ilegitimate member of their group. Such findings echo those of Palmer (2007), who reports on the tensions betwen Korean-born Korean-American (KBKA) and American-born Korean-American (ABKA) high school students based on their negative stereotypes about each other. In Palmer’s study, while ABKAs thought they needed to guide KBKAs (who were sen as too “Korean” and closed-minded) to become more American, many KBKAs actualy pitied ABKAs for having lost their Korean identity and heritage. In a similar vein, the Korean “FOB” group at Joon’s high school asigned a marginalized status to Joon based on his lack of “Koreannes” (both linguisticaly and culturaly), thereby positioning him as the inferior other. Joon admited that at first he felt he was “not able to measure up” (Joon, I#4, January 19, 2006, E-original) to the Korean students’ standards, which semed to indicate a reflexive positioning of himself as an inferior member within the Korean “FOB” group. However, he soon rejected this positioning and became highly critical of the “FOB” students’ linguistic and sociocultural choices. In addition to the characteristics of “FOBs” described by Hannah, Joon positioned them as spoiled children from rich Korean families.  126 In Giampapa’s (2004) study of Italian-Canadian young adults in Toronto, the participants used the term “Gino/Gina” to describe the spoiled children of wealthy Italian-Canadian families, who lacked academic and profesional ambition in life. As a result, they positioned such “Gino/Ginas” as not being true reflections of Italian-Canadians. In a similar vein, Joon also positioned Korean “FOBs” as those who lacked a goal in life and who took for granted the sacrifices of first-generation Korean-Canadian imigrants. Hence, Joon positioned one as a “FOB” if he/she was diferent from his traditional views of Korean imigrant children who worked hard in school to show gratitude for their parents’ sacrifices. In this respect, there semed to be conflicting notions (and as a result, diferent positionings of each other as the inferior other) of what it meant to be a true Korean betwen Joon and his Korean peers, which is similar to the findings of Jo’s (2002) study on the contested ideas of “Koreannes” among a semingly homogeneous group of Korean heritage language learners. Such conflicting notions of Koreannes also point to the bidirectionality of socialization (Duff, 2003) betwen Joon and his peers. That is, while their relative newcomer status to the Canadian educational system ay have situated them as the novice within school, the “FOB” students positioned Joon (the relative oldtimer and expert) as the novice with regard to his Koreannes. However, Joon resisted this positioning as a novice by his peers by drawing on his traditional views of the Korean imigrant youth, thereby positioning the “FOBs” as novices yet again. Hence, such positionings and repositionings of self and other betwen Joon and the “FOB” group reflect how one resists and reframes his/her roles and participation in socializing interactions (Garet and Baquedano-Lopez, 2002). By university, Joon’s perceptions towards Korean “FOBs” became even stronger and he began to view himself more as the superior individual compared to the “FOB” Koreans, whom he pitied for their lack of English skils. In addition, he positioned Korean “FOBs” as cowards who did not take advantage of the opportunities in Canada and also as those who lacked profesionalism in extracurricular setings (e.g., the science club). Therefore, to Joon, the English skils that positioned him as an outsider to the  127 “FOB” group in high school now placed him as the more open-minded, profesional, and courageous person in university. Mike’s positioning of “FOBs” was quite diferent from Hannah’s and Joon’s in that not only was he unaware of this term until university, but initialy, his image of “FOBs” was only limited to Korean international students in Vancouver. That is, unlike Hannah and Joon, his positioning of “FOBs” excluded imigrant students like himself who had experienced high school and university life in Canada. Thus, he socialized with the Korean Student Asociation clique at PCU-a group that possesed “FOB” characteristics based on Hannah’s and Joon’s definitions. However, through his combined and gradual experiences at university (particularly within political sciences clases and the Commerce program), he realized that his lack of Canadian cultural knowledge and “soft topic skils” positioned him and his Korean clique as the very “FOBs” they made fun of. Thus, for his imediate survival in the Commerce program as wel as his future succes in the real world, Mike gradualy distanced himself from his Korean “FOB” friends and started being more involved in activities where his “soft topic skils” could be improved. Therefore, Mike’s positioning of “FOBs” began with including only Korean international students in Vancouver then went on to include members of Korean imigrant cliques, including himself. However, later, he no longer positioned himself as a “FOB” based on his eforts to develop his knowledge of Canadian culture and “soft topic skils,” which in Mike’s mind were characteristics that “FOBs” lacked. Al thre students’ intentional distance from “FOBs” resulted in being positioned as “bananas” by other Korean peers based on their relative fluency (with no