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Multi-level party politics : the Liberal Party from the ground up Koop, Royce Abraham James 2008

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MULTI-LEVEL PARTY POLITICS: THE LIBERAL PARTY FROM THE GROUND UP by Royce Abraham James Koop  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Political Science)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)  November 2008 © Royce Abraham James Koop, 2008  Abstract  The organizations of national and provincial parties in Canada are understood to be separated from one another. However, it is not known whether this separation extends to the constituencylevel organizations of those parties. In order to provide a better understanding of how national and provincial parties are linked at the local level (if at all), this thesis describes and accounts for the local organizations of the national Liberal Party and the provincial Liberal parties in sixteen national constituencies selected from the provinces of British Columbia, Ontario, and New Brunswick. Information from interviews with local party activists and participant observation in the ridings is used to develop a continuum of constituency-level party organizations. Descriptions of the activist bases, constituency associations, and local campaigns in each riding allow for each local organization to be placed along this continuum between integrated local organizations, which share important linkages between the national and provincial levels, and differentiated local organizations, where no such linkages exist. The placement of local organizations along this continuum is accounted for by (1) similarities or differences between the national and provincial party systems in the three provinces studied; (2) the actions of incumbent members of the national Parliament and provincial legislatures; and (3) characteristics of the constituencies. The patterns identified lead to a classification of four types of local organizations – One Political World, Interconnected Political Worlds, Distinctive Political Worlds, and Two Political Worlds – that illuminate the different forms of linkages between national and provincial parties that exist at the constituency level. This examination of the local organizations of the Liberal Party calls into question the academic consensus on the separation of national and provincial parties in Canada. Instead, the Liberal Party is characterized as an unevenly integrated party, where the parliamentary and extraparliamentary parties are separated from provincial counterparts, but where the national and provincial parties on the ground are oftentimes integrated.  ii  Table of Contents Abstract...................................................................................................................................... ii Table of Contents ...................................................................................................................... iii List of Tables ............................................................................................................................ vi List of Figures.......................................................................................................................... vii List of Illustrations .................................................................................................................. viii Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................... ix Dedication................................................................................................................................. xi Chapter One: Introduction...................................................................................................... 1 Party Organization in Multi-Level States................................................................................ 2 The Liberal Party as a Traditionally Integrated Party .............................................................. 4 The Liberal Party as an Unevenly Integrated Party ................................................................. 9 Describing and Accounting for Integrated and Differentiated Local Parties ...........................11 The Liberal Party...................................................................................................................15 Outline ..................................................................................................................................16 Chapter Two: Methodology and Case Selection ....................................................................17 Methodology .........................................................................................................................18 Case Selection .......................................................................................................................20 Case Studies: New Brunswick ...........................................................................................21 Case Studies: Ontario ........................................................................................................27 Case Studies: British Columbia .........................................................................................33 Chapter Three: Local Party Activists ....................................................................................40 Conceptions of National and Provincial Parties .....................................................................42 Ideological Incentives............................................................................................................47 Solidary Incentives................................................................................................................58 Material Incentives................................................................................................................63 Organizational Incentives ......................................................................................................68 Activism and Time Within a Multi-Level Context .................................................................72 Local Activist Bases in Multi-Level Context .........................................................................78 iii  Chapter Four: Constituency Associations..............................................................................84 Executive Membership..........................................................................................................87 Auxiliary Units......................................................................................................................94 Inter-Election Maintenance....................................................................................................99 Party System Dissimilarity and Integrated Constituency Associations .................................107 Four Types of Constituency Associations ............................................................................115 Constituency Associations in Multi-Level Context ..............................................................120 Chapter Five: Local Campaigns...........................................................................................123 The Inner Circle ..................................................................................................................126 Secondary Campaign Workers ............................................................................................139 Campaign Resources ...........................................................................................................151 Three Types of Local Campaigns ........................................................................................161 Local Campaigns in Multi-Level Context ............................................................................166 Chapter Six: Incumbent Members .......................................................................................169 Incumbent Members and Local Parties ................................................................................170 Incentives Facing Incumbent Members................................................................................173 Four Types of Incumbent Members .....................................................................................179 Full Support.....................................................................................................................180 Opposition/No Support....................................................................................................183 Superficial Support..........................................................................................................184 Practical Support .............................................................................................................187 The Roles of Incumbent Members.......................................................................................197 Chapter Seven: The Constituency Context ..........................................................................201 The Geographic and Electoral Regime Context ...................................................................202 Consolidating Constituencies...........................................................................................207 Federating Constituencies................................................................................................211 Coinciding Constituencies ...............................................................................................215 Accessible Constituencies................................................................................................218 The Local Context...............................................................................................................222 Chapter Eight: Conclusion ...................................................................................................226 The Local Liberal Worlds....................................................................................................227 iv  Unevenly Integrated Parties and Canadian Politics ..............................................................235 Bibliography ...........................................................................................................................240 Appendices .............................................................................................................................247 Appendix A: Constituency Demographic Profiles................................................................247 Appendix B: Constituency Election Results.........................................................................248 Appendix C: Maps of National Constituencies ....................................................................253 Appendix D: Index of Pseudonyms .....................................................................................268 Appendix E: Ethics Approval ..............................................................................................269  v  List of Tables Table 7.1: National and Provincial Constituencies in Ontario, British Columbia, and New Brunswick .......................................................................................................................205  vi  List of Figures Figure 1.1: Distinguishing between types of parties in multi-level states on the basis of the number and strength of linkages between national and sub-national parties ........................ 3 Figure 1.2: Traditionally Integrated Parties: Components and their Inter-Relations..................... 6 Figure 1.3: Unevenly Integrated Parties: Components and their Inter-Relations.........................10 Figure 1.4: Archetypal Integrated and Differentiated Local Parties............................................12 Figure 2.1: Characteristics of New Brunswick National Constituencies .....................................22 Figure 2.2: Characteristics of Ontario National Constituencies ..................................................28 Figure 2.3: Characteristics of British Columbia National Constituencies ...................................34 Figure 3.1: Archetypal Integrated and Differentiated Local Activist Bases ................................79 Figure 4.1: Archetypal Integrated and Differentiated Constituency Organizations .....................85 Figure 4.2: The Impact of Local Structures and Party Life: Three Types of Constituency Organizations ..................................................................................................................115 Figure 4.3: Integrated, Mixed, and Differentiated Constituency Organizations ........................116 Figure 4.4: Integrated, Activist-Driven, Elite-Driven, and Differentiated Constituency Organizations ..................................................................................................................121 Figure 5.1: Archetypal Integrated and Differentiated Local Campaigns ...................................125 Figure 5.2: Integrated, Mixed, and Differentiated Local Campaigns ........................................163 Figure 6.1: Incumbent Members and the Party at the Other Level: Full Support, Practical Support, Superficial Support, and Opposition/No Support ...............................................179 Figure 6.2: Full Support, Superficial Support, Practical Support, and Opposition/No Support .198 Figure 7.1: Four Types of Constituencies ................................................................................207 Figure 7.2: Consolidating, Coinciding, Accessible, and Federating Constituencies ..................223 Figure 8.1: Four Types of National Constituency and their Characteristics ..............................229  vii  List of Illustrations Illustration 5.1: Acadie-Bathurst (with Chaleur and Acadian Peninsula regions and provincial constituencies).................................................................................................................128  viii  Acknowledgements It turns out that writing a doctoral dissertation is a long and difficult process and I’ve accumulated a few debts along the way. At the University of Lethbridge, Harold Jansen and Alan Siaroff introduced me to political science and encouraged me to go to graduate school. Anthony Sayers at the University of Calgary supervised my M.A. thesis and has continued to lend his encouragement since then. At the University of British Columbia, Campbell Sharman challenged me to think about federalism and political parties in new ways. Hilary Pearse and Michelle Garvey were both valued colleagues. Ben Nyblade and Chris Kam agreed to be on my supervisory committee. Both were generous with their time - their input improved this dissertation immensely. My greatest intellectual debt is to Ken Carty, who wielded a stick and even occasionally a carrot throughout his supervision of this project. Ken provided constant support and guidance from start to finish and I thank him for his time, advice, generosity and example. References to his own academic work can be found throughout this dissertation, but his influence and direction can be found on every page. I was supported financially during this research by the department of political science at the University of British Columbia and a generous Canada Graduate Scholarship from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Both institutions have my thanks. Seventy-six local party activists agreed to be interviewed for this research and many others talked informally with me. Many of them bought me coffee, invited me out to social events, introduced me to their friends and colleagues, drove me back to wherever I was staying, and gave me tours of their towns and neighborhoods. One insisted on packing me a lunch at the conclusion of our interview and another (in snowy Huron County) towed my car out of a ditch after I slid off the road and walked to his farm. I am grateful to all of them for their time, insights, and generosity. My friend Christopher Northcott and my friend and brother Jordan Koop offered frequent and much needed distractions from across the Rockies. My parents, Leroy and Wanda Koop, have always been supportive of my education and this dissertation simply would not exist had they not been. They continue to be my greatest role models. ix  My greatest debt is to Denisa Gavan-Koop. She has frequently said that dissertation writing is in fact a family enterprise, and she’s right. Denisa read and edited every line, several times. Most of all, she made the journey worthwhile. To her, this dissertation is dedicated with love, admiration, and gratitude.  x  Dedication G G G G G G G For Denisa G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G G xi  Chapter One: Introduction  Political scientists have long been aware of the structuring impact of multi-level state institutions on the organizations of political parties. Broadly speaking, such institutions create opportunities for parties to organize themselves to compete for elected office at the national level, the subnational level, or both. The decentralizing reforms adopted by many democracies since the 1970s have raised the question of how parties will adapt to new multi-level institutional challenges (van Biezen and Hopkin 2006, 14). But Canada, a federation from its birth in 1867, has always provided opportunities to observe and conceptualize different patterns of party organization at the national and provincial levels, and many political scientists have taken up the challenge (ie: Smiley 1987, Chapter 5; Dyck 1992). Most of these accounts of the multi-level organization of Canadian parties have emphasized those parties’ leaders and parliamentary groups but have neglected their local organizations. Yet it is difficult to understand Canadian political parties without reference to their local organizations in the constituencies.1 In a diverse country where national electoral victory is dependent on winning in individual constituencies, the major parties have always relied on local organizations to engage local activists, nominate and support local candidates, and tailor national campaign themes to the tastes of the ridings. Because many constituency contests are competitive and there are no runner-up prizes in these plurality races, local campaigns may impact national election results by altering only a small percentage of local votes (Ferejohn and Gaines 1991). The importance of local organizations is recognized in the franchise bargain that characterizes the major Canadian parties, where local organizations are granted relative autonomy to adapt themselves to the conditions of their individual constituency (Carty 2004). Without taking into account the local organizations of Canadian parties, any conclusions on how those parties organize across the national and provincial levels are likely to be incomplete. This dissertation addresses this problem with the current literature by exploring the local organizations of the Liberal Party within a multi-level context.  1  The terms “constituency,” “electoral district,” and “riding” are used interchangeably throughout this dissertation.  1  Accounts of Canadian parties emphasize the separation of national and provincial parties (eg: Wolinetz and Carty 2006, 62-63). Such accounts compliment the view that Canadian parties, like Canadian voters and party identifiers, exist in “two political worlds” (Blake 1985). This view is reinforced by separate national and provincial campaigns that may take place years apart from one another where the intersection of national and provincial party organization is rarely detected or reported on by the media. Indeed, besides occasional first ministers conferences and public arguments between the prime minister and provincial premiers, it may be difficult for Canadians to detect any intersection between these two political worlds. But this view is difficult to sustain at the constituency level of Canadian parties. Local activists oftentimes fail to distinguish between these two political worlds and local structures sometimes overlap them. In the constituencies, the distinction between national and provincial levels is oftentimes unclear and national and provincial party organizations may share important linkages. Since local organizations constitute the fundamental organizational components of Canadian parties, this lack of clarity at the local level calls into question the prevailing academic view that national and provincial parties in Canada are separated from one another. How does the Liberal Party of Canada organize itself across the national and provincial levels? This chapter addresses the Liberal Party broadly as a multi-level organization and introduces the framework used in subsequent chapters to explore the local organizations of that party, as well as the party as a whole.  Party Organization in Multi-Level States Parties in multi-level states cope with the presence of two or more levels of electoral competition in their organizations. The organization of political parties in multi-level states may be described in three ways. First: Parties may have unitary organizations. Such parties consist of a single organization that contests elections at the national and sub-national levels. Second: Parties may be single-level in their organizations, by which it is meant that the organization exists solely at either the national or sub-national level and restricts itself to activities at the one level. Third: integrated parties fall at some mid-point between these two archetypes. Integrated parties may share many or very few organizational linkages between the national and subnational levels. Figure 1.1, which is adapted from several classificatory schemes (Smiley 1987; Dyck 1992; Thorlakson 2004), illustrates these different types of parties in multi-level states: 2  Figure 1.1: Distinguishing between types of parties in multi-level states on the basis of the number and strength of linkages between national and sub-national parties  National Level  Sub-National Level Single-Level Party  Integrated Parties  Unitary Party  Unitary parties at the national and sub-national levels share all aspects of their organizations as wholes. In such parties, policy formulation processes are mixed between the two levels, resulting in ideologically similar national and provincial parties; the party’s finances and fundraising mechanisms are intertwined, resulting in a dependence on the same bases of donors at the two levels; a common campaign structure provides support for both national and provincial campaigns; a common extra-parliamentary party provides support for both the national and provincial leaders and caucuses; identical leadership selection processes are utilized to select both national and provincial leaders; and common mechanisms would exist to nominate candidates for both national and provincial elections (Smiley 1987, 103). Integrated parties exist independently at the national and sub-national levels. However, such parties do share linkages between the two levels. Integrated parties share some but not all of the organizational linkages described above, and they can differ significantly in the number of linkages that exist. Single-level parties exist independently at the two levels and share none of these organizational linkages. This lack of organizational linkages has consequences beyond the organization itself. Distinctive policy formulation processes, for example, may lead to differences in party appeals between the national and provincial levels; as a result, national and provincial parties may be able to draw on quite different bases of support at the two levels. 3  Organizational linkages bind national and provincial parties to one another and lend continuity to those parties at the two levels. Without such linkages, parties may diverge from one another both organizationally and ideologically. Where can the Liberal Party of Canada be placed along this continuum? Or can this party even be placed on the continuum illustrated in figure 1.1?  