noticeable acent) in English and their choices not to socialize exclusively with other Koreans. As Heler (1987) notes, ethnicity is a social construct, where language plays an esential role in being demed worthy a member of that ethnic community. In this respect, by refering to Hannah, Joon, and Mike as “bananas”-yelow on the outside but white on the inside- it appeared their Korean peers asigned a non-Korean ethnic identity to these students based on their lack of (knowledge and/or use) of Korean. However, al thre students  128 rejected such positionings and argued that it was unfair to be stigmatized with such labels simply based on the language they spoke or the friends with whom they socialized. In addition, they positioned other Korean imigrants (mainly those second-generation Koreans who were born in Canada, those who did not understand the Korean language and/or customs, or those who thought in a “White” way) as the true “bananas,” which semed to indicate that as a Generation 1.5 imigrant, they could not be stigmatized with such a label. Furthermore, they also aserted that contrary to the belief that they lacked an appreciation for their Korean cultural heritage, in their own unique ways, they were actualy contributing to the Korean and Asian communities in Canada. Furthermore, by emphasizing that they were neither an “FOB” nor a “banana,” the students chose to position themselves in a third space, where they posesed a good balance of being Korean and Canadian at the same time. To some extent, I believe the students’ choices to resist being placed under either label are the result of their developed maturity and self-aceptance. However, in addition to such factors, I also fel that, like the decisions that were made by Yelina and Sheila in Chapter 4, the choices of the thre students in this chapter were also closely related to their negotiation of various identities and investments (Norton, 2000). In Hannah’s case, her investment to appear “Canadian” and to be afiliated with “Canadian” peers led her to abandoning her Korean “FOB” peers in high school who symbolized “non-Canadianes” in Hannah’s views. Over the years, she gradualy embraced her Korean identity and befriended more Korean peers, yet she was stil heavily invested in maintaining the “Canadiannes” that she had acquired since high school. Hence, she stil kept a distance from Koreans who appeared cliquish and who only spoke Korean amongst themselves. In addition, her desire to excel in the Commerce program at university led her to avoid students who semed relatively “FOB” when it came to group work, based on her asumption that they would not be able to contribute as much due to their lack of Canadian cultural knowledge and academic literacy skils. Furthermore, as a result of her investment to appear more profesional in her work place, Hannah chose to hide her Korean identity and never spoke Korean to her Korean-speaking colleagues and  129 customers. However, her fluent English skils became irelevant in the context of her Korean church where she was asigned to teach Korean Bible study clases to young Korean children. In that seting, her lack of Korean skils placed her at the risk of potentialy being positioned as an incompetent teacher as wel as someone who was not Korean enough in the eyes of the students. Yet, instead of choosing to improve her Korean skils, Hannah switched to teaching English Bible study clases as soon as the opportunity arose. Thus, even within the context of her Korean church, Hannah chose to asert her identity as a capable teacher by returning to the language that made her more profesional in al other areas of her life-English. However, despite such choices, it appeared that for Hannah, focusing on her English skils was in no way an abandonment of her Korean identity. Rather, by using English (and appearing more profesional in public setings), she was aserting her investment in her Korean identity. That is, by not “minoritizing” herself from mainstream Canadian society, she was in fact contributing to creating positive images of Korean-Canadians. In this respect, despite her linguistic and sociocultural choices that may lead one to asume that she was indiferent towards her Korean identity, she was in fact searching for her own ways to find a good balance betwen her Korean and Canadian identities. Figure 5.1 summarizes Hannah’s investments in languages and identities. Joon’s identities and investments also developed over time and space. His needs as a tenager to belong to a peer group drew him to approach Korean students in high school despite their “FOB” characteristics. However, this very group questioned Joon’s true Korean identity based on his lack of knowledge and use of the Korean language as wel as knowledge of Korean pop culture. This kind of tension was similar to those reported in Chapter 4 for Sheila, who eventualy gave into the presure in order to remain within her Korean peer group. Joon, on the other hand, felt offended by his Korean peers’ behaviors and chose not to socialize with them any further. Instead, Joon chose to invest in highlighting his identity as a hard-working Korean-Canadian student who, unlike the “FOBs,” possesed strong morals as wel as gratitude for his parents’ sacrifices. In university, he continued to distance himself from Korean “FOBs,” but by this time, it was  130 no longer just about distinguishing himself as a “non-FOB” Korean-Canadian. Rather, he was also invested in his identity as a succesful Asian-Canadian imigrant; someone who was fluent in English, sociable, and who reached out to mainstream Canadian society. Thus, his identity was now being framed within the politics of race, where he was fighting racial stereotypes that afected Asian-Canadians, including Korean-Canadians like himself. Therefore, Joon’s investment in English served several purposes: to diferentiate himself from “FOB” Koreans, to become the “traditional” succesful imigrant child for his parents, and to batle the biases against Asians in Canada. In Figure 5.2, I summarize Joon’s investments in languages and identities. In Mike’s case, his identity changes and investments sem closely related to his pragmatic views towards academic and profesional succes. In particular, upon entering PCU (and more specificaly the commerce program), Mike recognized the importance of “soft topic skils” in order to succed in the real world, which included knowledge of Canadian culture and current afairs. Like Joon (and Sheila in Chapter 4), for Mike, it was not only important for him to succed academicaly and profesionaly for his own personal sense of achievement but also as a way to give back to his parents who had sacrificed so much for him. In addition, he was keen on seting a good example for future generations of Korean-Canadians, including his younger brother. However, his choice to prioritize such identities (e.g., succesful student within the commerce program, succesful profesional in the future, responsible son, and role model for his younger brother) resulted in compromising his identity as a member of his Korean peer group, who were a big part of his life during his first year of university. His decisions also often left him stigmatized with the labels of “banana” and “banana-wanna-be.” However, such consequences did not sem to have any agonizing efects on Mike. That is, unlike Sheila and Yelina in Chapter 4, who were determined to maintain their afiliation with their Korean friends regardles of other competing identities and investments, Mike’s imagined identity as a succesful member in the “real world” far outweighed his desire to stay within the Korean peer group. Figure 5.2 offers a summary of Mike’s investments in languages and identities.  131 Based on the above descriptions, it is quite clear that unlike the women in Chapter 4 for whom Korean peers, sŏnbaes, and parents were important agents in their proces of language socialization, for the thre students in this chapter, members of the non-Korean community semed to have played a greater role in their linguistic, academic, and sociocultural decisions. For instance, in Hannah’s case, her “Canadian” peers in high school strongly influenced her in developing the ideas of what made an individual “Canadian” in terms of his/her linguistic and sociocultural choices. Although as a university student she was no longer influenced by the same kind of peer presure experienced as a tenager, the ideologies formed during that time semed to continue to be a strong part of her beliefs, which influenced her linguistic, academic, and sociocultural choices in university. The “experts” (Duff, 2003) Joon chose as role models also rarely included his Korean peers during high school or university. Rather, Joon sought to emulate images of the more traditional Korean imigrant youths of the past who came from les afluent families but who worked hard to succed. In addition, he also found inspiration in those that he believed were succesful members of mainstream society, particularly other Asian-Canadians like the leader in his science club. For Mike, his Korean peers at the Korean Student Asociation did initialy play an important role during his first year at PCU. As a result, as was the case for the women in Chapter 4, he also spoke mostly Korean and socialized with Korean peers almost exclusively during that time. However, over the next few years, Mike’s profesors in the Commerce program and other succesful working profesionals became much more influential socializing agents in his life decisions, including his desire to improve his “soft topic skils” by learning more about Canadian culture and current afairs. Thus, I believe such varying agents in the students’ language socialization proceses reflect the diverse and complex contextual factors that influence Generation 1.5 students’ experiences, cautioning one against simple representations of Generation 1.5 students as a homogeneous group. Finaly, the experiences of the students in this chapter raise an ideological isue that I believe is worth examining. In their positionings of “FOBs,” the students al described them as having negative and/or embarasing characteristics. In particular at  132 university, the “FOB” students’ perceived lack of English skils and their preference for Korean language and culture positioned them as individuals lacking in academic literacy skils with no sense of profesionalism. In this respect, the ideologies that the students in this chapter were socialized into sem to be along the same continuum as those that Yelina in Chapter 4 was influenced by as wel. In high school, Yelina was socialized into the belief that being an ESL student was similar to being