The Liberal Party as a Traditionally Integrated Party Traditional accounts of national and provincial party organization in Canada interpret the development of those organizations in a fairly linear manner: The major national parties began as deeply integrated or even unitary parties that contested elections at both the national and provincial levels (Carty 1994, 138). Important linkages between the national and provincial parties existed into the 1950s. Since then, a series of factors have contributed to an “organizational disentanglement” of national and provincial parties, with previous linkages between those parties now having been severed (eg: Carty, Cross, and Young 2000, 23; Bakvis and Tanguay 2008, 129; Carty and Eagles 2003, 385; Dyck 1991, 162; Stewart and Carty 2006, 97; Wolinetz 2007, 183; Wolinetz and Carty 2006, 54). As a result, Canadian parties have separated from one another to become essentially single-level parties and, like Canadian voters, now exist in “two political worlds” (Blake 1985). In other words, the party drifted from right to left on the continuum illustrated in figure 1.1. In this section, I describe the Liberal Party prior to these processes of disentanglement, and characterize it as a traditionally integrated party. However, it is first necessary to briefly address the fundamental organizational principles of the Liberal Party. Carty’s conception of Canada’s major national parties as franchise parties captures the organizational relationship between the Liberal Party’s central components in Ottawa – the leader, the parliamentary party, and a weak extra-parliamentary party – and the local components – comprised of local activist bases, constituency associations, and local campaigns – that exist in the constituencies (2004; 2002). The organizational relationships between the party in central office and the party on the ground define Canada’s cadre-style parties because those parties have never developed meaningful extra-parliamentary organizations to act as intermediaries between the central and local components of the parties (Sayers 1999, 216, 219; Koop and Sharman 2008). Instead, these parties with “hollow centers” fall back on a 4  franchise bargain to govern the overall organization of the party and enumerate the rights of the party in public office and the party on the ground relative to one another (Carty 2004, 13). The key to the franchise bargain inherent in Canadian party organization is relative autonomy for both these fundamental actors and especially for the party on the ground. For the major Canadian parties, this has meant that the national and the local parties are relatively free to conduct themselves in their respective spheres. Local autonomy is assured under the terms of this arrangement in return for the local components’ disciplined support of the national party during election campaigns (Carty and Cross 2006, 97). In return for this support, local parties enjoy the autonomy necessary to adapt their organization and operations to the unique ecological, geographic, and competitive environments found within each of the constituencies. Most important from the perspective of the local parties is that they have retained the right to nominate local candidates, with some exceptions (Cross 2006). The organization of the Liberal Party in the first and second party systems (from 1867 to 1957) was weak and characterized by the dominance of the party leader and the caucus (Carty 1992, 564-565). In these early periods, Wilfrid Laurier and Mackenzie King personified the party in the eyes of the public. With no real national extra-parliamentary organization, the leader relied on provincial electoral organizations to oversee local nominations and election campaigns. This informal dependence on provincial organizations formed the basis for Laurier’s election in 1896. A familiar form of organization soon took root, which Regenstreif refers to as the, “Use of the cabinet as the mode of organizing the country” (1963, 216). Under this informal organization, national ministers oversaw provincial and local organizations in order to conduct national election campaigns and ensure the selection of quality candidates. Their access to patronage allowed these regional ministers to construct formidable regional and local organizations. If no ministers were available to represent particular provinces or regions, Laurier and later King turned to premiers or provincial ministers to do so. As a result, the national and provincial parties maintained essential linkages to one another, as the national party was dependent on regional or provincial organizations to contest election campaigns. This regionalized, patronage-driven party organization existed in various forms until after the defeat of the Liberal Party in the 1957 national election. Given the important linkages that  5  existed between the national and provincial Liberal parties in this period, I refer to the party as a traditionally integrated party. Figure 1.2 illustrates the organization of this type of party. Figure 1.2: Traditionally Integrated Parties: Components and their Inter-Relations  National Level  Provincial Level  Local Level  National Party: Central Component • Leader • Parliamentary Party • Weak Extra-Parliamentary Party  Provincial Party: Central Component • Leader • Parliamentary Party • Weak Extra-Parliamentary Party  National/Provincial Parties: Local Component • Activist Base • Constituency Association • Local Campaigns  Katz and Mair (1992) distinguish between three faces of party organizations: the party in public office (the leader and the parliamentary caucus), the party in central office (the extraparliamentary partisan organization), and the party on the ground (the local organization and membership base). In describing traditionally integrated parties, I group the party in public office and the party in central office into one group – the central component – and the party on the ground into the other group, the local component. Figure 1.2 distinguishes between the central components of national parties, the central components of provincial parties, and the local components of both those parties. The central components of both national and provincial Liberal parties include the respective party leaders and parliamentary parties. National and provincial cabinet ministers served as regional 6  organizers for the national party. In addition the central components of these parties included weak extra-parliamentary organizations that were oftentimes integrated between the national and provincial levels. Traditionally integrated parties were also characterized by local organizations that the parties relied upon to elect local candidates to both the House of Commons and provincial legislatures. While differences between the national and provincial constituencies mandated distinctive national and provincial local organizations (Perlin 1980, 22), it was oftentimes difficult to distinguish these local organizations from one another. Instead, these constituencylevel groups were informally organized, fuelled by patronage, and dominated by groups of local notables, and they tended to involve themselves in both national and provincial election campaigns. In other words, Canada’s traditionally integrated Liberal parties coordinated their local structures and resources. In traditionally integrated parties, the crucial organizational linkage between the central component of the national party and the local organizations existed through the intermediary provincial parties and organizations. In traditionally integrated parties, the national leader tended to rely on provincial parties and organizations to provide the electoral machinery necessary to fight election campaigns. Under Laurier, national ministers oversaw regional and provincial organizations that in turn oversaw the selection of candidates and the conduct of regional and local campaigns (Regenstreif 1963, 216; Wearing 1981, 9-10). These organizations were generally those also used to fight provincial elections, and patronage played an important role in binding the national and provincial organizations to one another (eg: Reid 1979). Indeed, when a national minister was not available to oversee a regional organization, a provincial premier or official was appointed to do so. This arrangement continued into King’s period in office and in fact became quite formalized as regional ministers oversaw the development of resilient sectional organizations tied to the provincial parties (Whitaker 1977). Indeed, the national party became even more reliant on provincial organizations in this period (Smiley 1987, 121). Nor was this traditionally integrated party form exhibited only by the Liberal Party. The Conservative Party evolved a similar structure. For example: Conservative prime minister Robert Borden’s preparations for the 1911 election consisted largely of building informal relationships with provincial premiers and 7  leaders in order to acquire the electoral machinery to oversee local campaigns (English 1993, 4652). However, there was always a tension inherent in traditionally integrated parties. National parties that were reliant on provincial organizations for campaign resources and personnel inevitably found themselves in a position of weakness to those provincial organizations (Black 1989; Rayside 1989). This became especially apparent when King and Ontario premier Mitch Hepburn fought with one another (Whitaker 1977, 327-336). When Hepburn ordered his organization to not support national Liberal candidates, activists and officials in the constituencies were placed in a difficult position and King was deprived of a large section of the Ontario electoral organization (Whitaker 1977, 328; also see Smiley 1987, 112). The KingHepburn conflict illuminates the inherent contradiction between a) national parties that are charged with brokering regional interests and b) the electoral dependence of these national parties on regional or provincial campaign organizations. As loosely constructed cadre organizations, the major national parties have always been in a poor position to withstand the disintegrating impact of divergent national and provincial interests. The party’s defeat in the 1957 national election spurred an internal re-examination of this practice of national reliance on regional and provincial organizations (Wearing 1981, 16). From this period of introspection emerged an intra-party campaign intent on constructing a panCanadian organization that would be capable of contesting national campaigns without the support of parochial provincial organizations (Smith 1981, 52). The success of these reformers meant that the party began the process of extricating itself from dependence on regional and provincial party organizations, with varying degrees of success (Wolinetz 2006, 184). Together with other influences, including the increasing importance of inter-governmental negotiations between first ministers (Cairns 1977), these efforts at reform resulted in a severing of linkages between the central components of the national and provincial parties. What the reformers advocated and what developed was a parallel set of national and provincial Liberal parties. The central components of the national and provincial parties maintained distinctive local organizations and communicated directly with those organizations. The provincial party was thus removed as an intermediary between the central and local components of the national party. While national and provincial party leaders could build informal alliances prior to election 8  campaigns (Esselment 2008), the formal linkages that existed between the central components of national and provincial parties were slowly disappearing. It would appear that the national and provincial Liberal parties had evolved from a traditionally integrated organization to single-level parallel parties at the two levels and that any meaningful linkages between the national and provincial parties had been severed. This practical organizational separation culminated in the formal separation of the national and provincial Liberal parties in Quebec in 1964, Ontario in 1976, Alberta in 1977, and British Columbia in 1993 (Smiley 1987, 111). Formal separation was largely a symbolic acknowledgement of the effective separation of the national and provincial parties.  The Liberal Party as an Unevenly Integrated Party Accounts of Canada’s national and provincial Liberal parties maintain that those parties have evolved from traditionally integrated to separated, single-level national and provincial parties. In this dissertation, I argue that national and provincial Liberal parties have not necessarily evolved separate, parallel organizations at the two levels. Instead, this dissertation argues that the Liberal Party has evolved from a traditionally integrated to an unevenly integrated party. Figure 1.3 illustrates the linkages that exist between the central and local components of such national and provincial party organizations:  9  Figure 1.3: Unevenly Integrated Parties: Components and their Inter-Relations  National Level  National Party: Central Component • Leader • Parliamentary Party • Weak ExtraParliamentary Party Provincial Party: Central Component • Leader • Parliamentary Party • Weak ExtraParliamentary Party  Provincial Level  Local Level  National Party: Local Component • Activist Base • Constituency Association • Local Campaign  Provincial Party: Local Component • Activist Base • Constituency Association • Local Campaign  There are important differences between traditionally and unevenly integrated parties. The first difference is that formal linkages between the central components of national and provincial parties have disappeared. This is the result of the process of national-provincial separation described by Smiley (1987) and Dyck (1992). Eager to extricate themselves from dependence on the electoral machinery of provincial parties, successive leaders of the national Liberal Party have allowed formal linkages between the two parties to wither. Instead, the national party maintains a weak national extra-parliamentary organization that, together with the leader and caucus, is linked directly to the local components of the party rather than through any provincial intermediaries. The same is true for the provincial parties, whose central components maintain direct linkages to their own local organizations. Distinctive national and provincial ridings, which presently exist in every province besides Ontario, mean that formally separate national and provincial local associations must also be maintained. The result is a set of two 10  parallel parties, each maintaining their own local organizations to elect candidates to the House of Commons and provincial legislatures. However, formal separation does not mean that there are no informal connections between national and provincial parties. Instead, linkages between national and provincial parties are now built between the local components of the national and provincial parties. In many ridings, the national and provincial local parties share a common activist base (Perlin 1980, 22). These local parties also have constituency associations that are linked to one another through personnel, joint planning, and common activities. Furthermore, national and provincial campaigns in these ridings are linked to one another through common workers, inner circles, and resources. In these ridings, the national and provincial parties have maintained important linkages between one another. This integration occurs between the local components of the national and provincial parties rather than between the central components, as was the case in traditionally integrated parties. In short, unevenly integrated national and provincial parties are characterized by (1) central components that are separate from one another and (2) local components that are oftentimes integrated. The local organizations of national and provincial parties, however, are not always integrated. In fact, some are largely separated from one another. Still others do share some linkages, but they are less integrated than are other local parties. This is why these parties are referred to as unevenly integrated parties: The integrative linkages that exist between the local components of national and provincial parties vary greatly between constituencies. This variation in local organization, as we shall see, can be attributed to both system-local and local factors.  Describing and Accounting for Integrated and Differentiated Local Parties Where can unevenly integrated parties like the Liberal Party of Canada be placed on the continuum illustrated in figure 1.1? The answer is not at all clear because unevenly integrated parties may differ greatly in the extent to which their central and local components are linked to the party at the other level of the federal state. If one is primarily concerned with the central components of the party, then the party could be classified as a single-level party. But if the local components of the party are included in the analysis, then the answer becomes elusive. Some national and provincial local organizations will be linked to one another in important ways. But 11  some local organizations maintain a strict separation from one another, as do the central components of those parties. The conception of the Liberal Party as an unevenly integrated party allows for these seemingly divergent components of the party to be reconciled with one another. This dissertation is concerned with précising this conception of Canada’s Liberal Party as an unevenly integrated party. For the most part, this involves describing and accounting for the different linkages that are formed between the local components of national and provincial Liberal parties. The first goal of the dissertation is therefore to describe national and provincial constituency-level organizations and the different ways that they are integrated with one another, if at all. The second goal is to account for differences in these different forms of local organization. One way to describe these local organizations is to situate them on a continuum that ranges between archetypal integrated local parties on the one hand and archetypal differentiated local parties on the other. Archetypal integrated local parties would exist where the three aspects of the party organization – the activist base, constituency associations, and local campaigns – were identical at both levels. In contrast, archetypal differentiated local parties would exist entirely autonomously from one another at the national and provincial levels and would share no organizational linkages whatsoever. Figure 1.4 illustrates this continuum: Figure 1.4: Archetypal Integrated and Differentiated Local Parties  Archetypal Integrated Local Party  Archetypal Differentiated Local Party  ! Integrated Activist Base  ! Differentiated Activist Base  ! Integrated Constituency Organizations  ! Differentiated Constituency Organizations  ! Integrated Local Campaigns  ! Differentiated Local Campaigns  This distinction between archetypal integrated and differentiated local parties represents an empirical claim inductively drawn from the research conducted for this dissertation. Such 12  empirical distinctions provide opportunities to both describe and explain patterns in the phenomenon under examination (Andriessen 2003, 34). In chapters three, four, and five, this distinction between integrated and differentiated local parties is employed to provide rich descriptions of national and provincial local organizations as well as the linkages that oftentimes develop between them. But what can account for integrated local parties in some cases but differentiated local parties in other cases? One key argument this dissertation makes is that there are intrinsic benefits to integration at the local level. As a result, all other things being equal, local parties generally face incentives to construct integrative linkages and coordinate efforts between the national and provincial levels. This is true with respect to the structures of the local party, personnel, resources, and local party life. Where local parties are differentiated, local structures are duplicated at the national and provincial levels. Differentiation means that the national and provincial local parties must maintain their own constituency associations and all of the committees and auxiliary organizations attached to the association. In sharp contrast, integrated local parties allow the structures of the national and provincial parties to coordinate rather than duplicate their efforts. Where local parties are differentiated, personnel are fragmented between the two levels. Whitaker (1977, 416) points to “the inevitable conflict in which two wings of the same [local] party must engage for the available human resources.” The result is that local activists must choose between the national and provincial parties in deciding where to participate or divide their time between the parties. In contrast, integrated parties allow activists to participate at both the national and provincial levels. The “inevitable conflict” described by Whitaker is lessened in integrated local parties because such parties are suited to coordinating the participation of activists at the national and provincial levels. The same can be said of the resources marshaled by national and provincial campaigns. Where local parties are differentiated, resources are uncoordinated between the two levels. National and provincial campaigns muster their own sets of resources in addition to their own sets of secondary workers. In sharp contrast, integrated local parties share resources between the national and provincial levels. Carty notes that cadre parties may evolve integrated structures because, “integrated organization[s]…allow [the party] to make more efficient use of limited 13  organizational resources” (1994, 138). By coordinating and sharing resources, integrated campaigns have a distinctive advantage over the differentiated campaigns that are required to muster and maintain their own sets of campaign resources. Where local parties are differentiated, the vibrancy of local party life is limited. The national and provincial constituency associations do not cooperate in the planning of interelection maintenance events and do not coordinate their planning of these events. A segmented party life means that many activists will develop relationships with activists in one party but not the other, resulting in their isolation from party life at the other level of the federal state. In contrast, integrated local parties present local activists with greater opportunities to participate in a joint party life between the two levels. All local parties face incentives to integration, yet not all local parties are integrated. How can this puzzle be explained? This dissertation explains the presence of integrated or differentiated local parties by exploring the costs of integration imposed on local parties. When the costs of integration are low, integrated local parties are likely to result. But when the costs of integration are high, then differentiated local parties are likely to develop. Three factors shape the costs of local integration: Similarities or differences between the national and provincial party systems; the orientation of incumbent Members of Parliament (MPs) and Members of legislative assemblies (MLAs) 2 to the party at the other level; and characteristics of the constituencies themselves. Similar party systems, supportive incumbents, and hospitable local conditions all lower the costs of integration, resulting in integrated local parties. In contrast, dissimilar party systems, hostile incumbents, and inhospitable local conditions all raise the costs of local integration, oftentimes to prohibitive levels. The result of such high costs is differentiated local parties. The development of integrated or differentiated local parties can therefore be traced to the unique configuration of these three factors in each individual riding.  2  Members of provincial legislatures in Canada have a variety of titles, including MPPs (members of the Provincial  Parliament) in Ontario, MHAs (members of the House of Assembly) in Newfoundland and Labrador, and MLAs (members of the Legislative Assembly) in British Columbia. To simplify their identification, I use the title of MLA for provincial incumbents from all provinces.  14  The Liberal Party This study focuses exclusively on the Liberal Party of Canada and the linkages that it has constructed with parties at the provincial level, particularly provincial Liberal parties. In part, selecting a single national political party for analysis was motivated by methodological concerns: by doing so, I was able to increase the depth of analysis and construct a richer account of the organization that the Liberal Party has evolved within the context of a multi-level state. Many of the findings of this study could also be applied to the national Conservative Party and New Democratic Party (NDP). However, by focusing exclusively on the Liberal Party, this dissertation also makes an important contribution to the limited literature on the Liberal Party of Canada. Such a contribution is valuable given the electoral success of the Liberal Party and its impact on the development of the country. Of the forty national elections held since Confederation in 1867, the Liberal Party has won twenty-two (55 percent). This pattern became more pronounced following the expansion of the franchise in 1918. The Liberals have won seventeen of the twenty-seven national elections (63 percent) held since 1918. And this impressive record of success was sustained in the period following the 1957 and 1958 national elections, when processes of national-provincial organizational disentanglement began in earnest. The Liberals won ten of the sixteen elections in this period (63 percent). One would think that political scientists would be intent on understanding the type of organization that the Liberal Party has evolved to attain such an impressive record of electoral success. But the party has generally been the subject of less academic attention than has the N.D.P. (eg: Archer 1985) and the smaller parties that have occasionally appeared at the national and provincial levels (eg: Pinard 1971; Flanagan 1998). Instead, the national Liberal Party is typically studied as one aspect of the wider national party system (eg: Carty, Cross, and Young 2000). Thick descriptive accounts of the national Liberal Party have tended to focus on particular regions and provinces (eg: Smith 1981) rather than on the party as a whole. Whitaker and Wearing’s rich accounts of the national Liberal Party organization constitute important exceptions to these academic trends (1977; 1981). However, more recent accounts of the party have been more focused on party leaders and election campaigns than on the party organization (eg: Clarkson, 2005). 15  Political scientists have placed increasing emphasis on how the franchise organization of the national Liberal Party has allowed the party to win in a wide range of distinctive singlemember ridings (Carty 2004). This dissertation expands on this insight by addressing how the party’s local organizations have adapted to the presence of multi-level institutions. This dissertation therefore contributes to the specialized literature on the Liberal Party and addresses the types of national-provincial organizations the party has evolved to win in a multi-level state. At the same time, this dissertation expands on a valuable case study in the growing academic literature on political party organizations in multi-level states (eg: Deschouwer 2006; van Biezen and Hopkin 2006).  Outline The preceding discussion provides a rough outline of how the dissertation proceeds. Chapter two provides descriptions of a) the methodology employed in this dissertation and b) the case studies. Chapters three, four and five address the first research goal of this dissertation. These chapters explore and describe the different types of integrated and differentiated organizations that evolve at the local levels of the Liberal Party. Chapter three addresses local activist bases, chapter four constituency associations, and chapter five the campaign organizations that appear at the local level. In addition, the role of national and provincial party systems in shaping those local organizations is assessed in each of these chapters. Chapters six and seven address the dissertation’s second research goal in accounting for the different types of local organizations that evolve in each riding. Chapter six explores the role that incumbent MPs and MLAs play in this respect. Chapter seven situates local organizations within their constituency contexts and traces the impact of characteristics of the constituency on the local organization. Chapter eight concludes the dissertation by drawing the divergent accounts of the dissertation together into a single account of the Liberal Party of Canada as an unevenly integrated party.  16  Chapter Two: Methodology and Case Selection This chapter (1) describes and justifies the methodological model employed in this study and (2) describes the national constituencies and the provincial ridings contained therein that were selected as case studies. The literature on the local organizations of Canadian parties provides examples of two approaches that might be adopted for this study. The first is a large-n approach where local organizations or activists are investigated through the use of a survey. Carty’s study of constituency associations in Canada (1991, chapter 3) and Cross and Young’s survey of Canadian party members (2004) are both examples of this approach. Employing this approach would have the advantage of producing statistically representative data. The second potential approach is a small-n comparative model, where local organizations are selected on the basis of a set of criteria and studied in greater detail than can be accomplished through use of a survey. One example of such an approach is Sayers’ small-n study of national constituency campaigns in Canada (1999). Such an approach would not yield a statistically representative picture of constituency organizations. This approach, however, produces a “thicker,” more detailed account of the nature of organizational linkages that exist between national and provincial parties (Geertz 1973). This study follows the small-n comparative route. Since political scientists have not studied the linkages between national and provincial parties at the local level in great detail and because the dimensions along which this phenomenon varies are largely unknown, the first step in addressing this topic should be to build theory related to the phenomenon. A small-n approach is ideally suited to this task. This approach allows for the development of a rich account of national-provincial party organization and activity at the local level. Such an account would be impossible through the use of a large-n approach. Furthermore, the detailed accounts that result from this research could in the future be used as a guide to conduct a representative study (Lijphart 1971, 685). Carty, Eagles, and Sayers (2003), for example, used survey data to explore the validity of Sayers’ 1999 anthropology of Canadian constituency campaigns.  17  Methodology The methodological approach used in this research consisted of two components. The first was ethnographic and involved field research in the case study constituencies. Participant observation was an important aspect of this field research. I attended association executive meetings, inter-election maintenance events and fundraisers, informal meetings and outings of local activists, and nomination contests. The second component of the methodological approach was interviews with activists involved with constituency-level parties in the selected ridings. In total, I conducted seventy-four formal interviews and engaged in a great deal more informal conversations with activists. Interviews were conducted primarily with activists who were active in national and/or provincial local Liberal parties. Most interviewees were members of constituency association executives or had been active in local campaigns. I also interviewed former MPs and MLAs, officials with the national and provincial parties, and several activists from the national Conservative Party. The typical method of recruiting interviewees was to collect the contact information of constituency association presidents in ridings of interest from publicly available sources (usually the parties’ websites). After interviewing the association president (if he or she was willing to be interviewed), I asked him or her if there was anyone who might be able to provide additional insight into the topics we had discussed. Most presidents provided the names of other activists and oftentimes did so without being prompted. The process then repeated itself with the next set of interviews. This process of recruitment was valuable because many activists were more willing to talk after learning that another activist, particularly the association president, had been interviewed. These informal recommendations and the legitimacy that they bestowed allowed me to penetrate local organizations that constitute secret gardens – organizations that are largely closed to the public. The interviews themselves consisted of a combination of scripted and non-scripted questions. Many of the early interviews were largely unstructured as I explored the nature of local party organization and hypothesized factors that I thought might influence the nature and conduct of that organization. Over time, however, unstructured interviews would likely have produced data that could not be compared (Leech 2002, 665). In the later interviews, a semistructured interview format with open-ended questions was therefore adopted. No set interview 18  schedule was ever developed. Instead, prior to each interview, I planned a series of questions and probes specifically for that activist in light of his or her own knowledge and experiences (to the extent that I knew what those were ahead of time). Activists who were active on constituency associations were asked questions primarily related to the activities of the association while campaigners were asked primarily about the organization of local campaigns. These questions and probes were also related to emerging dynamics and narratives in the constituency itself. Activists were able to clarify accounts provided in previous interviews and provide fresh perspectives on occurrences within the riding, contributing to the development of local narratives. Planning questions ahead of time based on previous interviews allowed me to explore these local phenomena in more detail. For the most part, however, the interviews were relatively unstructured. Open-ended questions allowed interviewees to discuss issues at length in the language in which they were most comfortable (Rubin and Rubin 2005). This casual format was also reflected in the venues selected for the interviews. In all cases, the times and locations of interviews were arranged to maximize the comfort of the interviewee (Gordon 1980). Thus, interviews were conducted in the interviewees’ homes or places of employment, restaurants, or coffeeshops. Every interview was conducted in person and most were tape-recorded. During and after the data collection phase of the research for this dissertation, several interviews were transcribed while several others were partially transcribed. This process was valuable for two reasons. First, previously ignored comments from early interviews took on a new significance in light of the later interviews I conducted. Transcripts of the earlier interviews allowed me to revisit those comments. The second reason that transcribing interviews was valuable was because transcripts constitute a rich source of quotations for the analysis sections of this dissertation. Quotations are particularly useful when exploring activists’ own perceptions because they “reveal the respondents’ levels of emotion, the way in which they have organized the world, their thoughts about what is happening, their experiences, and their basic perceptions” (Patton 1987). Quotations allow the interviewees to convey their descriptions of local organizations in their own words and provide readers with opportunities to draw their own conclusions from the data (Corden and Sainsbury 2005, 19). Quotations included in the chapters to follow were selected in 19  order to provide detailed examples of some of the arguments made as well as to convey the richness of local party organization in Canada in as much ethnographic detail as possible. Unique pseudonyms were assigned to each activist. The consistent use of pseudonyms resulted in the development of several personal narratives in the chapters to follow as activists are referred to in different contexts throughout the dissertation. Appendix D provides an index of the pseudonyms used in this dissertation.  Case Selection Since this is a small-n study, the selection of cases was crucial. Sixteen national ridings were selected as case studies. Constituencies were selected on the basis of the nature of the national and provincial party systems; whether a Liberal MP or MLA was present; and also on the basis of characteristics of the individual constituencies. During the course of the research, some factors were dropped and others were added and subsequently investigated. As a result, some case ridings were abandoned and others were added during the course of field research, oftentimes on the recommendation of interviewees. For example: when an activist revealed that John Wilkinson, the Liberal MLA from the Ontario riding of Perth-Wellington, was generally opposed to cooperation between the national and provincial Liberal organizations in that riding, I worked to schedule additional interviews in Perth-Wellington in order to explore the effects of a non-supportive incumbent on local party structures. This method of case selection reflects Fenno’s experiences as a participant researcher observing Members of Congress in their districts: “I spent a lot of time trying to figure out a priori what types of [constituencies]…might pose serious tests for, or exceptions to, whatever generalizations seemed to be emerging. Participant observation is not like survey research…data collection and data analysis…proceed simultaneously” (1978, 3). For this study, employing Fenno’s loose approach to case selection resulted in a sample of ridings that exhibits variation along the three key factors that shape the development of integrated and differentiated local parties. The following sections describe the geographic, demographic, and political characteristics of each national case study constituency examined in this study, as well as the provincial ridings that are encompassed by these national constituencies. More detailed  20  demographic, political, and geographic information on these constituencies can be found in appendices A, B, and C respectively. Case Studies: New Brunswick The inclusion of a Maritime province in this study was necessitated by the prevailing academic view that national and provincial parties in those provinces are somewhat more integrated than are those in other provinces (For example: Smiley 1987, 117). Provincial party competition in the Maritime provinces tends to be “frozen” in two party competition and, perhaps as a result, separation of national and provincial parties has progressed the least amongst the parties of the Maritime provinces (Bickerton 2007, 422; Stewart 1994). This is certainly the case in New Brunswick. Whitaker (1977, 389) argues that, “there has never been any important friction between the federal and provincial wings of the Liberal Party [in New Brunswick]. It has always been considered the normal course of events for Liberals to contribute equally to both levels of political activity.” The national and provincial Liberal parties in New Brunswick continue to share a common party office. Despite some separation of the national and provincial Liberal organizations (Carty and Eagles 2003, 385), New Brunswick provided an opportunity to explore the Maritime brand of national-provincial party cooperation and clarify what that cooperation does (and does not) consist of. Of the three provinces included in this study, New Brunswick has the greatest number of provincial ridings per national riding. National constituencies are typically fragmented into between five and eight provincial constituencies. So while there are two Liberal organizations – one national and one provincial – in the Ontario riding of Oxford, there are eight Liberal organizations – one national and seven provincial – within the bounds of the national New Brunswick riding of Fundy-Royal. As a result, fewer national ridings were examined in New Brunswick, which was offset by the high number of provincial organizations I was able to explore within each of these national ridings. Figure 2.1 summarizes some of the characteristics of each New Brunswick riding examined in this study:  21  Figure 2.1: Characteristics of New Brunswick National Constituencies  National Constituency  MP following 2004 election  Geography  Acadie-Bathurst  N.D.P.  Rural  Fundy-Royal  Con.  Rural  New Brunswick Southwest  Con.  Rural  Saint John  Liberal  Urban  Provincial Constituencies (MLA following 2003 election)3 Bathurst (Liberal) Caraquet (Liberal) Centre-Peninsule (Liberal) Nepisiguit (Liberal) Nigadoo-Chaleur (Liberal) Lameque-Shippagan-Miscou (PC) Tracadie-Sheila (PC) Albert (PC) Grand Lake (Liberal) Hampton-Belleisle (PC) Kennebecaisis (PC) Kings East (Liberal) Petitcodiac (PC) Riverview (PC) Saint John-Fundy (Liberal) Charlotte (Liberal) Fundy Isles (Liberal) Grand Bay-Westfield (PC) New Maryland (PC) Oromocto-Gagetown (PC) Western Charlotte (PC) York (Liberal) Saint John Champlain (Liberal) Saint John-Fundy (Liberal) Saint John Harbour (NDP) Saint John-Kings (PC) Saint John Lancaster (Liberal) Saint John Portland (PC)  Acadie-Bathurst is a sprawling rural riding located in the far northeast corner of the province of New Brunswick. Characterized by a significant number of Acadians, Acadie3  These provincial constituencies were in affect for the 2003 provincial election. The ridings were redistributed prior  to the 2006 provincial election.  22  Bathurst is dominated by Catholics (91.1 percent) and residents that identify French as their mother tongue (80.1 percent). The riding consists of two distinctive regions, the Chaleur region in the west and the Acadian Peninsula in the east. The city of Bathurst is located in the Chaleur region and is the riding’s major population centre while the remainder of the population is distributed across villages and towns such as Nigadoo, Caraquet, Shippagan, and TracadieSheila. The riding’s economy is perpetually depressed and the unemployment rate is high (17 percent). Partially as a result, the average household income in the riding (42,705) is significantly lower than the national average. Traditionally a Liberal riding, Acadie-Bathurst shocked the Liberal government in the 1997 national election by defeating the incumbent Liberal MP and cabinet minister, Doug Young. Young had been responsible for introducing changes to the national Employment Insurance program, on which many seasonal fishers in the riding depend for assistance. Widely derided in the constituency for his actions, Young was vulnerable to a challenge from the NDP candidate, union organizer Yvon Godin. Despite that the NDP had never before won a national seat in New Brunswick, the charismatic Godin appealed to disgruntled seasonal fishers and was elected in the 1997 election. He has been re-elected in each election since with significant margins of victory. Liberal activists are mystified by the success of Godin but are hardly convinced that Acadie-Bathurst is an unwinnable riding for the Liberal Party. As a result, local activists enjoy a vibrant party life in Acadie-Bathurst and the party has not had difficulty attracting quality candidates. For example: The party’s candidate in the 2004 national election, Marcelle Mersereau, was a former provincial cabinet minister and deputy premier. The national constituency is divided into seven provincial constituencies. The provincial ridings of Bathurst, Nepisiguit, and Nigadoo-Chaleur are in the western Chaleur region of the riding, while the ridings of Caraquet, Centre-Peninsule, Lameque-Shippagan-Miscou, and Tracadie-Sheila are to the east in the Acadian Peninsula region. Bathurst is the only urban provincial riding. The other provincial ridings are largely rural and contain small towns and villages. Nepisiquit in particular is a sprawling inland rural riding that stretches around Bathurst. The provincial ridings contained in Acadie-Bathurst display diverse patterns of electoral competition. In all the ridings, the provincial Liberal and Progressive Conservative parties are the main competitors. Despite Godin’s success at the national level, the provincial N.D.P. generally performs poorly in these ridings. Most of these provincial contests are quite 23  competitive; in the 2003 provincial election, Liberal candidates won narrow victories in Bathurst, Nigadoo-Chaleur, Caraquet, and Centre-Peninsule. The only safe Liberal riding was in Nepisiguit, where Frank Branch won with a significant margin of victory over his Conservative opponent, only to leave the caucus shortly thereafter. Branch was replaced by Cheryl Lavoie, a charismatic former president of the association executive who won the riding for the Liberals in the 2006 provincial election. In contrast, Shippagan-Miscou and Tracadie-Sheila, both Acadian ridings, were safe Conservative constituencies in 2003. These divergent patterns of provincial Liberal strength throughout Acadie-Bathurst have consequences for the national Liberal organization in that riding. Fundy Royal is a sprawling rural riding in southern New Brunswick that encompasses several rural counties between the cities of Saint John and Moncton. Fundy-Royal is a New Brunswick riding that differs significantly from Acadie-Bathurst. There are relatively few Catholics in Fundy Royal (28.1 percent) and very few native French speakers (3.4 percent). Instead, Fundy Royal is a relatively homogenous rural riding. The riding’s population is distributed across several rural towns and villages including the larger towns of Hampton, Sussex, Quispamsis, and Salisbury. The town of Riverview lies in the far northeast of the riding and in fact borders the city of Moncton. Fundy Royal is a strongly Conservative riding at the national level. Since the creation of the electoral district of Royal in 1917, a non-Conservative has held the riding only twice. Paul Zed, later the MP for Saint John, was elected as a Liberal in the 1993 national election but was defeated by the Progressive Conservative candidate, John Herron, in the 1997 election. Herron was re-elected in 2000, but disapproved of the merger of the Canadian Alliance and the Progressive Conservative Party in 2004 and the selection of Stephen Harper as leader of the new party. Herron refused to sit in the new Conservative caucus and, as a result, the Conservatives ran a candidate, former Alliance activist Rob Moore, against Herron in the ensuing national election. Moore handily won the riding and was re-elected in the 2006 election. Fundy Royal has traditionally been a solidly Conservative riding and recent results suggest that Moore has consolidated the electoral strength of the party in the riding. The national riding of Fundy-Royal encompasses no fewer than eight provincial constituencies. Some of these ridings, such as Saint John-Fundy and Riverview, are suburban communities for larger cities. Others, such as Hampton-Belleisle, are rural ridings characterized 24  by important towns that act as centers for activity for the riding as a whole. Still others are sprawling rural ridings. Grand Lake and, to a lesser extent, Albert might be included in this category. The distance that separates many of these ridings means that provincial activists from throughout the riding are less familiar with one another than their counterparts in smaller, urban ridings. Constituencies such as Fundy-Royal are regarded as the Conservative heartland by Liberal activists. In fact, very few of Fundy-Royal’s provincial ridings are safe seats for the Tories. While the Conservatives did win five of these seats in the 2003 provincial election, many of these races were quite competitive, and Liberal candidates were successful in Grand Lake, Kings East, and Saint John-Fundy. Provincial Liberal strength in Fundy-Royal should provide opportunities for national Liberal candidates. However, this has not turned out to be the case, and it is the sprawling rural nature of Fundy-Royal that is partially to blame. New Brunswick Southwest, a sprawling rural riding, is quite similar to Fundy-Royal. A relatively homogenous rural riding, New Brunswick Southwest consists largely of farmland and several towns and villages. While members of the Liberal association have tended to concentrate in the western town of St. Stephen, outposts of Liberal activists exist in towns like Grand BayWestfield and Gagetown. Formerly the electoral district of Charlotte, New Brunswick Southwest has in fact been quite competitive throughout its history. This changed, however, in 1997. Greg Thompson was elected as a Progressive Conservative in 1997 and 2000 and as a Conservative in 2004 and 2006. Thompson is a dedicated constituency MP and his significant margins of victory since 1997 demonstrate that he has been successful in constructing linkages to the disparate pockets of the rural riding. In addition, Thompson was appointed to the federal cabinet following the 2006 election, further enhancing his status in the riding. Despite the difficulties facing them, local Liberals in New Brunswick Southwest maintain a lively party life. Oftentimes, these partisan communities are rooted in the small towns and villages of the riding and may exist quite autonomously from one another. As in Fundy-Royal, Conservative strength at the national level has not necessarily resulted in Conservative electoral victories at the provincial level. The Liberals in the 2003 provincial election won three of seven provincial ridings encompassed by New Brunswick Southwest. In Charlotte and Fundy Isles, the Liberal candidates won with impressive margins of 25  victory. However, the Conservatives retained four provincial ridings in that election. Many of these provincial ridings are quite competitive. However, the national Liberal organization in New Brunswick Southwest has been less keen than its counterparts in Acadie-Bathurst to draw on the strength of provincial organizations scattered throughout the sprawling rural riding. Saint John encompasses the city of Saint John and the neighboring affluent bedroom community of Rothesay. Saint John is the only urban riding examined in New Brunswick. However, this urban riding does not share many of the characteristics of city ridings in Ontario and British Columbia. It is a relatively homogenous riding, with a small number of ethnic minorities and immigrants. In addition, the riding’s unemployment rate (10.3 percent) is relatively high and its average household income (44,170) is quite low. And Saint John is also distinguished from Fundy Royal and New Brunswick Southwest by its comparably high number of Catholic citizens (44.2 percent). Saint John has traditionally been a Tory riding, and some Liberal activists discreetly express wonderment at the success of the riding’s current Liberal MP, Paul Zed. In the 1993 national election, Saint John elected one of only two Progressive Conservative MPs elected in the country. Elsie Wayne was a popular former mayor who was re-elected in the 1997 and 2000 national elections. Wayne’s resignation allowed Paul Zed, who had previously been the Liberal MP for Fundy-Royal, to win the seat in 2004. The Conservatives nominated John Wallace, a strong local notable candidate, in the lead-up to the 2006 national election, but Zed retained the seat with a thin margin of victory. Zed is not particularly charismatic but he has won the loyalty of the city’s Liberal activist base. Recent results suggest that Saint John is a competitive riding, and local party activists and members respond to this competitiveness by waging energetic ground-level campaigns. The national riding of Saint John is divided into six provincial constituencies: Champlain, Fundy, Harbour, Kings, Lancaster, and Portland. As in Acadie-Bathurst, there is significant diversity in electoral competition amongst these provincial ridings, and the N.D.P. is much more competitive in urban Saint John ridings than in rural constituencies. Champlain, Fundy, and Kings stretch beyond the limits of the city of Saint John to include surrounding suburban and rural areas. Conservatives perform well in these ridings but they are not safe; In Fundy, for example, the Liberal candidate won in the 2003 election. Prominent incumbent MLAs seem to have played a key role in several Saint John riding; Conservative cabinet ministers Margaret26  Ann Blaney and Trevor Holder won in Kings and Portland respectively, while N.D.P. leader Elizabeth Weir won in Harbour. Besides Champlain, most of Saint John’s provincial ridings are relatively competitive. The excitement that surrounds national campaigns in Saint John therefore extends to provincial campaigns. Case Studies: Ontario Ontario ridings were included as case studies primarily because Ontario is the only Canadian province with coterminous national and provincial constituencies. The 1996 “Fewer Politicians Act” linked provincial constituency redistributions to national redistributions. With the exception of some northern constituencies, national and provincial constituencies in Ontario are identical (Courtney 2001, 184). Identical national and provincial ridings mean that national and provincial parties organize in identical geographic spaces, organize themselves in response to identical local imperatives, and compete for support from the same voters. Thus, the inclusion of Ontario case studies allows for an exploration of the impact of coterminous national and provincial constituency boundaries on local party organization. Within Ontario, ridings were selected as case studies to maximize geographic and political variation in the sample. Since only a single provincial riding exists within each national constituency, I was able to accommodate a greater number of case studies from Ontario than from British Columbia and New Brunswick. Figure 2.2 summarizes the characteristics of each Ontario riding examined in this study:  27  Figure 2.2: Characteristics of Ontario National Constituencies  Ajax-Pickering  MP following 2004 election Liberal  Don Valley East  Liberal  Urban  Don Valley East (Liberal)  Haldimand-Norfolk  Con.  Rural  Haldimand-Norfolk (P.C.)  Oxford  Con.  Rural  Oxford (P.C.)  Perth-Wellington  Con.  Rural  Perth-Wellington (Liberal)  Richmond Hill  Liberal  Urban  Richmond Hill (P.C.)  York West  Liberal  Urban  York West (Liberal)  National Constituency  Geography  Provincial Constituency (MLA following 2004 election)  Urban  Ajax-Pickering (Liberal)  Ajax-Pickering, located east of the city of Toronto, is an affluent riding consisting mostly of suburbs and bedroom communities. The riding encompasses the cities of Ajax and Pickering as well as a portion of Durham County in the north. The average household income in the riding, at 83,449, is quite high. The riding is relatively diverse, with roughly a quarter of the population identifying as either ethnic minorities or immigrants. However, it is less diverse than nearby city ridings like York West and Don Valley East. Ajax-Pickering was created in 2003 from the old electoral districts of Whitby-Ajax and Pickering-Ajax-Uxbridge. The area has a long history of voting for the national Liberal Party and Mark Holland, a young lawyer, was elected in the riding for the party in the 2004 and 2006 elections with significant margins of victory. Holland is a high-profile MP who pays particular attention to the maintenance of the Liberal organization in Ajax-Pickering. Partially as a result, the riding has a vibrant Liberal community that participates in many inter-election events. The riding is also represented at the provincial level by a Liberal MLA, although this is not a safe seat for the provincial Liberals. Don Valley East is located in the North York region of the city of Toronto. The riding is best summarized as a diverse city riding. It combines both low and high-rise apartment complexes, which house the riding’s lower income communities, and single-dwelling neighborhoods. Notably, a majority of the riding’s population is composed of visible minorities 28  (53.4 percent) and immigrants (59 percent) and the local party organizations work to reach out to those communities. The riding is also relatively well educated, with 26.8 percent of residents holding a university degree. Don Valley East is generally recognized as a Liberal stronghold. In the 1990s, David Collenette, a minister in Jean Chretien’s Liberal governments, won the riding with significant margins of victory in the 1990s. Since Don Valley East is a safe Liberal riding, Collenette’s resignation in 2004 sparked a lively nomination race. Yasmin Ratansi, an accountant well known in the riding’s southeast Asian community, won this nomination. Ratansi certainly has a lower profile than did Collenette, but she has placed special emphasis on constructing linkages to the disparate ethnic communities in the riding. Partially as a result, Ratansi won significant majorities in the 2004 and 2006 national elections. Given its long history as a Liberal riding, a vibrant community of Liberal partisans is active in the riding. The same is true in the provincial riding of Don Valley East, which is held by Liberal cabinet minister David Caplan. Caplan is the son of Eleanor Caplan, a former cabinet minister in both the national and provincial Liberal governments who has deep roots in the riding. Don Valley East is a safe Liberal seat at both the national and provincial levels. A sprawling rural riding, Haldimand-Norfolk is located in southwest Ontario along the shore of Lake Erie. The riding encompasses the counties of Haldimand and Norfolk. Agriculture is important to the local economy and tobacco farming is particularly important in Norfolk County, despite that struggling tobacco farmers have tried in recent years to transition to different crops. Haldimand-Norfolk is a typical southwestern Ontario rural riding, with a significant percentage of the population employed in primary industries (6.8 percent) and a relative cultural and ethnic homogeneity (only 1.5 percent of the population are members of visible minorities). Despite being a rural riding, Haldimand-Norfolk was held by a Liberal MP throughout the 1990s. Bob Speller was elected in 1993 and was re-elected in the 1997 and 2000 national elections. Speller, well aware that Haldimand-Norfolk was not a natural Liberal riding, carefully constructed relationships with local communities and sought to represent the interests of local tobacco farmers in particular. But Speller also benefited greatly from the presence of Progressive Conservative and Reform/Alliance candidates in the riding. In the 1993 and 1997 national elections, the combined votes of these candidates exceeded Speller’s margins of victory. And in 29  2004, following the reunification of the Alliance and the Progressive Conservative Party, Speller was defeated by the Conservative candidate, Diane Findlay. Findlay was re-elected in the 2006 election - despite that Speller once again ran for the Liberals in that election - and was subsequently appointed as a minister in Stephen Harper’s Conservative government. Findlay’s decisive victory over Speller in 2006 suggests that Haldimand-Norfolk has switched from a competitive Liberal to a safe Conservative riding. At the provincial level, Haldimand-Norfolk has