intelectualy handicapped. In university, she was surrounded by sŏnbaes who positioned Generation 1.5 students as somewhat helples because of their NS status.78 Although the students in this chapter never explicitly used the term ESL or NS to describe the students they avoided working or socializing with, it is nonetheles true that they asociated one’s English language limitations with being les profesional and les capable of completing intelectual tasks. Therefore, I fel such perceptions of Hannah, Joon, and Mike towards the “FOB” students are not unrelated to the deficiency model often asociated with ESL students in general (Séror, 2002; Toohey, 1992; Zamel, 1995), which points to the need to rexamine the sources through which such ideologies are created and spread. In the following chapter, I wil introduce the experiences of the remaining two students in my study, Yuri and Gilbert.                                                 78 These positionings of “FOBs” and Generation 1.5 youth were in some cases also reinforced by others (e.g., university instructors), which wil be discused further in Chapters 7 and 8.  133   Past Present Future Desire to be “Canadian.” Desire to diferentiate herself from “FOBS.” Desire to achieve academic goals. Desire to appear more Profesional.  English  Desire to “unminoritize” herself. Desire to create positive images of Korean-Canadians. Korean  Desire to be a competent teacher and to appear “Korean enough” to her students in  Bible study clas Uncertain. Figure 5.1 Hannah’s Investments in Languages and Identities   Past Present Future Desire to appear more profesional. English  Desire to diferentiate himself from “FOBs.” Korean  Maintaining Korean roots. (conversing with parents) German Education in Germany. Taking German clases at PCU. Uncertain. Figure 5.2 Joon’s Investments in Languages and Identities   134   Past Present Future Socializing with NS peers in high schol. Academic achievement at PCU. Diferentiating himself from “FOBs.”                        Developing “soft topic skils”                      to compete in the “real world.” English                    Building infrastructure for                    future Generation 1.5                   Korean-Canadians. Korean Affiliation with Korean peers during first year at PCU. Conversing with family. Uncertain. Figure 5.3 Mike’s Investments in Languages and Identities  135 Chapter 6 REACHING THEIR GOALS THROUGH ENGLISH: GILBERT AND YURI 6.1 Introduction In this chapter, I wil introduce the last pair of students in my study, Yuri and Gilbert. Among al of my seven participants, my impresion of these two students was that they were the most driven by their future academic and profesional goals, which heavily influenced their past and present linguistic, academic, and sociocultural experiences in Canada. In addition, although gratitude towards their parents was not uncommon among the other five students, a sense of familial duty was particularly strong with Yuri and Gilbert, which again was another driving force behind their English language development. Thus, in this chapter, I wil follow the trajectories of these students from their arival in Canada and examine the contextual factors that have afected their proceses of language socialization and negotiation of identities. 6.2 Students’ Backgrounds 6.2.1 Yuri79 At the time of the study, Yuri was a 21 year old female student majoring in Mathematics and was planning to apply for the Teacher Education Program at PCU the next academic year. She and her family (parents and younger brother) imigrated to Vancouver, Canada in 1998 when she was 14 years old. In Korea, her father was a computer programer while her mother was an acountant, but they decided to leave the comfortable life in Korea for the sake of their children’s education. Yuri’s academic achievement in Korea was above average, and she studied EFL at school and at private cram schools in junior high. At the time of the interview, Yuri’s father was working for a construction company while her mother worked for a Korean-owned fish plant in                                                 79 Interviews with Yuri were conducted in both English and Korean. Al Korean quotes included in this chapter were translated into English by me. Yuri semed fluent in both Korean and English and used the two interchangeably during our interviews.  136 Vancouver. Yuri explained that her family was struggling financialy, and for this reason, although her younger brother was one of the top ten golfers in British Columbia in high school, he had to give up his dream because his parents could no longer financialy support his golfing carer. At the time of the interview, Yuri’s brother was a student at another university in Vancouver. Yuri lived at home with her parents and brother, and spoke only Korean to her parents whose English language skils were very limited. She spoke Korean and English with her brother. Yuri’s parents did not plan on returning to Korea in the future and also discouraged Yuri and her brother from seking carer opportunities there. 