a long tradition of electing Progressive Conservative candidates. This was the case in both the 2003 and 2007 provincial elections. During the period studied, different parties thus represented Haldimand-Norfolk at the national and provincial levels. Some voters in Haldimand-Norfolk undoubtedly do vote for the Liberals at the national level and the Conservatives at the provincial level, and Speller’s popularity may have helped to explain this. However, differences in the configurations of partisan competition at the two levels are also responsible. Prior to 2004, Haldimand-Norfolk’s conservative voters split between two centre-right parties, the Canadian Alliance and the Progressive Conservatives, allowing Speller to carry the riding with a depressed vote share. At the provincial level, the presence of only a single centre-right party meant that those Conservative voters could concentrate their votes on the Progressive Conservative Party. Oxford is a rural Ontario riding located east of the city of London. The riding consists largely of the district of Oxford with some small additional territories from neighboring counties. Oxford is similar to other rural Ontario constituencies: Relatively homogenous with a significant proportion of the population employed in primary industries. The town of Woodstock is the major population centre in the riding, although other towns such as Ingersoll service surrounding farms. Oxford is a rural Ontario constituency with a long history of electing Conservative MPs. However, the 1993, 1997, and 2000 national elections saw Liberal MPs elected in the riding, partially because Reform/Alliance and Progressive Conservative candidates both ran in the riding. However, the riding reverted back to form in 2004 following the reunification of the Canadian Alliance and Progressive Conservative Party. Dave Mackenzie, a former Woodstock police chief and candidate for the P.C. Party, easily defeated the Liberal incumbent in 2004 and was re-elected in 2006. The pattern is similar at the provincial level, where the Conservative MLA, Ernie Hardeman, strengthened his margin of victory between the 2003 and 2007 30  provincial elections. As in other rural Ontario constituencies, the local Liberal Party maintains a small yet committed local activist base. In Oxford, this group of activists distinguishes itself by organizing several inter-election maintenance events meant to reach out to the small communities of Oxford. Like Oxford, Perth-Wellington is a sprawling rural riding located in southwestern Ontario. The riding is largely farmland, and the town of Stratford in the southern section of the riding is the only significant population centre. Like other rural Ontario ridings, PerthWellington is relatively homogenous and a significant portion of the population is employed in primary industries (7.1 percent). Perth-Wellington was formed in 2003 from several ridings. The national Conservative candidate, Gary Schellenberger, was elected in 2004 and re-elected in 2006. Schellenberger’s margin of victory in 2006 suggests that he is consolidating his support in the riding. However, the picture is quite different for the provincial riding of Perth-Wellington, which is represented by Liberal cabinet minister John Wilkinson. In the 2007 election, Wilkinson retained the provincial riding with a healthy 47 percent of the votes cast. Perth-Wellington is thus unusual amongst Ontario ridings in that the local MP and MLA are from different parties. In addition, both Schellenberger and Wilkinson have enjoyed relatively wide margins of victory in the riding, suggesting that a significant number of voters in Perth-Wellington are inconsistent voters, casting their ballots for the national Conservatives and the provincial Liberals. Richmond Hill is an urban riding located north of the city of Toronto in York Region. The riding was created in 2003 from the old constituency of Oak Ridges. Largely suburban, Richmond Hill is best described as diverse, educated and affluent. Almost half of the riding’s citizens are immigrants; 26.2 percent hold university degrees; and the average household income of 87,490 is well above the national average. Indeed Richmond Hill is one of the most affluent ridings examined in this study, second in this respect only to Vancouver Quadra. The constituency of Richmond Hill was created in 2003. However, the incumbent MP, Bryon Wilfert, was first elected as a Liberal in the predecessor riding of Oak Ridges in the 1997 national election. He was re-elected in Oak Ridges in 2000 and in Richmond Hill in 2004 and 2006. This electoral success is partially due to Wilfert’s role as a committed constituency MP. More so than most MPs, Wilfert involves himself in the maintenance of the local Liberal organization and pays close attention to the needs of communities within the riding. As a result, 31  Wilfert enjoys strong support in the riding and Richmond Hill is generally considered a safe Liberal riding. At the time of the interviews for this study, Frank Klees, a former Progressive Conservative cabinet minister, held Richmond Hill at the provincial level. However, Klees declined to run in the 2007 provincial election and the riding subsequently switched to the Liberals. The provincial riding is a competitive one, certainly more so than its national counterpart. Located in the northwest corner of the city of Toronto, York West is best summarized as a high-density, diverse city riding. 62.6 percent of the riding’s residents are visible minorities and 61 percent are immigrants. Local Liberal activists inevitably point to the diversity of the riding as its defining characteristic and describe the multiple ethnic and recent immigrant communities that exist in the riding. “We have all kinds of ethnic groups. Italians, Somalis, Muslims, Sikhs. You name it, we’ve got everything,” notes James, a local activist. The riding also has a relatively high unemployment rate (8.8 percent). York West has been held by the Liberal Party continuously since 1962 and is a very safe Liberal seat. From 1984 to 1999, the riding was held by Sergio Marchi, a Liberal cabinet minister in the 1990s. Following Marchi’s resignation, Judy Sgro, a former city councilor with a strong profile in the community, won the seat for the Liberals in a 1999 by-election. She was successfully re-elected in each subsequent national election and was appointed as the minister of citizenship of immigration in 2003. The margins of Sgro’s victories suggest that York West is not likely in the near future to become a competitive riding. In the 2006 national election, for example, Sgro was re-elected with 64 percent of the votes cast. This Liberal dominance in York West extends to the provincial level. The Liberal candidate in the 2003 provincial election, Mario Sergio, carried the riding with 69 percent of the votes cast. Sergio’s local vote share in the 2007 provincial election dropped to a still healthy 55 percent of the vote, with a 27 percent margin of victory. Needless to say, local consistent activists in York West are optimistic that Sgro and Sergio will hold York West for both the national and provincial Liberals in future elections.  32  Case Studies: British Columbia Case studies were selected from the province of British Columbia primarily to explore the impact of distinctive national and provincial party systems on local party organization and the engagement of local activists with those parties. Provincial Liberal parties are competitive New Brunswick, Ontario, and British Columbia, in contrast to Saskatchewan where the Liberal Party is effectively absent at the provincial level. But activists in Ontario and New Brunswick generally perceive the national and provincial Liberal parties to be similar in policy and ideological terms while activists in British Columbia perceive the provincial Liberal Party as being to the right of the national Liberal Party. This perception partially results from how the national and provincial Liberal parties marshal very different bases of support in British Columbia. These differing bases of support are partially a product of the different competitive environment British Columbia constitutes for the national and provincial Liberal parties in the province. Since the 1953 and especially the 1975 provincial elections, the provincial party system in British Columbia has been relatively polarized between the N.D.P. and a right-of-center challenger party. The Social Credit Party constituted the challenger party from 1953 to 1991. But Social Credit was replaced by the B.C. Liberal Party following the 1991 party system dealignment in that province. Having replaced the Socreds as the N.D.P.’s primary competitors (one activist refers to provincial Liberals in British Columbia as, “Socreds with email”), the provincial Liberal Party has adapted to British Columbia’s polarized competition by attempting to monopolize the right side of the ideological spectrum (Blake 1996, 78). The result has been a right-of-center party with neo-conservative elements of the sort typically associated with the provincial Progressive Conservative parties of Ralph Klein and Mike Harris. These ideological differences between the national and provincial Liberal parties create obstacles to consistent identification and participation for some activists, particularly those who bring well-defined ideological goals to their participation. In contrast, the perceived ideological similarity of the national and provincial Liberal parties in Ontario and New Brunswick facilitates the development of dual loyalties between the national and provincial Liberal parties in those provinces. Furthermore, the national and provincial party systems in British Columbia differ in important ways. The provincial party system is a relatively polarized two-party system. The provincial Liberal Party and the provincial N.D.P. are the major parties in this system. In 33  contrast, three competitive parties – the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party, and the New Democratic Party - are present at the national level. Non-NDP supporters and activists in this context are unable to rely on party labels as a heuristic to guide their support for national and provincial parties (Blake 1978; Thorlakson 2006, 43). Support for the national Liberal Party therefore does not necessarily entail support for the provincial Liberal Party, or vice versa. Together with perceived ideological differences between the national and provincial Liberal parties, these differences between the national and provincial party systems serve to confuse linkages between the two levels for some activists and voters (Blake 1982, 137). Table 2.3 summarizes the characteristics of each British Columbia riding examined in this study: Figure 2.3: Characteristics of British Columbia National Constituencies  4  National Constituency  MP following 2004 election  Geography  Delta-Richmond East  Con.  Urban  Port Moody-WestwoodPort Coquitlam  Con.  Urban  Kootenay-Columbia  Con.  Rural  Richmond  Liberal  Urban  Vancouver Quadra  Liberal  Urban  Provincial Constituencies (MLA following 2005 election)4 Delta North (NDP) Delta South (Liberal) Richmond East (Liberal) Coquitlam-Maillardville (NDP) Port Coquitlam-Burke Mount. (NDP) Port Moody-Westwood (Liberal) Columbia River-Revelstoke (NDP) East Kootenay (Liberal) Nelson-Creston (NDP) Richmond Centre (Liberal) Richmond East (Liberal) Richmond-Steveston (Liberal) Vancouver-Fairview (NDP) Vancouver-Point Grey (Liberal) Vancouver-Quilchena (Liberal)  These provincial constituencies were in effect for the 2005 provincial election.  34  The first British Columbia case study is the national constituency of Delta-Richmond East. Located in the southwest corner of British Columbia’s populous Lower Mainland, DeltaRichmond East contains both sprawling farmland throughout Delta and Richmond as well as suburban neighbourhoods such as Ladner and Twassassen in Delta. The riding is characterized by a relative diversity and affluence: 36.1 percent of the riding population consists of visible minorities and the average household income in the riding, 70,298, is significantly higher than the national average. Like many other British Columbia ridings, a popular Conservative incumbent MP holds the riding. John Cummins was first elected in the riding as a Reform Party candidate in the 1993 national election and has been re-elected by significant margins in each successive election. Cummins has distinguished himself as a strong advocate of west coast fishers and is generally successful at antagonizing local Liberal activists, who disdain his Reform Party-style politics. However, those local activists are oftentimes pessimistic about their chances of success in the riding. Local campaign organizers complain about the propensity of local activists to volunteer on the election campaigns of candidates in neighboring ridings such as Richmond where it is felt that Liberal candidates stand a reasonable chance of success. Contained within the national riding are the provincial constituencies of Delta North in the far northeastern corner of the riding, Delta South in the southern section of the riding, and Richmond East. The Richmond section of the riding is solidly Liberal, but provincial campaigns in both Delta ridings are more competitive. An NDP MLA presently represents Delta North, while Delta South re-elected its Liberal MLA in the 2005 national election. Kootenay-Columbia is a mountainous riding tucked into the far southeast corner of the province of British Columbia, and in fact the riding shares its eastern border with the province of Alberta. Kootenay-Columbia is a relatively homogenous rural riding and the population is concentrated in villages as well as in larger towns and cities, including Creston in the West Kootenays Region; Cranbrook and Invermere in the East Kootenays; and Golden and Revelstoke in the Columbia-Shuswap region. Like other rural ridings, a relatively high percentage of the population (4.5 percent) is employed in primary industries. Highly dependent on the forestry and mining industries, Kootenay-Columbia suffers from a relatively high unemployment rate for British Columbia (10.3 percent). Unlike the British Columbia ridings located in the Lower 35  Mainland, Kootenay-Columbia is relatively homogenous, with relatively few ethnic minorities (2.2 percent) or immigrants (10.2 percent). As in Delta-Richmond East, a popular Conservative incumbent who began his career as a Reform Party MP continues to hold the riding. Jim Abbott was first elected for the Reform Party in the 1993 national election and has been re-elected in each succeeding national election with significant margins of victory. This is despite that local Liberals have generally nominated high quality candidates in the riding, including the mayor of Invermere in the 1997 election and the mayor of Cranbrook in the 2000 election. The result is that Kootenay-Columbia is considered a safe Conservative riding. Even Liberal activists concede that Abbott is well liked in the riding and, partially as a result, they struggle to maintain a community of local Liberal activists. Kootenay-Columbia is divided into three provincial constituencies. Columbia RiverRevelstoke includes Revelstoke, Golden, and the Columbia Valley in the north. East Kootenay includes Cranbrook and the Elk Valley in the south. Only half of the provincial riding of NelsonCreston is within the national Kootenay-Columbia constituency. This part of the riding includes segments of the West Kootenays, particularly the town of Creston. Despite Conservative Abbott’s popularity in the national riding, the N.D.P. has a strong presence in all three provincial ridings. Provincial Liberal candidates won in all three ridings in the 2001 provincial election when the Liberals defeated the provincial N.D.P. government in a landslide. Included with these neophyte Liberal MLAs was Wendy McMahon from Kootenay-Columbia. However, in the 2003 provincial election, the Liberal incumbent MLAs were defeated by the N.D.P. in Columbia River-Revelstoke and Nelson-Creston; only in East Kootenay was the Liberal MLA re-elected, and his margin of victory was less than 5 percent of the vote. Thus, East Kootenay and, to a lesser extent, Columbia River-Revelstoke are quite competitive ridings. This is not the case in Nelson-Creston, where former N.D.P. cabinet minister Corky Evans won a convincing victory in the 2005 election. Port Moody-Westwood-Port Coquitlam is a largely suburban riding in British Columbia’s Lower Mainland that encompasses the growing cities of Port Moody, Coquitlam, and Port Coquitlam. The riding is relatively diverse, though certainly not to the same extent as Vancouver Quadra and Richmond. The riding is also relatively affluent, with the average household income at 67,955. The riding is contained within the Greater Vancouver District but is certainly not a bedroom community for the city of Vancouver. 36  Port Moody-Westwood-Port Coquitlam was created in 2004 from the constituency of Port Moody-Coquitlam. Since 1993, the riding has been represented by Reform, Alliance, and Conservative MPs. However, the riding was briefly represented by a Liberal MP, Lou Sekora, following a 1998 by-election. James Moore was elected as an Alliance candidate in the 2000 election and has worked since then to strengthen his linkages with communities in the riding, particularly the constituency’s vibrant business community. Moore was re-elected in the 2004 and 2006 elections as a Conservative, suggesting that his efforts to consolidate his support in the constituency were succeeding. Moore’s margins of victory in those elections indicate that Port Moody-Westwood-Port Coquitlam is now a safe Conservative riding. Partially as a result, the local Liberal community in the riding is relatively weak. The party, however, has been successful in recruiting high quality candidates, including former Coquitlam mayors Lou Sekora and Jon Kingsbury. The national constituency of Port Moody-Westwood-Port Coquitlam contains three provincial ridings. The provincial riding of Port Moody-Westwood encompasses the town of Port Moody and the Westwood Plateau in Coquitlam. In contrast, Coquitlam Maillardville and Port Coquitlam-Burke Mountain encompass sections of the cities of Coquitlam and Port Coquitlam respectively. These three cities – Port Moody, Port Coquitlam, and Coquitlam – contain quite different populations and electoral competition in each provincial riding is therefore distinctive. Port Moody-Westwood is a solidly Liberal constituency while Coquitlam Maillardville and Port Coquitlam-Burke Mountain are more competitive. However, NDP candidates were elected in these latter two ridings in the 2005 provincial election. Port MoodyWestwood-Port Coquitlam is therefore similar to Kootenay-Columbia in its national-provincial electoral configuration. Richmond is a Lower Mainland riding that borders Delta-Richmond East to the south and east and the city of Vancouver to the north. Richmond is a diverse urban riding with a significant number of ethnic minorities and immigrants. A majority of residents (60.2 percent) are ethnic minorities - Chinese residents make up 44.3 percent of the riding’s population - and a majority of the residents of the riding (56.9 percent) are immigrants. The result is that Richmond politicians invest significant efforts in building linkages to local ethnic and immigrant communities, particularly the local Chinese community. Sometimes perceived as a suburb to the city of Vancouver, Richmond in fact exhibits a politics that is largely distinctive from Vancouver’s. 37  Since the 1993 national election, local activists in Richmond have experienced a competitive and exciting local politics. Liberal MP Raymond Chan was first elected in that election and was subsequently re-elected in the 1997 national election. An attentive constituency MP, Chan spent his time in office cultivating his relationship with the riding’s communities, particular the local Chinese community. Despite these efforts, Alliance candidate Joe Peschisolido defeated Chan in the 2000 election. But in a surprise move, Peschisolido, disillusioned with Alliance leader Stockwell Day, bolted to the Liberal caucus in 2002. The defection infuriated not only local Alliance activists in Richmond, but also local Liberals loyal to Chan, who was hoping to challenge Peschisolido as the Liberal candidate in the next election. Indeed, Peschisolido never won the loyalty of members of the Liberal constituency association executive in Richmond, who openly criticized Peschisolido in the media. Prior to the 2004 national election, Peschisolido and Chan competed in an exciting and divisive contest for the local Liberal nomination. With the help of the riding’s long-term Liberal activist base, Chan defeated Peschisolido and went on to retake the seat for the Liberals in 2004. Re-elected in the 2006 election, Chan is an important figure in local politics. Despite the length of time Chan has been cultivating relationships with the community, Richmond remains a competitive national constituency and local Conservatives are optimistic about their chances of winning in the riding. The national riding of Richmond contains three provincial constituencies: Richmond Centre, Richmond East, and Richmond Steveston. Since the 1991 provincial election and the decline of the provincial Social Credit Party, all three Richmond ridings have always elected provincial Liberal candidates, oftentimes with significant margins of victory. Richmond has provided several provincial Liberal cabinet ministers. Of the current Liberal MLAs, Olga Ilich (Centre) is minister of labour, Linda Reid (East) is minister of state for childcare, and John Yap (Steveston) is the government caucus chair. Vancouver Quadra encompasses many of the affluent western sections of the city of Vancouver, including the neighbourhoods of Dunbar, Kitsilano, and Point Grey. Generally affluent and well educated, the University of British Columbia is located in the riding and 41.6 percent of residents hold a university degree. This percentage of degree-holders is significantly higher than any other constituency examined in this study and the average household income (91,631) is significantly higher than the national average. 38  Vancouver Quadra has been held by a series of high-profile Liberal MPs. Liberal leader John Turner held the riding from 1984 to 1993, while constitutional scholar Ted McWhinney was the Liberal MP from 1993 to 2000. Following McWhinney’s retirement, Stephen Owen, a former provincial ombudsman, retained the constituency for the Liberals in the 2000, 2004, and 2006 national elections. Former provincial cabinet minister Joyce Murray successfully held the riding for the Liberals in a 2008 by-election following Owen’s sudden retirement. The constituency’s long Liberal history appears to indicate that this is a safe Liberal riding. However, Murray’s narrow margin of victory in 2008 over the Conservative candidate suggests that future campaigns in Vancouver Quadra may be more competitive than they have been in the past. Vancouver Quadra includes three provincial ridings. Vancouver Point Grey is in the western section of the riding and includes the University of British Columbia endowment lands, Point Grey, and sections of Kitsilano. Vancouver Quilchena in the south encompasses the neighbourhood of Dunbar, whereas Vancouver Fairview makes up the eastern portion of the national constituency. Point Grey, the home of Liberal leader and premier Gordon Campbell, and Quilchena are strong Liberal constituencies, whereas Fairview has become much more competitive. Gregor Robertson won the riding for the NDP in the 2005 provincial election with a margin of only 3 percent. However, Robertson vacated the seat in 2008 in order to run to become mayor of Vancouver and the local NDP organization experienced internal divisions in the nomination race that followed.  39  Chapter Three: Local Party Activists How do Canadian party activists identify with and participate in political parties at the national and provincial levels and what are the consequences of these different forms of participation for the party organization? The literature maintains that national and provincial parties in Canada are largely separated from one another. But this chapter suggests that many party activists who participate in constituency-level politics do so in both national and provincial parties and, as a result, constitute a crucial personnel linkage between those parties. Accordingly, this chapter describes and accounts for the participation of activists in national and provincial political parties within the bounds of individual constituencies. Accounts of party membership suggest that parties have adapted to new communications technology and the decline of existing social alignments by evolving organizations that are less reliant on individual party members than was the archetypal mass party (Katz 1990; Panebianco 1988). This view is not universally shared (eg: Scarrow 1996; Clark 2004), but Cross and Young do find that the rate of Canadian party members is dropping and that older members are not being replaced, suggesting that this same dynamic is currently afflicting Canadian parties (2006, 14-15). However, the geographic imperatives of Canada’s single-member plurality electoral system mean that the major parties have always relied on activist bases in the constituencies to maintain local party structures and contribute to local-level campaigns. Canadian party activists continue to fulfill important roles in the local branches of the national parties. The personnel of the constituency association executive, which oversees the day-to-day operations of the local party, is drawn from the local activist base (Carty 1991, 51-52). Candidates for the party nomination may win by appealing to the existing activist and membership bases in the riding (Docherty 1997, 62), which is particularly true for party insider candidates who generally have a history of activism in the local party (Sayers 1999: 76). And members of the local activist base typically turn out to vote for a candidate for the party’s local nomination, reaffirming the local association’s right to select party candidates. Activists perform other roles in the local organization between elections, from turning out to social events to attending regional or national party conventions as local representatives. And they also play important roles during local 40  campaigns, working in close contact with the candidate or as a worker performing the labourintensive tasks associated with such campaigns. It is therefore at the local level where party activists are of the greatest value to Canadian political parties. Indeed, the presence of a vibrant activist base may bring parties significant benefits within the constituencies, particularly as indicators of party legitimacy and as instruments of outreach within local communities (Scarrow 1996, 42-43). Activists differ in the nature of their participation with political parties. They differ, for example, in the intensity of their participation and in the time they expend on party business. Different forms of participation entail significantly different time commitments (Whiteley, Seyd, and Richardson 1994, 110). Sitting on the constituency association executive, for example, requires significantly more time than does occasionally participating in election campaigns as a casual volunteer. In general, Canadian party members tend to engage in forms of participation that entail low costs in time. In particular, these activists contribute funds, display an election sign, or wear campaign buttons (Cross and Young 2004, 440). Members of the national Liberal Party, however, tend to be the most active of all party members (Cross and Young 2004, Table 10). 