6.2.2 Gilbert80 Gilbert imigrated to Vancouver, Canada in 2000 at age 16 with his older sister and parents. His father was a military officer in Korea and his mother was a nurse. Gilbert had very high academic achievement in Korea, but like al the other students in this study, Gilbert’s family also chose to imigrate to Canada for a beter educational environment for the children. Both parents retired upon moving to Canada. Gilbert’s English language learning experiences prior to imigration included taking EFL clases in a Korean secondary school, as wel as acompanying his father to England in Grade 9, where he atended a public school for five months. Gilbert believed that his English skils improved drasticaly during this these five months because he as surrounded by NSs and had to function in English al the time. With this improvement in his English skils, Gilbert was confident about his new life in Canada, although initialy, he was shocked by his parents’ unexpected decision to move overseas. Gilbert spoke only Korean with his family. At the time of the interview, his sister was a fourth year Commerce student at PCU. Gilbert was a third year student at PCU and a second year student within the                                                 80 Interviews with Gilbert were conducted in English. During our interviews, I felt that he was quite articulate and spoke in a very confident maner. Outside our oficial interview seting, I had the oportunity to hear him speak in Korean at a formal Korean comunity function. At that time, I felt his spoken Korean skils were excelent.  137 Pharmacy program. He lived at an undergraduate residence on PCU campus but went back home every wekend. 6.3 Goals in Secondary School 6.3.1 Yuri Improving English by Being Noticed Upon moving to Vancouver, Yuri enrolled in Grade 9 at a local high school in her neighborhood. The majority of her school population was Asian students, including Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, Filipino, and East-Indian students. During her first year in high school, Yuri was enrolled in ESL clases full-time. In Grade 10, she moved on to regular clases in al subjects with the exception of English and social studies, for which she was enrolled in transitional clases. By Grade 11, she was taking regular clases for al subjects. Unlike Yelina in Chapter 4, who had a strong desire to leave ESL clases, Yuri explained that she was never embarased or uncomfortable about being an ESL student. Rather, she felt relatively comfortable speaking out in front of her ESL peers who shared similar backgrounds. It was during this time in ESL that she learned of the importance of clas participation; an area which her ESL teachers emphasized as an important factor in improving one’s overal English skils and also in exceling academicaly. Therefore, with the level of comfort she felt with her ESL clasmates, Yuri made the efort to increase her clas participation, which in her mind was an actual skil that would ultimately help her improve her English. For instance, answering questions or voluntering to read a book out loud in front of the clas were al opportunities to practice her English. In addition, the more she participated, the more she was noticed by her teacher who complimented her and offered more support both during and after clas hours. This kind of participation practice proved to be beneficial in her regular clases later on, where she actively took part in clas discussions. She was aware that her active clas participation also caught the eyes of her regular clas teachers, whom she felt viewed her as a model student. This motivated her to work harder and also eased the anxiety she felt in approaching the teachers to ask questions after clas:  138 Being able to talk to the teachers and asking them for help was a big part of my improvement in English. They realy supported me a lot and even encouraged me to come to them if I ever needed extra help because of my English. I think the fact that I got noticed by the teachers and sort of became a teacher’s pet boosted my overal confidence level in English. I remember in Grade 12, al the teachers in my Grades 9 to11 clases remembered me. And I thought, “Wow, I must have been a realy good student.” (Yuri, I#1, September 26, 2005, E-original) In addition to improving her English within the clasroom seting, Yuri was determined to develop her spoken English skils through social interactions with her peers. For this reason, she distanced herself from the other Korean students at her school almost from the beginning of her new life in Canada. Like the experiences of Sheila, Hannah, and Joon in the previous chapters, Yuri also observed that most of the Korean students in her school were not academicaly-inclined and were more interested in socializing with each other. She also noticed that many of them had very poor English skils despite having resided in Canada for two or thre years. Thus, because Yuri was eager to improve her English skils and to enter university, she chose not to asociate with Korean peers altogether. This resulted in many Korean students labeling her as a “traitor” or the “weird girl” (Yuri, I#2, October 25, 2005, K-original), but she chose to ignore such remarks and has never regreted her choices since: In high school, I didn’t hang out with Koreans not only because of English but also because of the fact that they were not interested in studying but rather in fashion and things like that. And I didn’t fel like we had a connection in that sense. I don’t regret my choice at al because I think most of them didn’t go to university rig