86 percent of those Liberal members surveyed reported participating in a local election campaign and 59 percent reported sitting on the local constituency association executive at one point (Cross and Young 2004, Table 12). Within a multi-level context characterized by formally separate party organizations at the national and sub-national levels, party activists also differ in the ways in which they engage with national and provincial parties. Some activists participate in a party at only the national or the provincial level. These activists are referred to as single-level activists. On the other hand, activists may participate in both national and provincial parties. Some of these activists will participate in parties of the same partisan designation at both levels while others will participate in different parties at the two levels. The first type of party activist is referred to as a consistent party activist. In this study, consistent party activists are generally members of both the national Liberal Party and the provincial Liberal Party in the province within which they reside. The second type of activist is referred to as an inconsistent party activist. These terms are adapted from the academic literature on party identifiers in multi-level states (for example: Jennings and Niemi 1966). 41  Many party members in Canada are either single-level or inconsistent party activists. But significant lines of continuity still exist amongst the national and provincial parties’ activist bases. 72 percent of the members of the national Liberal Party surveyed by in 2000 reported holding a membership in the national Liberal Party as well as a provincial Liberal Party (Sayers and Koop 2005, 11). This high percentage of consistent party members is not what one would expect from parties at the national and provincial levels that are entirely separated from one another. Despite the formal organizational separation of national and provincial Liberal parties in Canada, many party activists evidently continue to participate in both the national and provincial Liberal parties. Such consistent participation has consequences for the overall organization and operation of national and provincial parties at the local level. In order to describe and account for the participation of party activists at the national and provincial levels, this chapter explores activists’ perceptions of national and provincial parties, how different motivations to participation lead activists to engage with national and provincial parties, and how activists budget their time in a multi-level context. The chapter closes by exploring the impact of activists’ engagement at the two levels on the local organization as a whole. Because this chapter focuses on the behaviours but also the attitudes and perceptions of party activists, wherever possible I have included verbatim quotations in order to allow those activists to speak in their own words.  Conceptions of National and Provincial Parties How do individual activists conceive of the connections and linkages that exist between national and provincial parties? Previous attempts to categorize Canada’s political parties employ batteries of measures meant to assess the extent to which national and provincial parties are linked to one another. Smiley, for example, relies primarily on measures of formal organizational linkages between national and provincial parties to distinguish between integrated and confederal parties (1987, 103-04). Dyck’s criteria similarly focus on the formal organizational linkages that exist between national and provincial parties. Dyck also counts the presence of common voters, activists, and members as evidence of integration between national and provincial parties (1992). This emphasis on objectively assessing the presence or absence of linkages leads Smiley and Dyck to neglect the perceptions of the individual activists and members who participate in 42  national and provincial parties. Even if party constitutions indicate that the national and provincial Liberal parties in a particular province are separated from one another, this does not necessarily mean that individual party activists will experience those parties in a separated manner. Instead, activists may conclude from their own perspectives and experiences that those parties are essentially “two sides of the same coin,” notwithstanding those parties’ formalconstitutional separation from one another. Other activists, however, will be informed by this formal separation and will conceive of the national and provincial parties as largely separate. Given the important role that activist bases play in integrating or reinforcing the differentiation of national and provincial parties, it is important to assess not only their participation at the national and provincial levels, but also their conceptions of the linkages that exist between national and provincial parties. In this respect, one could conceive of two broad categories of party activists: those with a unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties and those with a separated conception of those parties. Activists with a unitary conception of the national and provincial parties emphasize the commonalities of those parties to the extent that they fail to recognize any separation whatsoever between them. For these activists, national and provincial Liberal parties constitute branches of the same expansive Liberal world. In contrast, activists with a separated conception of the national and provincial parties recognize important distinctions between those parties. As a result, they view these parties as fundamentally discrete organizations. Doug is a party activist from the Ontario riding of Ajax-Pickering. He has a distinctively unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in Ontario: We’re all Liberals and fighting for the same things. It only makes sense that you should be supporting your own party, whether it be federally or provincially. When it comes down to election time, you want to get out there and make sure that the Liberals win at both the federal level as well as at the provincial level.  Doug conceives of the Liberal Party in Ontario as an expansive organization with separate wings, the national and the provincial. Attached to this conception is the view that the national and provincial parties “are fighting for the same things,” which is not objectively true but which is an important component of Doug’s unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties. Accordingly, Doug’s unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties 43  guides his own participation as an activist. He participates on both the national and provincial constituency associations in his riding and participates in both national and provincial campaigns in order to ensure that “Liberals win at both the federal level as well as the provincial level.” Carmen, a consistent party activist in Saint John New Brunswick with a long family history in the Liberal Party, is another good example of an activist with a unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in her province. Long prohibited from actively participating in partisan politics by her employment in the civil service, Carmen made up for lost time following her retirement by participating in several municipal, provincial, and national campaigns in Saint John. Her Liberal family history informs her unitary conception of the national and provincial parties, which in turn informs her consistent activism. Carmen initially betrays her unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties by failing to discern between them in conversation. In describing her local activism in Saint John, Carmen veers back and forth between national and provincial campaigns, never bothering to distinguish between campaigns for national Liberal candidates and provincial Liberal candidates. In her unfocussed account of her initial involvement in Saint John politics following her retirement, Carmen demonstrated that the distinction between national and provincial (not to mention municipal) has not been important to her own involvement: Okay, the first thing I did. Laura ran for [city] council, so I helped her…And she almost won. Then we did different things, and then she decided she was going to run for the provincial [Liberal] party. But in the meantime, Paul Zed had run [for the national Liberal Party] in that time… So when Paul Zed first ran I did the special ballots for that election. Then Laura ran for the provincial [Liberal Party] here in Saint John, and she spent a whole year working on me: “You’ll be my campaign manager.” And I wasn’t very well that year, so I didn’t think that I could do it. But then the election came and I said, “OK. I’ll do it.”  The thread of continuity through her initial partisan involvement is the Liberal Party. Carmen was encouraged to work on a municipal election campaign because it was a friend who was running. But that friend was also a consistent Liberal activist. Following her loss at the municipal level, that friend ran for the provincial Liberal Party. Carmen accordingly became a campaigner for the provincial Liberal Party. But in the meantime, Carmen became involved in the national Liberal campaign of Paul Zed. 44  For some activists, such crossover between the national and provincial levels is difficult to justify. Some activists in British Columbia, for example, find that ideological differences between the national and provincial Liberal parties in that province makes it difficult to participate in both parties. But for Carmen, there is no great need to discern between or evaluate the policies of the national and provincial Liberal organizations in Saint John because those organizations represent different branches of the same expansive party. Just as Doug’s unitary conception informed his participation in both national and provincial parties, so too does Carmen’s unitary conception allow her to participate in both the national and provincial Liberal parties with ease. In contrast to Carmen, Jordan is an example of an activist who has a separated conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in British Columbia. A small businessman from Richmond, Jordan commences his discussion of his participation at the two levels by drawing a sharp distinction between the national Liberal Party, which to him constitutes the “real” Liberal Party, and the provincial B.C. Liberal party: “I don't consider them [the provincial party] to be real Liberals. I make no connection between the provincial and the federal parties.” For Jordan and other single-level national Liberal activists in British Columbia, the relationship that exists between the national and provincial Liberal parties in that province is one of “organizational distance.” Whereas Carmen emphasizes the organizational linkages that exist between the national and provincial Liberal parties in New Brunswick, Jordan and activists like him emphasize the formal-legal separation of national and provincial parties. Jordan’s separated conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in British Columbia informs his identification with and participation in the two parties in B.C.. Jordan has an important if abstract identification with the national Liberal Party. “The Liberal Party, I was always happy with them, way back when I was a kid with Lester Pearson,” he explains, “Over the years, it eventually manifested itself. I’m a Liberal. I faced facts, I acknowledged that.” One result of this identification with the national Liberal Party is that Jordan sits on the national association executive and commits a significant amount of time to the local re-election campaigns of his riding’s Liberal MP, Raymond Chan. “I worked long and hard on his candidacy for his election,” he explains, “That just snow-balled….Now it's a big part of my life. I do alot of volunteer work [for the association].” But his separated conception of those parties allows Jordan 45  to reject the provincial Liberal Party even as he is very active with the national party. “I haven't done anything at the provincial level,” he says, “I don't consider them to be real Liberals.” Peter, a national activist from the Ontario riding of Don Valley East, is another good example of an activist with a disconnected conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties. Peter’s disconnected conception of the national and provincial parties in Ontario derives from his observation of inconsistent and single-level activists in the province: There are people who are very discerning and who will be very loyal to the provincial party but object strenuously to the federal party [and vice versa]. So they’ll stubbornly stay with the Liberals provincially but not have anything to do with the party at the federal level.  What distinguishes Peter from other activists with a separated conception of national and provincial parties is that he views those parties as collections of individuals. For Peter, the national and provincial parties in Ontario are separated from one another because not everyone involved in one of the parties in involved in both. This does not apply to Peter, who is a committed consistent activist. But his experiences in the national and provincial parties and his interactions with inconsistent and single-level activists has led him to develop a separated conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in Ontario. Such an ability to distinguish between formal structures and the participation of individuals allows some activists to develop a more nuanced conception of the relationships between national and provincial parties. Earl, a consistent party activist from New Brunswick, is able to distinguish between structures and the participation of activists. “There is separation on paper, if you look at the constitution,” he explains, “But when you look at the people that are involved, it’s much the same people.” Everett, a Liberal activist from New Brunswick, similarly distinguishes between the national and provincial parties as organizations and as collections of individual activists. He notes that the hard formal separation of the national and provincial Liberals parties in New Brunswick is mitigated by the joint participation of local activists in Saint John: I know that when there’s an election, a federal election, every provincial riding worker is asked to contribute a Saturday afternoon or whatever to Paul Zed…It’s a very…grey line between the two when it comes to working. Obviously the hard legal aspects of federal and provincial politics,  46  there’s a definite line. But when it comes to contributions and, ‘would you help Paul Zed get elected?’ the answer is, if you’re a Liberal, ‘yes.’  Everett raises an additional point. Party activists are most likely to interact with the local structures of political parties, their local constituency associations or campaigns. In describing the participation of activists, Everett makes explicit reference to constituency-level fundraising and campaigning. In addition to distinguishing between formal structures and participation, activists like Everett are able to distinguish between the central and local components of the party organization. If separation exists between parties, it is still possible that integration is taking place at the local level. Activists’ conceptions of national and provincial parties are important because those conceptions inform the activists’ participation at the national and provincial levels. For the most part, activists with a unitary conception of those parties are consistent activists who both identify and participate with the national and provincial Liberal parties. Carmen, for example, participates in both the national and provincial Liberal parties. Because such activists see the national and provincial Liberal parties as different branches of the same party, it is difficult for them to justify single-level and especially inconsistent forms of activism. Such a unitary conception could thus be thought of as a filter that necessarily rules out inconsistent or singlelevel activism. While the necessity of consistent activism places demands on activists’ time, consistent activists employ strategies to conserve their time spent on party activism while still retaining their identification with both the national and provincial parties. In contrast, activists with a separated conception of the national and provincial parties are not necessarily consistent activists. By accepting that national and provincial parties are discrete organizations, activists open up other possibilities for participation within the context of two levels of electoral competition. Some activists remain consistent partisans despite the formal separation of national and provincial Liberal parties. Others become inconsistent or single-level activists.  Ideological Incentives The identification and participation of local party activists is a product of the individual goals that these activists bring to their involvement in political parties. Consistent, inconsistent, 47  and single-level identification and participation result from both the personal goals that activists bring to their activism and characteristics of the institutional environment they find themselves within. In particular, purposive (ideological), solidary (social), and material goals inform activists’ identification and participation (Clark and Wilson 1961; Seyd and Whiteley 1992). Together, these motivations underlie the behaviors of party activists. Ideological or purposive motivations to activism refer to the collective policy benefits that activists hope to derive from the election of their favoured party. Ideological preferences play a role in shaping citizens’ partisan identification (Abramowitz and Saunders 2006). Participation flows from this identification and is further strengthened by activists’ ideological commitments to their parties. Young and Cross find that purposive incentives are important to motivating activists in all Canadian national parties but that this motivation is weaker in the older brokerage parties than in the N.D.P., Bloc Quebecois, and the now defunct Canadian Alliance (2002, 562-63). Despite the comparable weakness of ideology as a motivating factor for activists in the Liberal Party, the party evidently harbours a significant number of ideological “believers” (Panebianco 1988, 27). How do ideological incentives shape activists’ engagement with national and provincial parties in Canada? For some activists, ideological motivations encourage consistent identification and participation. This is especially true for activists with a unitary conception of national and provincial parties. Organizational continuity between national and provincial Liberal parties in their view links the policy goals of the parties to one another. For activists with such a unitary conception of the national and provincial parties, ideological motivations further reinforce their consistent identification and participation with the same parties at the national and provincial levels. Activists with a disconnected conception of national and provincial parties, however, may rely on ideological evaluations to guide their identification and participation at the two levels. Even when activists recognize a formal division that exists between national and provincial parties and are not under the impression that identification at one level entails identification at the other level, they may nevertheless be inclined to identify with both parties on the basis of the perceived ideological proximity of those parties to their own beliefs. For consistent activists, the national and provincial parties must therefore be proximate to one another in policy terms. This is especially true for activists who bring a strong ideological 48  motivation to their identification and participation. This conception of party activists with ideological motivations is similar to the simple Downsian proximity model of voting where voters case their ballot for the party that is closest to them in policy terms (Downs 1957). Louis is a good example of a party activist with a disconnected conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in New Brunswick but who relies on ideological assessments of the national and provincial parties to inform his consistent identification and participation. Louis is a long-term party activist in northern New Brunswick who identifies strongly with the Liberal brand and thus with both the national and provincial parties. His identification with both parties results from his view that both the national and provincial parties are distinctly centre-left in their policies. “It’s basically a question of philosophy,” Louis notes, “the Liberals here are a lot more left, centre-left…The rightful place of the Liberal Party is left of centre. That’s their place, as far as I’m concerned. And throughout the years, I think it has proven most of the time to be the case.” Louis, however, recognizes that the ideological proximity of the national and provincial Liberal parties in New Brunswick is not the norm in each province. Instead, provincial Liberal parties may diverge radically from the policy orientation of the national Liberal Party: As you go west, [the provincial Liberal parties] move more and more to the right. To the point that in BC, you have the old Alliance/Reform Party joining with the Liberals and actually forming the government. Which makes it difficult, when the party moves too far to the right, for us easterners and Atlantic people.  Louis’ separated conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties allows him to distinguish between these parties on an ideological basis. For Louis, the centre-left position of both the national and provincial Liberal parties in New Brunswick creates an incentive for him to identify with and participate in both Liberal parties. However, Louis also recognizes that the formal organizational division that exists between the national and provincial Liberal parties allows the latter parties to respond to local incentives and diverge from the dominant credo of the national party (as he interprets it). As a result, Louis recognizes that he would not be a consistent party activist if he resided in a province where the provincial Liberal Party diverged from his own ideological beliefs. “I know that if I would be in BC, I would not be a Liberal,” Louis 49  explains, “I would probably go for the NDP. Which is a lot closer to my philosophy of what the Liberal Party should be to get my vote.” For Carmen, the prospect of supporting a non-Liberal party at either the national or the provincial level is unthinkable. This results largely from her unitary conceptions of the national and provincial Liberal parties in New Brunswick and Ontario respectively. But Louis’ separated conception of national and provincial parties and his strong ideological motivation to participation means that he judges national and provincial parties on the basis of their policies. In Louis’ case, those judgments inform his consistent identification and activism. Ascertaining the ideological proximity of national and provincial parties to their own beliefs is particularly useful for activists in provinces such as British Columbia where the national and provincial party systems differ from one another. In these cases, activists are generally aware that shared partisan labels do not guarantee ideological similarity between the national and provincial Liberal parties. As a result, these activists must rely on their own judgments of the policy of the national and provincial parties. Consistent activists within such a context have concluded that the national and provincial Liberal parties are the best locations for them to pursue their ideological and policy-orientated goals. Natasha is a consistent Liberal activist from British Columbia. Like Louis, Natasha brings significant ideological motivation to her participation at the national and provincial levels. A small businesswoman, Natasha originally became active in her local organization in order to influence public policy. “I'm very socially liberal and very fiscally conservative,” she explains, “So I would say that I'm pretty center.” For Natasha, this centrist ideological position represents the true “Liberal Party philosophy,” an ideological placement that is similar to Louis’ “rightful place of the Liberal Party.” Like Louis, Natasha identifies the true philosophy of the national Liberal Party close to her own beliefs. Working from this assumption, Natasha recognizes that there are significant ideological differences between the national and provincial Liberal parties in British Columbia. She views parties as groups of partisans who hold differing and sometimes conflicting policy preferences: The provincial Liberal Party definitely has factions that are more right-leaning. And the federal Liberal Party seems to have factions of people that are more left-leaning. The provincial party has those Socred-minded, conservative-minded kind of people. That's the B.C. Liberals. The federal  50  Liberals have people that are actually more true Liberals, I would say. People that are more true to that Liberal party philosophy.  As a result, Natasha experiences internal policy differences with other party members in the national and provincial parties. These policy differences, however, take on a radically different form at the two levels. “Sometimes I get annoyed with people in both parties that are to the right or the left of me,” Natasha says, “And usually in the provincial party, it's people that are to the right of me. In the federal, it's people that are to the left of me.”5 Despite these different distributions of ideological diversity in the national and provincial parties, Natasha continues to identify with both parties. Her consistent identification results from her own evaluation of the ideological positions of the two parties. “Both of them [the national and provincial Liberal parties] are closest to what I believe in,” she explains. By assessing national and provincial parties from an ideological perspective, Natasha is able to cope with differences between the national and provincial party systems in British Columbia. Natasha demonstrates that national and provincial parties that share a partisan designation can nevertheless sometimes appear to activists as ideologically distinctive. In part, this relates to the different jurisdictions of national and provincial governments in Canada as well as to differing social bases of support and competitive situations at the national and provincial levels. Despite these differences, consistent activists, particularly those with a unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties, may be quite forgiving and may be willing to give national and provincial parties some leeway in ideological divergence. This is because such activists are convinced that the underlying ideologies of the national and provincial parties are similar if not identical. Such activists recognize that the distinctive worlds of national and provincial politics may place differing demands on the national and provincial Liberal parties, but that the parties responses to these demands invalidates neither their ideological similarity nor their organizational linkages.  5  Conflict between moderate and more stridently conservative elements of British Columbia’s right wing is not  confined to the B.C. Liberal Party. Mackenzie provides a fascinating account of intra-party conflict in the provincial Social Credit Party and how the failure of the party to accommodate some Christian conservatives led to the creation of the right-wing Family Coalition Party of British Columbia (2005, 13-19).  51  Sadie is a long-term consistent Liberal activist from the Ontario riding of HaldimandNorfolk. She also has a unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in Ontario. In part, this conception of the parties derives from how her partisanship was inherited at an early age from her family. “It’s just my upbringing, she explains, “My family has always been Liberal. We’ve always been federal Liberals and we’ve always been provincial Liberals and that’s just kind of the way it’s been. So I’ve grown up with that.” Sadie’s unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in Ontario allows her to justify apparent ideological divergence between the two parties: I think on a general level they are [ideologically similar]. I think that the way they express those in terms of policies can sometimes be quite different because obviously federal and provincial demands can be quite different at times…I think the way they express those ideologies can be different. But I think at a general level, if you boil it down to its base, it really is the same all around…I think in the end the goals of both the federal and provincial parties are generally the same, and I think that’s why I support the party overall.  The manner in which Sadie refers to the national and provincial Liberal parties in Ontario, as “the party overall,” betrays an underlying unitary conception of the two parties. Working from this perspective, Sadie explains away apparent ideological divergence between the two parties by taking note of the different demands those parties face at the national and provincial levels. While a unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties allows activists to maintain a consistent partisanship in the face of ideological divergence between the national and provincial parties, this is hardly a prerequisite. Even activists like Natasha with a disconnected conception of the national and provincial parties may tolerate a significant amount of ideological divergence between the two parties. Natasha and Sadie demonstrate how ideological activists within the Liberal Party may be quite ineffectual anchors on the brokerage tendencies of party leaders. “Believers” like Natasha and Sadie are generally thought to place toleration limits on the actions of party leaders, albeit in a weakened form for brokerage parties like the Liberal Party (Tanguay 1992, 467). However, Natasha and Sadie are willing to tolerate ideological divergence as long as the parties remained within the bounds of, to use Natasha’s phrase, the “true Liberal Party philosophy.” The idea of a true Liberal Party philosophy calls to mind Christian and Campbell’s argument that national 52  parties in Canada are not necessarily ideological but that they do embody relatively broad ideological coalitions (1974). Ideological activists in the Liberal Party seem to perceive the existence of such a coalition and use it to guide their participation at the national and provincial levels, but they also interpret this coalition in different ways. One gets the impression that Natasha and Sadie interpret this ideological coalition as quite broad, whereas Louis has a more narrow conception. Sometimes, ideological motivations and goals do lead to inconsistent identification and participation with national and provincial parties. For inconsistent activists, different parties at the national and provincial levels best represent their own ideological preferences. Donald, an activist from the Ontario riding of Don Valley East, is a good example of an activist whose ideological goals have led to inconsistent partisanship and participation. A successful engineer approaching retirement, he identifies with the national Conservative Party. However, Donald traces his inconsistent activism to his reaction to the provincial Conservative government of Mike Harris in the 1990s. “I’m basically Conservative,” he volunteers, “I’ve pretty much voted Conservative my whole life both federally and provincially… I voted Liberal once at the federal level and have regretted it ever since.” However, the Harris government’s education policy alienated Donald. “My wife’s a high school teacher and she loves teaching. She took early retirement because she couldn’t stand what was going on in the school system. So I thought, ‘If it’s that screwed up, we’d better get rid of Mike Harris.’” As a result, Donald sought out the provincial Liberal candidate and signed up to support him. “Our local Liberal candidate…was having an open house. So I went down and introduced myself and said ‘I’d like to join his campaign.’ Mainly to get rid of the [provincial] Conservatives.” However, Donald’s policy objections to the provincial Conservative Party and his newfound activism in the provincial Liberal Party does not extend to the national level. As a result, he became an inconsistent party activist. “There’s a lot of people who look at the ideology of each [national and provincial] organization and work from there,” Donald explains, describing how his separated conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in Ontario allows him to assess the parties as separate organizations. For Donald, the separation of the two parties allows him to come to different ideological conclusions at the two levels and participate accordingly. “The provincial Liberals, I’m comfortable with their platform and their program and what they’re trying to do. Federally, I just don’t feel like they [the national Liberal Party] have 53  any platform or anything. There’s nothing there to support as far as I’m concerned.” As a result, Donald’s independent ideological judgments of the national and provincial Liberal parties have led him to assume and justify an inconsistent form of identification and activism. In some cases, such inconsistency is a response to perceived ideological differences between the Liberal parties at the national and provincial levels. Blake (1982) argues that party activists cannot identify with national and provincial parties in a consistent manner when significant differences exist between the national and provincial party systems. Perceived ideological differences between the national and provincial Liberal parties in British Columbia, for example, lead many activists to participate in the national or provincial Liberal party but in a different party at the other level. Harold, a party activist from the British Columbia riding of Port Moody-Westwood-Port Coquitlam, is a good example of an activist whose ideological goals have led him to become an inconsistent party activist. Harold is a long-time national Conservative activist who brings strong ideological motivations to this activism. “Free enterprise, low taxes, good government,” is how he succinctly summarizes those beliefs. For Harold, party activism is a good way of advancing his own ideological beliefs. I firmly believe in the philosophy of the Conservative Party,” he explains, “If I want to see that through, I’ve got to do something about it. You can’t sit on the sidelines and criticize.” Within the context of British Columbia’s dissimilar national and provincial party systems, this has meant that Harold participates in the national Conservative Party and the provincial Liberal Party. Harold moved to British Columbia from Ontario and, faced by a new provincial party system that did not include a provincial Conservative party, quickly found that the provincial Liberal Party was the best provincial party within which to advance his ideological goals. “To have any impact on the future,” he explains, “you had to become involved with the B.C. Liberals, which I did.” Accordingly, Harold became an inconsistent activist. However, Harold’s inconsistent activism led to confusion amongst his staunchly Conservative family members in Ontario where the national and provincial party systems are more similar: I went home to see my mom who still lives in Ontario and I explained to her that I was now doing some work for the B.C. Liberals. “Who!?” So I had to explain to her that the B.C. Liberals were a coalition of Conservatives, Socreds, and whoever else. And she’s eighty-six, [she said], “Well, I just hope you know what you’re doing.”  54  Harold used ideological perceptions of national and provincial parties to adapt his activism to a new environment, an environment that mystifies his family from Ontario where the national and provincial party systems are very similar. Since doing so, he has come to play an important role in the national Conservative constituency association and in national campaigns in Port Moody-Westwood-Port Coquitlam as well as in provincial Liberal election campaigns in the riding. Just as her ideological evaluations of the national and provincial parties led Natasha to adopt a consistent partisanship within the context of British Columbia’s dissimilar party systems, so too did Harold’s ideological evaluations lead him to adopt an inconsistent partisanship. In other cases, ideological goals produce single-level identification and participation. Such activists may, like inconsistent activists, be responding to differences between the national and provincial party systems. For single-level activists, however, only one party at one level best conforms to their own beliefs; there exists no equivalent at the other level and such activists therefore withdraw from that level. In other cases, an activist may identify strongly with a single party at one level on an ideological basis and devote all of his or her energies to that party. The result of such focused participation is single-level activism. Christopher, an activist from the national riding of Vancouver Quadra, is a good example of a party activist whose ideological goals shaped his identification and participation in a singlelevel direction. Christopher is a young professional but already has wide-ranging experience as a party activist given that he first became involved in Liberal politics at a young age. Christopher commenced his activism as a consistent Liberal activist and brought strongly ideological motivations to his party activism. “I saw myself more as wanting to save the world and all that stuff,” he says. Instead of abandoning his ideological goals over time, Christopher’s commitment to social justice was strengthened by his activism in the national and provincial Liberal parties. His involvement in the party organization provided a forum for Christopher to pursue his ideological goals. Christopher introduced policy resolutions to party conferences and actively participated in the debates over those and other resolutions. In this initial period, Christopher refined his progressive views and gained a reputation within the party organization as a proponent of left-wing causes. “I actually carried this reputation I had in the party as a policy wonk,” he reports, “Perhaps some might say naïve.” Rather than being frustrated by the  55  brokerage tendencies of the national Liberal Party, Christopher enjoyed and valued internal party debates over policy. Christopher joined the national and provincial Liberal Parties just prior to the 1994 provincial party convention when the national and provincial organizations were formally separated from one another. The practical effects of this formal separation for activists like Christopher were negligible in the short term: “I basically joined the parties just as they were splitting, at least on a formal basis,” he recalls, “But they were still…quite similar in terms of who was involved.” Initially, participation in the national and provincial Liberal parties created no conflict for Christopher and he remained active in the party organizations as well as in his local constituency associations in Vancouver Quadra. In this early period of his participation, Christopher detected no significant policy differences between the national and provincial Liberal parties in British Columbia. However, this changed in the period following the formal separation of the national and provincial Liberal parties in 1994. Christopher observed that the provincial Liberal Party was increasingly diverging from the centre-left pole established by the national party. For Christopher, this resulted primarily from an influx of national Conservatives and former Social Credit activists into the provincial party. Blake (1996, 78) notes that, “Many of the new members were disaffected Socreds whose addition to the Liberal activist group shifted the Liberal Party’s position in the ideological spectrum toward the right…Newcomers are ideologically distinct from veterans…those who joined the party following the 1991 election are significantly more right-wing and populist than those with longer-standing ties to the party.” Christopher personally experienced this influx of new members into the provincial party. However, he identified this influx more closely to the election of Gordon Campbell as the new leader: Gordon Campbell came in and I worked on his by-election campaign in Quilchena as a volunteer. And of course when Gordon came in there was a whole new group of people that came into the party…First, he had a certain type of appeal because he was the mayor of Vancouver…[and] with the death of the Social Credit Party, many of those people were looking for a new home. So there was an influx there. So those were two new groups who were clearly not involved in the federal Liberal Party…  56  For national Liberals, the influx of new activists, particularly national Conservatives, into the provincial Liberal Party was cause for annoyance. But for progressive activists like Christopher, the newfound presence of these “meat-eaters” - right-wing national Conservatives and former provincial Socreds - within the provincial Liberal ranks was cause for alarm. Christopher perceived a shift to the right on the part of the B.C. Liberal Party, which increasingly differentiated the provincial Liberal Party from the national Liberal party. As a result, the partisan consistency that Christopher had brought to his Liberal activism in British Columbia since his initial involvement increasingly came into conflict with the ideological consistency he had experienced prior to the provincial party’s perceived shift to the right. This conflict was especially pronounced for Christopher given the strong ideological motivations that drove his participation in Liberal politics. In addition, the presence of a new right-wing challenger to the B.C. Liberal Party, the provincial Reform Party, created incentives for the B.C. Liberals, now led by Gordon Campbell, to move to the right in order to head off an “invasion from the right” that the national Reform Party had accomplished in the 1993 national election (Flanagan 1998, Chapter 9). Christopher was aware of this strategy and, as an ideological progressive, was concerned: I had some concerns about the rightward drift [of the provincial party] at the time and particularly the explicit strategy of edging out the Reform Party. I saw the strategic merit behind that particular strategy. But I was still quite blindly idealistic at the time and I had some concerns  In particular, Christopher perceived even more ideological divergence between the national and provincial Liberal parties. Ultimately, his response to this newfound ideological divergence was to cease his participation in the provincial Liberal party and focus his energies on the national party, which he felt had remained closer to his own ideological views. “I let my membership lapse back then,” he explains. While Christopher has essentially ceased his involvement in the provincial party, he maintains solidary ties to activists in the party. These ties, however, are not strong enough to over-rule Christopher’s ideological instincts and persuade him to renew his participation in the provincial party. Instead, Christopher has become a single-level party activist who focuses his participation at only a single level. The result is that Christopher has invested significant amounts of time in the national constituency association in Vancouver Quadra, taking on 57  leadership roles in that association and in the party as a whole. Christopher is therefore a good example of an activist whose ideological goals have caused him to adopt a single-level role.  Solidary Incentives Participation in local parties also presents solidary incentives to activists. Solidary goals refer to the relationships and recreational opportunities that individuals seek through their involvement in political parties (Clark and Wilson 1961). The solidary rewards of party participation have declined as the social bases of mass parties have slowly disintegrated (Daalder 2002). However, local party organizations in particular continue to provide important solidary incentives to participation for party activists (Clark 2004, 38). Relationships between activists are developed and forged during inter-election maintenance events, election campaigns, and the high drama of election nights (Marland 2005, 135). Young and Cross find that solidary incentives are important to retaining Canadian party members, especially for the Liberal Party (2002, 567). The interviews conducted for this study re-affirm this finding. Many activists originally become active in party politics in order to pursue material or ideological goals. But the continued participation of many of these activists is sustained by the relationships formed during participation in parties and the recreational activities that parties offer. Having joined a group bound together through friendships, such activists face strong incentives to follow the pack and participate in the activities of that group. This tendency has important consequences for individual activists’ participation in national and provincial parties. Solidary or social incentives may therefore lead activists to participate in national and provincial parties in different ways. For many activists, connecting with a pre-existing social grouping of party activists encourages participation at both the national and the provincial levels. This occurs when activists join a pre-existing group of consistent activists, whether this is an informal grouping of activists or is organized more systematically within the organization of the local constituency association. Within this context, activists face incentives to participate in the activities and campaigns of the same national and provincial parties. Carmen, an activist in the national constituency of Saint John, provides a good example of a party activist whose consistent activism was motivated by solidary goals within the local activist base. The solidary bonds that are formed and developed through partisan activities 58  underlie Carmen’s participation. For Carmen, party life is defined in terms of relationships and human contact. Her participation in nomination and election campaigns is not an altruistic act, she explains; rather, it is a “two-way street” where her partisan dedication is rewarded with social contacts and relationships. “I had a great time [working on an election campaign]. I met all kinds of great people…So it’s not a one-way street. Anyone who thinks it’s a one-way street is a fool. They won’t have any fun with it either. I had a lot of fun with it.”  As Carmen became more involved in local campaigns, she developed meaningful social bonds with other local activists. Whereas other activists emphasize loyalty to the candidate or an ideological commitment when accounting for their own partisan activities, Carmen emphasizes social bonds with other activists. “Fun” is a word that appears frequently in Carmen’s own descriptions of her participation in local party events and campaigns. She isn’t alone in this respect. Doug, a Liberal activist from Don Valley East, commenced his activism for ideological reasons but quickly discovered the solidary rewards of campaigning and involvement with the local constituency association: “It was fun. I enjoyed the campaigning, getting out and talking with people. Meeting people and talking politics.” In the same way, Carmen’s partisan participation is animated by the social relationships that she developed within the local Liberal activist base: We had a great team in that [campaign] office. We had lots of fun. We had all sorts of inside jokes. You know, we’re very supportive of one another. I think we were all kind to one another. We looked out for one another, and that’s what kept us going… I just think that that helps. When you have a group of people that like each other and have a common goal and are going to be supportive of one another.  The pre-existing activist base that Carmen entered was largely engaged in both the national and provincial levels. “Far and away the majority of people [in Saint John] are involved in both parties,” explains Tony, a local party organizer. As Carmen developed social relationships with other activists, she faced solidary incentives to participation in national and provincial campaigns. As her friends signed up to work on both national and provincial campaigns, Carmen’s positive experiences on previous campaigns provided incentives for her to also 59  volunteer other campaigns at both the national and the provincial levels. “We had fun working together wherever we were,” confirms Carmen, referring to her group of friends in the local activist base. Carmen illustrates the strong influence that social relationships can have on activists’ identification and participation in national and provincial parties. Like the nature of the local constituency association structures, the nature of the local activist base influences individual activists’ identification and participation at the two levels. Carmen’s consistent activism must also be understood as a partial product of the context of the common national/provincial activist base in Saint John. Carmen originally built a social network within the context of an activist base that was largely engaged at both the national and provincial levels. Within such a context, solidary relations provided incentives for Carmen to participate in the national and provincial Liberal parties rather than in different parties at the two levels or in only a single party. However, in other ridings, the pre-existing activist base may consist of mostly inconsistent partisans. In these cases, solidary incentives may lead to inconsistent activism. The process of assimilation within the informal social groupings is identical to that encountered by Carmen, except that the activist is instead provided with solidary incentives to participate with the same group of friends in different parties at the national and provincial levels. Once activists have joined such groupings, the social bonds that bind them to members of the group function to maintain their inconsistent activism. Helen, an inconsistent party activist from the British Columbia riding of KootenayColumbia is a good example of an activist who is motivated to inconsistent participation by solidary goals. Helen’s activism commenced in the national Reform Party, which reflected her own ideological goals, and into the Canadian Alliance and the national Conservative Party. Helen originally developed a strong attachment to the national Reform Party and a hostility to Liberal politics. “We were supporters of [Reform Party] Preston Manning and his thinking,” she explains, “we felt that we were definitely conservative thinkers and we liked what we heard.” Helen’s activism at the national level was thus first motivated by ideological concerns. As a result, Helen commenced her partisan participation as a single-level activist. Following her initial participation, Helen developed strong solidary attachments to the group of national Conservative activists in her community. “I think what happened is that I formed friendships with these people,” she explains, “Then we started to do other things like have lunch. 60  And then when an election came up it was kind of fun because we were going to be working together again.” Whereas Helen was first motivated by ideological concerns, she soon encountered solidary incentives to continue to participate at the national level. These motivations led to single-level activism in the national Reform/Alliance/Conservative parties. However, Helen became involved in the provincial Liberal Party in the lead up to the 2001 British Columbia provincial election. She received encouragement to do so by the social network that she had joined through her activism in the national Conservative Party. In particular, Floyd, an influential local national Conservative, encouraged Helen and other national Conservative activists to join the provincial Liberal party. As other members of her social network signed up to support the provincial Liberal candidate, Helen felt more and more tempted to sign up herself. “I have to say that I got involved provincially because Jane and say Marie were also supporting [the provincial candidate],” she explains. The development of solidary goals were therefore influential in convincing Helen to participate in the provincial Liberal campaign despite a partisan and ideological discomfort with the party. As a result, Helen became a partisan who participates at both the national and provincial levels. Like Carmen, Helen enjoys participation with friends in both national and provincial parties. Unlike Carmen, however, this involvement has occurred in different parties at the national and provincial levels. Solidary incentives offered by her informal grouping have played a major role in sustaining Helen’s participation in these different parties at the two levels. To engage in single-level activism would mean that Helen would miss opportunities to participate in the activities of her friends at both the national and provincial levels. And to engage in consistent activism would likely confuse or even alienate large segments of that social group. In that way, Helen’s situation within her social group within Kootenay-Columbia provided her with powerful incentives to remain an inconsistent activist. In the same way that involvement in certain groups of activists creates incentives for participation at both the national and provincial levels, so too does involvement in groupings of single-level activists reslt in a lack of incentives to participate at both levels. The involvement of both Carmen and Helen in national and provincial parties is related to their solidary connections to activists who participate at both levels. However, activists without solidary connections to friends who participate at both levels experience no such solidary incentive to becoming consistent or inconsistent activists. 61  Jordan, a committed national Liberal activist from British Columbia’s Richmond constituency, is a good example of a single-level activist. As we saw, Jordan has a distinctively separated conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in British Columbia. This results in his single-level activism. But Jordan, who values his friendships with local Liberal activists, also exists within a social network that is not connected to both the national and provincial Liberal parties. When asked to describe the multi-level activism of the members of his social network, Jordan responds by re-affirming his separated conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties: I think most people are like me. I think they're federal Liberals…they seem to be more in tune with the federal Liberals than with the provincial Liberals…There's a divide there between the two [parties], for most of them. And this is only my opinion, but that's the way I feel about it, that most of the people are federal Liberals. They're very committed to the federal Liberals and they differentiate between the two [parties].  The important point here is that this is Jordan’s perception of his social network. He thinks that most of his friends are, like him, single-level activists, but he is not completely sure. What he does know is that a sharp line is drawn between the national and provincial Liberal parties within this social group and he faces no pressures whatsoever from this group to participate in the activities of the provincial Liberal Party. As a result, Jordan encounters no solidary incentives to cease his single-level activism and begin to participate in provincial politics. Jordan’s social network can therefore be contrasted with those of Carmen and Helen, who both faced significant solidary pressures within their respective social groups to participate at both the national and provincial levels. However, Jordan, despite his dislike of the B.C. Liberal Party, is still vulnerable to solidary pressures to engage with the party: I mean, I've done a little bit of work for Ms. [Linda] Reid, and I volunteered my time on that campaign because of a friend of mine who's on the [national] Liberal association but who does work provincially as well. She asked me to help, which I did.  To be sure, Linda Reid, a provincial Liberal cabinet minister from Richmond, is a popular incumbent who is identified as a national Liberal. Jordan, however, only volunteered his time for 62  Reid after encountering solidary pressures to do so. Jordan’s involvement was brief, but it does illustrate how important solidary incentives can be in encouraging activists to participate at the national and provincial levels in certain ways. In other cases, single-level activists encounter solidary encouragement to participate at both the national and provincial levels, but other incentives prevent them from doing so. This was the case for Christopher, for whom a significant number of friends are consistent activists in the national and B.C. Liberal parties. However, Christopher’s ideological aversion to the provincial Liberal Party in British Columbia allows him to resist solidary pressure to participate in local planning and campaigns at the national and provincial levels. Instead, Christopher plays an important role in the national Liberal Party but restricts himself to the role of “cocktail Liberal” at the provincial level.  Material Incentives Material motivations have always been important to attracting individuals to party activism. In the first party system, which lasted from 1867 to 1917, widespread patronage led to an almost complete politicization of the civil service as the parties rewarded supporters with jobs. Turnover in government saw widespread replacement in the bureaucracy (Carty 1992, 564). Facing such incentives, activists worked hard for local candidates in the hopes of gaining employment and government contracts as rewards. Civil service reform in 1921 led to the development of a more professional and independent bureaucracy and thus deprived the parties of the ability to stack the civil service with supporters. Despite this, material goals continue to be an important incentive to membership and activism in Canadian parties. Tanguay provides some anecdotal evidence drawn from public scandals that “venal motives” continue to explain the participation of many party activists in Canada (1992, 468). To his list could be added the more recent Sponsorship Scandal that afflicted the national Liberal Party. And Young and Cross report that material incentives are significantly more important to spurring membership in the Liberal Party than in the other national parties (2002, 560). This makes intuitive sense given the success of the party in winning national elections and holding office. However, material incentives do not play an important role in sustaining party membership. Only 2 percent of the Liberal members surveyed gave responses indicating that material goals were an important aspect of party membership and activism (2002, 63  Table 5). Clearly, a great number of Liberal Party members join up with the hope of reaping material rewards only to have those hopes dashed. The importance of solidary incentives to maintaining activism suggests that many Liberal activists sign up for material rewards but stay for the ongoing solidary rewards gained through the relationships and friendships formed within the context of the local party. Activists with material goals tend to treat their participation like they would a business. They consciously decide on a plan of action that is meant to produce the biggest pay-off in material rewards. We can distinguish between two strategies that such activists employ to reap material rewards. First, some activists with material goals diversify their interactions with national and provincial parties. Such activists participate in national and provincial parties on the view that by maximizing their interactions, they maximize the chances that they will be rewarded in some way. Diversifying is also a strategy meant to minimize risk: If the activist strikes out with the national party, he or she may still receive some benefit from the provincial party or vice versa. Activists that pursue a diversifying strategy may involve themselves in the same parties or different parties at the two levels and may therefore be consistent or inconsistent activists. The second type of strategy employed by activists with material goals is to focus their efforts at one level or the other. Such activists focus their interactions on either the national or the provincial party but not both. The logic of this strategy is that activists can, by focusing on a single party, maximize their chances of receiving material rewards from that party. If an activist hopes to receive a job from an MP, for example, that activist may focus his or her participation on the national level, expending time and effort on constituency association activities and the reelection campaign in the hope of gaining the favour of the MP. Activists who employ a focused strategy to gaining material benefits are necessarily single-level activists. And the strategy pursued by such activists is shaped by a number of factors, including the structure of the national and provincial party systems, the competitiveness of the local parties, and the specific material goals of the activist (for example, is the activist hoping to gain a government contract or a job with his or her local MP or MLA?). Material goals with a diversifying strategy may lead to consistent activism at the national and provincial levels. Tom is a good example of a party activist whose careerist goals inform his consistent activism. Originally from the Restigouche region of New Brunswick, Tom became involved in the Liberal Party as a teenager and was captivated by the prospect of a career in 64  politics. After participating in student politics, Tom arrived in Ottawa to finish his postsecondary education but quickly found himself swept up in Liberal partisan politics there. In Ottawa, Tom encountered two opportunities that shaped his future activism in the national and provincial Liberal parties. First and most importantly, the Liberal MP that represented Restigouche offered Tom employment as a staffer and Tom gladly accepted. For Tom, employment on Parliament Hill reinvigorated the careerist goals that motivated his party activism. This job also opened doors for Tom within the national Liberal organization. For example, Tom was elected to the executive of the national Young Liberals of Canada auxiliary and played an important role in that organization. As a result, Tom was able to familiarize himself with the national Liberal organization and develop contacts within that organization. Tom was presented with his second opportunity when he took a job working for the same MP, but as a constituency office worker in his home region. Having already made a name for himself in the national organization, returning home to New Brunswick gave Tom the opportunity to familiarize himself with the Liberal organization in his home province and build contacts there. As a consistent party activist, Tom worked with both national and provincial Liberals in New Brunswick. However, consistent activism also represented a diversifying strategy: By participating at both the national and provincial levels in New Brunswick, Tom hoped to multiply his opportunities in the province. Tom’s diversifying strategy allowed him to pursue opportunities at both the national and the provincial levels in New Brunswick. When a provincial redistribution created a vacant constituency in Tom’s new city of residence, Tom hastily constructed a local organization to contest the nomination. Drawing on his experience and stature in the national and provincial parties, Tom won the provincial Liberal nomination in his riding but narrowly lost the subsequent race against the Progressive Conservative candidate in the 2006 provincial election. Despite this setback, Tom took an important position with the provincial Liberal Party in Fredericton and continues to play a key role in the party. From a broad perspective, Tom’s diversifying strategy has been remarkably successful at obtaining careerist rewards from his activism. As a consistent activist, Tom was able to pursue opportunities with the national and provincial Liberal parties depending on the circumstances he found himself in at the time. In Ottawa, he was employed by and advanced in the national party. Back in New Brunswick, he continued to be employed by the national party but he also worked 65  in the provincial party organization. As a result, Tom was able to seamlessly switch his focus to the provincial level when an opportunity to pursue elected office at the provincial level arose. When that effort was unsuccessful, Tom rebounded by returning to a party job, but this time with the provincial rather than the national Liberal Party. Tom’s experiences therefore illustrate how careerist goals can lead to consistent activism. However, Tom’s strategy of attaining material rewards through consistent activism is a response in part to the incentives provided by the national and provincial parties and party systems in New Brunswick. The similarity of the national and provincial parties and party systems, as well as the organizational linkages between the two parties in that province, meant that Tom could reasonably expect to maximize his chances of receiving material benefits by diversifying his efforts across the national and provincial levels. In provinces such as British Columbia where the national and provincial party systems are dissimilar, however, such a diversifying strategy may be more difficult. In sharp contrast to Tom, activists who pursue material goals with a focused strategy typically become single-level activists. Such activists hope to derive material benefits from one level or the other by focusing specifically on one level. Everett, a professional and partner in a small Saint John firm, is a good example of a single-level activist with material goals. Everett differs from Tom in that he is uninterested in employment with the national and provincial parties and laughs at the prospect of running for office. However, Everett is very interested in obtaining government contracts. Everett’s party activism has always been motivated by material goals. His original involvement in his local party was spurred by Everett’s relentless search for “the big plum”: We received a fair share of provincial government work…generally they farm it out in an equitable manner. Except for the big plums, like a big hospital or something like that. So during my liaison with the local Liberal people, I was asking, “How does one position oneself to get more work, to get the big plums?” That sort of thing. The short answer was, “If you want to hit a home run, you’ve got to step up to the plate. Why don’t you come to a meeting?”  As a result, Everett attended the annual general meeting of his local provincial constituency association and, despite it being his first involvement with the party, was elected to the local executive. “When they see a professional walk in to a riding meeting,” he explains, “they 66  immediately assume you’re going to be on the board of directors and they vote you in. That’s what happened.” Convinced that local involvement was the best route to securing government contracts, Everett allowed himself to be nominated to sit on the executive and, since that initial involvement, has sat on the provincial executive in his riding for over ten years. Everett is a good example of a party activist with material goals because he consciously shapes the nature of his activism to maximize his chances of receiving government largesse. This is apparent even in the organization of his small firm. When Everett took on a partner in his firm, he paid special attention to the partisanship of his new partner: My friend, who is now my business partner, was thinking of coming to New Brunswick. He grew up here…I said, ‘If you’re going to come back, one of us should be a Liberal and one of us should be a Tory.’ And I said, ‘Unless you are deeply rooted in the Liberal Party of Canada or the Liberal Party of Ontario’ – because that’s where he was at the time – ‘I am currently going down this [Liberal] road, and you should look at the Tory side.’ And he said, ‘Fine, I have no problem with that.’  By convincing his partner to commit to the provincial Conservative Party, Everett hoped to make his firm competitive for government contracts even when the Conservatives were in power in New Brunswick. And this strategy proved to be successful: Upon arriving in Saint John, Everett’s new partner, a former Liberal, commenced a long period of activism in his local Conservative organization. In part, the partner played a major role in the re-election campaigns of his Conservative MLA. The motives behind this participation, according to Everett, were clear, “That’s what I did for you, so if there’s a chance for you to butter my bread, I expect you to do it.” And, Everett happily reported, this activism had finally culminated in the firm receiving “a major plum” from the then Conservative provincial government. From the commencement of his activism, Everett has focused his activism almost entirely on the provincial Liberal party. This commitment to the provincial level derives from Everett’s own assessment of the level of government that his firm is most likely to receive contracts from. For Everett, activism at the national level is a waste of time because it is unlikely to result in material benefits, at least in the form he prefers. Instead, Everett has adopted a focused strategy that allows him to concentrate on the provincial level instead of committing time and effort to both the national and provincial parties. 67  However, Everett is not immune to the pressures of the integrated party organization in Saint John. As a provincial executive member, Everett is expected to participate in the events of the national constituency association and especially in national campaigns. For him not to would be interpreted as puzzling by local activists. As a result, Everett engages in some token participation in national campaigns for Paul Zed, Saint John’s incumbent Liberal MP. But Everett’s participation at the national level is negligible, a reflection of the material goals he brings to his involvement at the provincial level. Like ideological and solidary goals, material goals may play an important role in shaping activists’ participation at the national and provincial levels. Whether the activist pursues a diversifying or a focused strategy of attaining material goals depends on both the specific nature of those goals as well as the context within which the activist pursues them. Both Tom and Everett pursued material goals within the context of New Brunswick’s integrated national and provincial parties. However, the nature of those material goals differed. Tom, for example, maximized his chances of employment and electoral success by following a diversified strategy while Everett attempted to gain contracts from the provincial government by pursing a focused strategy at the provincial level.  Organizational Incentives Ideological, solidary, and material incentives combine in certain ways with activists’ environments to produce consistent, inconsistent, and single-level participation in Canadian parties. However, the party organizations themselves – national, provincial, and local – provide incentives for activists to engage with national and provincial parties in certain ways. These are referred to as organizational incentives. Characteristics of the activist base as a whole, constituency associations, and local campaigns come together to shape activists involvement at the national and provincial levels. Organizational incentives may combine with personal, particularly solidary, incentives to shape activists’ behaviours in a certain direction. These organizational dynamics are explored in greater detail in subsequent chapters. Here we consider the impact of such organizational incentives from the perspective of individual party activists. Either the local organization or the wider party organization may provide activists with strong incentives to identify with and participate in the same parties at the national and provincial levels. This is particularly the case when the local constituency association structures 68  are integrated. Within such structures, activists face strong incentives to consistent activism and strong disincentives to inconsistent activism. Harry, a young professional from the Ontario riding of Richmond Hill, is an example of a party activist whose identification with national and provincial parties was shaped by the integrated form of the local party organization. Harry commenced his partisan involvement by joining the national Liberal Party. However, Harry’s disconnected conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in Ontario allowed him to initially reject activism in the provincial Liberal Party. “It's funny because when I joined [the national Liberal Party], I wasn't that much against the provincial Conservatives and I think I even said that I'd join [exclusively] for the federal Liberals,” he explains. In fact, Harry was sympathetic to the provincial Progressive Conservative Party and its leader, Mike Harris. Accordingly, Harry was initially an inconsistent party identifier. This inconsistency in party identification, however, was immediately strained by the relatively integrated constituency association structures in Harry’s Ontario constituency. “The first meeting [I attended] was a provincial-federal meeting,” Harry explains, “I said, ‘Well, I'll get involved since it's a better way to get to know people.’ It wasn't really because I considered myself a provincial Liberal.” Harry’s initial involvement in the provincial Liberal Party thus resulted from his desire to conform to the expectations provided by the integrated local organization. Over time, however, as Harry was exposed to joint national and provincial meetings and became friends with provincial activists, his sympathy for the provincial Conservatives waned and he instead developed identification with the provincial Liberal Party. “I guess the more you get involved in politics, the more you realize how much you don't know,” he admits, “And I started to understand what was wrong with the provincial Conservatives and that's what made me a provincial Liberal.” Harry’s identification with the national and provincial parties had been shifted from an inconsistent to a consistent form in large part as a result of the integrated nature of the local organization. Constituency association executives in strongly integrated ridings have a tendency to reject inconsistent party activists. However, this tendency also reinforces the consistent identification and activism of activists like Harry. For him, involvement in the two parties necessitates consistent identification:  69  I find that in Ontario, to be a provincial Conservative and a federal Liberal makes you alot of enemies. Anyone who would be in those circumstances generally will pick one or the other, either they'll say ‘I'm a federal Liberal’ or ‘I'm a provincial Conservative.’ Very few will try to do both at the same time. I think, realistically, if you do try to do that, you're going to have nobody trusting you on either side.  For Harry, the nature of the integrated local organization in his riding shaped his originally inconsistent identification into a consistent identification and activism with the national and provincial Liberal parties. Furthermore, the dynamics of that local organization reaffirmed Harry’s consistent identification by presenting clear disincentives to inconsistent activism. While the local activist base exercises an influence on local structures, Harry’s experience illustrates the influence of those local structures on the identification and participation of individual party activists. In Harry’s case, characteristics of the party organization discouraged inconsistent partisanship and encouraged consistency between the national and provincial levels. In other cases, however, certain aspects of the party organization may in fact discourage consistent partisanship or even encourage inconsistent or single-level forms of partisanship. Christopher encountered such organizational disincentives to consistent activism within the B.C. Liberal Party. Recall that Christopher ceased his involvement in the B.C. Liberal Party as a result of his perception that the party had become too ideologically conservative. Christopher’s ideological objections to the provincial Liberal Party saw him evolve from a consistent Liberal activist to a single-level activist at the national level. However, Christopher also faced organizational incentives to cease his activism in the provincial Liberal Party. Christopher felt that consistent activism was increasingly frowned upon in the provincial Liberal Party following the election of Gordon Campbell as leader: There has been active encouragement from the leadership of the BC Liberal Party to not have people in important positions take any role in the federal political process because of the coalition nature of the BC Liberal Party. If you work in a minister’s office or you are an MLA, you’re strongly discouraged if not directed to not participate at all in federal politics because they’re concerned with that causing rifts in the BC Liberal Party.  70  Christopher makes reference to the “coalition nature” of the provincial Liberal Party. One way that officials in the provincial party attempt to maintain their coalition between national Liberals and Conservatives is to avoid the perception that the party is too closely aligned with either of those two national parties. Within such an organizational context, activists that are actively involved in national politics may find it difficult to advance within the B.C. Liberal Party. Christopher encountered these organizational pressures within the B.C. Liberal Party. However, he also felt that that pressure was applied more to national Liberals than to national Conservatives: Federal Liberals felt that that [rule] was perhaps more enforced when it came to the federal Liberal Party then it was when it came to the federal Reform, Alliance, or Conservative parties…There was certainly a perception that the leadership was more tolerant of activity amongst BC Liberals in the Alliance or the Conservative Party then they were of activity in the federal Liberal Party.  Christopher abandoned the provincial Liberal Party to become a single-level activist largely because he disapproved of the newfound ideological conservatism of the provincial party. However, Christopher’ identity as an ideological progressive is intertwined with his identity as a national Liberal activist. Thus, his increasing ideological discomfort with the provincial Liberal Party coincided with his perception that national Liberal activists like himself were increasingly unwelcome in the party: The meat-eaters, as they’re called in the BC Liberal Party (that is, the Rich Colemans and the right-wingers), were gaining ascendancy and were allowed to do so by the party leadership while [national Liberals] like Christy Clark and Gary Farrell-Collins were perhaps being edged out a little bit… I have no idea if this is true, but some say that this played a role in Christie Clark’s departure.  For Christopher, then, single-level activism is a product of both ideological and organizational incentives. The provincial Liberal Party had diverged too far to the ideological right for Christopher. However, wrapped up in this ideological movement was, as perceived by Christopher, a newfound rejection within the party of national Liberal activists. Finding the provincial Liberal Party inhospitable to both ideological progressives and national Liberal partisans, Christopher accordingly left the party and became a single-level activist. 71  Organization pressures to activism, particularly at the constituency level, are examined in more detail in chapter four. However, activists also encounter organizational pressures from the national and provincial parties as wholes. Harry entered the national Liberal Party in Ontario as an inconsistent activist but quickly encountered organizational pressures to consistent activism at the two levels. In contrast, Christopher entered the national and provincial Liberal parties in British Columbia as a consistent activist, but encountered perceived organizational pressures that discouraged this form of activism. Both Harry and Christopher succumbed to these organizational pressures. The presence of consistent, inconsistent, and single-level activists shapes local party organizations, but the experiences of Harry and Christopher illustrate that preexisting party organizations also shape the participation of individual activists.  Activism and Time Within a Multi-Level Context Participation in local political parties generally consists of volunteer activity. As a result, partisan participation can be a high cost activity and can consume significant amounts of activists’ time (Whiteley, Seyd, and Richardson 1994, 110). Some activists are willing to expend significant amounts of time on party business while others may face time constraints. How do individual party activists cope with time constraints within a multi-level context? Multi-level institutions open up new opportunities for participation and strategies for budgeting time. Activists generally adopt one of four strategies to budgeting the time they expend on partisan activities, and the time budgeting strategy adopted by activists may reflect their other motivations or goals. First, activists may focus their participation on the administrative tasks associated with work on the local constituency associations. Second, activists may focus their energies not on administrative tasks, but instead on local campaigns. The third way that activists budget their time at the national and provincial levels is by prioritizing their participation with either the national or the provincial parties. Finally, activists may budget their time by disengaging themselves entirely from activism at one level of the federal state. These single-level activists participate with only a national or a provincial party in order to conserve their time for that party. The first strategy is to focus on certain aspects of party activity with both the national and provincial parties. Different forms of activism place different time constraints on activists. Participation in the local association executive can involve a long-term commitment of time. In 72  contrast, participation in local campaigns generally involves a relatively short burst of activity, the occurrence of which is related to the electoral cycle. By participating in certain aspects of the local organizations, activists develop specializations within the structures of the local party and limit the time expended on activism. Some activists enjoy the ongoing organizational challenges posed by involvement in the national and provincial constituency associations. Such activists may be referred to as local administrators. Such activists typically run for election to the association executive at the national and provincial levels and involve themselves in the day-to-day organization of the local party. These activists engage in activities meant to preserve the integrity of the local organization. They elect leaders; hold meetings; and maintain local party records of members, volunteers, and donors, amongst other activities (Beck 1974, 1231). In doing so, local administrators provide a crucial organizational and communicative linkage between the national and provincial association executives. Participation in the constituency association consumes a steady, continuous amount of time, although such activists will generally commit more time in the lead-up to nomination contests and during election campaigns. Peter, a member of the national association executive in Don Valley East, plays an important role in both the national and provincial association executives and is therefore a good example of a local administrator. He took on a leadership role on the provincial executive and ran for election to the national executive as well. He sits on several committees for both associations and actively participates in organizing inter-election events in the riding. Furthermore, Peter regularly attends regional party meetings and represents Don Valley East at these meetings. His administrative tasks at the local level consume a steady amount of time over a long period. “Many of my colleagues don't…get so involved,” he explains, “But because I'm retired, I guess I have the time. So I sit through a lot of meetings.” Peter, like other local administrators, finds that participation on the local executive is an attractive form of activism in the local party. He therefore finds the time and the willingness to commit time on an ongoing basis. And work on local constituency associations can be very demanding. “It demands a lot of time,” admits Wayne, a provincial constituency association president from one of the ridings encompassed by Fundy Royal. Focusing on administrative tasks on the national and provincial constituency association allows local administrators to development specialized skills. Some executive members, for 73  example, enjoy working with membership lists and will either assume the role of membership secretary for both the national and provincial associations or else will work in that area at both levels. Other executive members are skilled organizers who contribute to the planning of both national and provincial inter-election maintenance events. Still others view themselves as bagmen and seek donations for both the national and provincial associations from the same donors. Working in both the national and provincial associations allows these local administrators to fine tune their specialized skills. And by working in similar capacities in the national and provincial associations, such administrators may provide a thread of continuity between the two associations. For other activists, however, working in such an administrative capacity is viewed as mundane. “There’s guys like me who don’t get involved on the executives,” says Tony, an enthusiastic campaign worker from Saint John, “I was president of a riding for a year and I don’t want to do it again.” Instead, such activists are drawn to the exhilaration of election campaigns. Verba and Nie (1972, 118-19) refer to such local activists as “campaigners” while Dowse and Hughes (1977) refer to them as “sporatic interventionists.” In this study, such activists are referred to as local campaigners. Tony is a good example of a local campaigner. “I’m more of a campaign guy. I do it to fight those battles,” he says, “I really like campaigning. I fell in love…when I first got involved. I rolled my sleeves up…Nothing could make me happier than to go door to door [during a campaign].” For Tony, the ongoing administrative tasks associated with the local constituency associations hold little appeal. The same is true for James, a party activist from York West, who expresses satisfaction that local activists like his friend Jason are in the riding to perform tasks that he doesn’t want to. “I don’t like to get involved in all this nitty-gritty stuff,” he explains, referring to the administrative work of the constituency association, “That’s not my forte. Leave it to guys like Jason. They know all the rules and regulations. I’m not that kind of person.” As a result, Tony and James’ participation is characterized by long periods of inactivity punctuated by short bursts of activity during election campaigns. Since they are consistent or inconsistent activists, local campaigners will generally participate on both national and provincial election campaigns. In this capacity, activists are presented with the opportunity to develop specializations, such as working with campaign signs and phone lists. By focusing exclusively on campaigns rather than constituency association 74  business at the national and provincial levels, activists can reconcile their consistent participation with restraints on their time and develop a specialization in some aspect of local campaigning. Their willingness to perform the same tasks in both national and provincial campaign means that such activists constitute a link between national and provincial campaigns. However, frequent bursts of even short periods of campaign activity can quickly strain the stamina of activists. Following national and provincial election campaigns, many consistent and inconsistent activists complain of feeling “electioned out.” Sayers (1999, 68) argues that successful constituency campaigns require an appropriate mix of inner circle members, secondary workers, and casual workers. In the same way, successful local parties require both local administrators and local campaigners. The literature provides a relatively good picture of the ratio of local administrators to local campaigners: Cadre-style constituency associations are generally characterized by a small oligarchy of committed local administrators while campaigns generally draw on the efforts of significantly more local campaigners. Significantly more activists are local campaigners rather than local administrators; Cross and Young (2004, Table 12) report that 86 percent of Liberal Party members have volunteered with local campaigns, compared to 59 percent who have served on their local riding association. Working as a local campaigner is therefore a more widespread form of budgeting time between the national and provincial levels. The third way that activists budget time at the national and provincial levels is to prioritize their activities in either the national or the provincial parties. These activists could be referred to as prioritizers. This budgeting strategy should not be mistaken for single-level activism. Instead, consistent or inconsistent activists may deal with time constrains by focusing the majority of their time at one level or the other. A common form of prioritization, for example, is for activists to maintain a long-term commitment to the constituency association executive at one level while participating on only election campaigns at the other level by, for example, hosting a lawn sign on their front yard and attending party rallies. In this way, such activists prioritize their activism at one level while maintaining their commitment to the parties at both levels. James, a consistent Liberal activist from the riding of York West is a good example of a prioritizer who concentrates his activism at the national level over the provincial level. James serves a variety of roles in the national party, from leadership roles in the constituency 75  association executive to labour-intensive roles on the re-election campaigns of the national incumbent member, Judy Sgro. While he identifies strongly with both the national and provincial Liberal parties, constraints on his time force James to concentrate his activism at the national level and neglect the provincial level. “I don’t really get involved in the provincial level,” he explains. “You’ve got to remember, I still run a business. So I don’t have that much time to spend.” Despite his time constraints, James’ identification with the provincial party means that he is occasionally tempted into participation in provincial activities and especially campaigns. One gets the impression that provincial Liberals know that James enjoys being involved, so they tempt him into participation against his better judgment in order to exploit his specializations in campaigning. “I’m involved with the others [at the provincial level],” he admits, “Take the nomination campaign that’s going on now. I’ll obviously help them. I was out yesterday knocking on doors. I’ll try to give it my all because I’m not working full time.” However, the temptation to participate at the provincial level causes problems for James given his time constraints: “But like I say, I’m very busy with federal politics. I don’t have that much time to spend.” In James can be perceived an enthusiastic local campaigner who recognizes the need to prioritize his partisan activities but who has difficulty doing so. Activists are sometimes unable to identify the reasons why they prioritize their activism at one level or the other. “I just fell into it that way years ago,” says James, unable to account for his prioritization of national over provincial politics. In other cases, however, concentrating effort on one party or the other reflects an underlying preference for one party over the other. Activists may feel closer to a solidary grouping found at one level or the other or may feel ideologically closer to one party over the other. Helen is a good example of an activist who is motivated by personal goals to focus on one level over the other. Like Tony and James, Helen is a local campaigner who participates in both national and provincial election campaigns. Unlike these consistent activists, however, Helen is an inconsistent activist who participates in national Conservative and provincial Liberal campaigns. Helen is motivated by the inconsistent activist base that exists in her riding. However, her loyalties clearly lie with the national Conservative Party over the provincial Liberal Party. As a result, Helen campaigns strenuously for the national Conservative Party by, for example, working in the local campaign office until late at night but expends significantly less effort on provincial election campaigns. While she brings the enthusiasm of a strongly motivated activist to national Conservative campaigns, Helen is drawn 76  to provincial Liberal campaign events primarily by the opportunity to meet up and interact with friends. Finally, activists may deal with the time constraints presented by partisan participation by engaging with only one party at either the national or the provincial levels, by becoming a singlelevel activist. In these cases, single-level activism itself can be interpreted as a means of budgeting time expended on party activism. Such activists bring a focused goal to their activism. Without the need to distribute their time between two parties at the national and provincial levels, such activists focus all their available energy on a single level. Members of the provincial constituency association executive in the Ontario riding of Perth-Wellington are good examples of activists who are aware of the time demands dual-level participation can place on activists. Provincial organizers in the riding focus on the activities of the provincial constituency association and provincial campaigns. The same organizers avoid the activities of the national association and national campaigns in order to remain focused at the provincial level and not expend energy on the national Liberal Party. This tendency on the part of provincial organizers to discourage local activists from participating at the national level results in the development of very few formal or informal linkages between the national and provincial Liberal parties in Perth-Wellington. MPs and MLAs are well aware of how dual-level participation can exhaust a local activist base. For some incumbent members, this is a necessary by-product of cooperation between the national and provincial parties; the benefits of cooperation outweigh the exhaustion of the local activist base. For these incumbent members, a unitary conception of the national and provincial Liberal parties and a strong commitment to the Liberal brand make it impossible for them to discourage local activists from contributing to activities and campaigns at the other level. Other MPs and MLAs, however, are wary of participation by local activists in the activities and campaigns at the other level for fear of that local activist base becoming exhausted prior to their own re-election campaign. For these incumbent members, dual-level participation by local activists raises the possibility of those local activists becoming “electioned out” and therefore unavailable to their own re-election campaigns. “People can get tired,” confirms an MLA from New Brunswick when asked to describe the consequences of an integrated local organization, “You have many [national and provincial] elections, many leadership campaigns. There’s always something going on. So there’s the risk that people will get tired and overworked 77  because they’re all volunteers.” Such incumbent members may actively discourage activists from participating at the two levels in order to keep them fresh for later events and campaigns. Individual motivations help to shape the participation of activists with national and provincial parties. However, the salience of these motivators is generally compromised by limits to the time activists are willing to contribute to partisan activity. Time constraints limit activists’ opportunity to participate at both the national and provincial levels. As a result, activists may budget their time at both levels or become single-level activists. The results of time constraints may function to shape the participation of the local activist base at the national and provincial levels, to which we now turn.  Local Activist Bases in Multi-Level Context The previous sections addressed party activists, their identification with and participation in national and provincial parties, as individuals. This section turns to addressing local groups of activists, the local activist bases that exist in each separate constituency. To what extent can we distinguish between activist bases that are linked to both the national and provincial parties and activist bases that are linked to either the national or the provincial party? And what are the consequences of these different types of activist bases for the relative integration or differentiation of the national and provincial parties? Distinguishing between the different activist bases present in constituencies on the basis of party activists’ engagement with national and provincial parties allows for the construction of a continuum that ranges between integrated and differentiated activist bases. Such integrated and differentiated activist bases fit within the model of integrated and differentiated local parties presented in chapter one. Figure 3.1 illustrates this continuum:  78  Figure 3.1: Archetypal Integrated and Differentiated Local Activist Bases  Archetypal Integrated Activist Base  Archetypal Differentiated Activist Base  ! Participation at both levels (Consistent and/or Inconsistent Activists)  ! Participation at one level (Single-Level Activists)  An archetypal integrated activist base exists where the national and provincial parties share the same common activist base. Such an activist base would exist where every activist in the riding participates in politics at both the national and provincial levels. In contrast, archetypal differentiated activist bases exist where every activist present participates in either the national or provincial constituency association but not both. Archetypal differentiated activist bases therefore exist where all activists are necessarily single-level activists. Local activist bases range between these two archetypes. Activist bases composed largely of activists who participate at both the national and provincial levels tend toward the integrated activist base archetype. Integrated nationalprovincial activist bases are intertwined with the national and provincial parties and their development as groups, complete with informal customs and internal dynamics, reflects this. In ridings like Ontario’s Ajax-Pickering or New Brunswick’s Saint John, for example, local activists with roles on constituency associations and campaigns tend to identify themselves as consistent Liberals at the national and provincial levels. Furthermore, it is difficult for activists to identify single-level activists that are active in the riding. Many local activists do prioritize their participation at either the national or the provincial level. But these time budgeting strategies allow activists to maintain linkages to both the national and provincial parties while, for whatever reason, continuing to focus the bulk of their energies on one level. In contrast, activist bases comprised largely of single-level activists tend toward the differentiated archetype. In these cases, national and provincial groups of activists evolve separately from one another, developing their own traditions and internal dynamics. It is more 79  difficult to find relatively unalloyed examples of differentiated activist bases than to find comparable examples of integrated national-provincial activist bases. Generally, even largely differentiated national and provincial activist bases do share some activists. Integrated activist bases consist largely of activists who participate in both national and provincial parties. In ridings like Ajax-Pickering and Saint John, the overwhelming majority of joint activists are consistent in their identification and participation. However, in provinces like British Columbia, where the national and provincial party systems are quite dissimilar, integrated activist bases at the national and provincial levels may include consistent and inconsistent activists. In Kootenay-Columbia, for example, it is the national Conservative Party and the provincial Liberal Party that share a largely common activist base. Right-wing activists in British Columbia activists tend to participate in the national Conservative Party. At the provincial level, however, their ideological aversion to the provincial N.D.P. provides an incentive for these activists to participate in the provincial Liberal Party. The integrated national-provincial activist base in Kootenay-Columbia differs in important qualitative ways from those in ridings like AjaxPickering and Saint John. But it is nevertheless a common activist base, consisting of activists who participate at both the national and provincial levels and who have evolved traditions and customs as a group. Indeed, those customs and the internal dynamics of this ConservativeLiberal integrated activist base in Kootenay-Columbia are strikingly similar to those of the Liberal-Liberal integrated activist base in Saint John. These examples have focused on relatively unalloyed examples of integrated or differentiated activist bases. However, most Liberal activist bases contain both dual and singlelevel activists and therefore appear closer to the center of the continuum. Activists generally acknowledge that activist bases contain a combination of dual and single-level activists. But they also tend to identify a dominant group of activists in the riding. This dominant group consists of dual-level activists in ridings like Ajax-Pickering and Saint John and single-level activists in Perth-Wellington. Where either dual or single-level activists are dominant, other activists are less likely to be open about their own participation. The dominant group of activists in Don Valley East, for example, are consistent in their participation. As a result, inconsistent activists are uncomfortable disclosing their own participation. In the same way, consistent activists in PerthWellington know that the provincial activist base consists largely of single-level activists, so they are unlikely to share their own consistent participation. This reticence on the part of the non80  dominant group of activists in the riding in turn reinforces the view that the local activist base is strongly integrated or differentiated when in fact there may be significant variation in the participation of local activists. The nature of the national and provincial party systems also structures the impact of integrated activist bases on the local party. In Ontario and New Brunswick, integrated activist bases generally consist of activists who participate in the national and provincial Liberal parties. In British Columbia, however, differences between the national and provincial party systems mean that integrating activist bases may consist of consistent activists, as in Ontario and New Brunswick, but also inconsistent party activists who cope with dissimilarity in the national and provincial party systems by participating in different parties at the two levels. The result of these peculiar integrated activist bases is that the participation of local activists binds together parties of different partisan designations at the national and provincial levels. In many British Columbia ridings, for example, a largely inconsistent activist base creates linkages between the provincial Liberal Party and the national Conservative Party. The result is that both national Conservatives and national Liberals staff provincial Liberal constituency associations and campaigns. These activists in turn function to build often times informal linkages at the local level between the provincial Liberal Party and their respective national parties. The manner in which such an activist base integrates national and provincial local parties differs in important qualitative ways from those in Ontario and New Brunswick. Nevertheless, the character of local party organization in such ridings is distinctly integrated as a result of this activist base. These findings are important because the presence of integrated and differentiated activist bases has consequences for the organization and conduct of constituency associations and local campaigns. Constituency association executives in ridings with integrated activist bases tend to be staffed by dual-level activists drawn from the local activist base. These executive members, the local administrators that are common to both the national and provincial organization, are much more likely than single-level activists to construct linkages between the national and provincial constituency associations. Such activists are more likely, for example, to plan joint events between the national and provincial associations and provide support for the association at the other level. In contrast, where differentiated activist bases exist, the association executive is likely to be staffed by single-level activists. Such activists are less receptive to cooperation between the national and provincial associations and are therefore more likely to conduct the 81  business of the association in ways that differentiate the association from its counterpart at the other level. Joint inter-election maintenance events, for example, are less likely to occur in these ridings. In these ways, the nature of the activist base has an impact on the organization of local constituency associations. In the same way, local campaigns where integrated activist bases exist are likely to draw on dual-level activists to staff the candidate’s inner circle and particularly the armies of secondary workers that perform labour-intensive tasks during the campaign. This means that in both national and provincial campaigns, the same group of activists can be found licking envelopes, door-knocking, and pounding in signs along the highway. The specializations that activists, particularly local campaigners, develop are used in both national and provincial campaigns. In contrast, distinctive activist bases mean that national and provincial campaigns will draw on very different groups of activists to work during campaigns. Where there are distinctive activist bases, national and provincial campaigns will therefore be quite different from one another. Because local campaigns draw on local activist bases to a certain extent, the presence of integrated or distinctive activist bases necessarily shapes the character of local campaigns. Chapters four and five expand on these arguments. The local organizations of the Liberal Party are flexible and adaptive. Constituency associations and local campaigns may shift between integrated and differentiated forms fairly quickly in response to new influences. But local activist bases differ from constituency associations and local campaigns in this respect. There is a long history of consistent activism and party membership in many Ontario and especially New Brunswick ridings. Such consistency, rooted in local tradition and in the psyches of local activists with unitary conceptions of the national and provincial Liberal parties, may be greatly resilient. In contrast, such traditions of consistency are hardly present in British Columbia ridings, where the national and provincial party systems have been quite distinctive since the 1950s. This resiliency has consequences for the organization of constituency associations and campaigns. The literature suggests that national and provincial parties in Canada are largely separated from one another. This perspective is oftentimes informed by formal-legal approaches that emphasize the constitutional separation of national and provincial parties. Yet in the constituencies, many local activists who make up the personnel that staff local constituency associations and campaigns participate in both national and provincial politics. While separation 82  of national and provincial parties may be evident from readings of those parties’ constitutions, the distinction between national and provincial dissolves in many constituencies where local activists fail to distinguish between parties at the two levels in both their perceptions and their behaviors. This finding suggests that the picture of national-provincial separation provided by the literature is incomplete and that local activists may constitute a crucial linkage between national and provincial parties.  83  Chapter Four: Constituency Associations Despite being primarily electorally focused, electoral district associations (or constituency associations) represent the continuous organizational presence of Canada’s political parties in the constituencies. As such, they carry out a range of functions between elections, including organizational maintenance, membership and candidate recruitment, communications, and campaign preparations (Carty 1991, 60). The manner in which individual constituency associations in Canada carry out the functions assigned them reflects the imperatives presented by their unique ecological and organizational environments. From an ecological perspective, constituency associations grapple with carrying out their functions within individual ridings that vary widely in their geography and social and economic compositions (Carty and Eagles 2005). From an organizational perspective, constituency associations are tasked with adapting themselves to the local riding context while nevertheless maintaining the “brand” of the party as a whole. This discussion begs the question: what types of organizational structures have constituency associations evolved in response to a) Canada’s multi-level institutional arrangements and b) the processes of organizational disentanglement that have taken place between national and provincial parties? This chapter suggests that, contrary to the view that national and provincial parties in Canada are separated from another, many constituency associations at the national and provincial levels do share important linkages. Formal separation of national and provincial parties together with the corresponding formal separation of those parties’ local organizations suggests that national and provincial parties’ constituency associations operate at a strict distance from one another, inhabiting as they do separate political worlds. However, parties that harbor stratarchies within their organizations necessarily grant relative autonomy to the different components of that organization (Mair 1994, 17). The autonomy of Canadian constituency associations from their wider parties allows these associations the freedom to interact with associations at the other level of the federal state in different ways. Many constituency associations do so in response to the unique constellation of incentives in the communities that make up the riding. Others replicate the formal separation of 84  national and provincial parties in their own organizations. Such associations have little to no contact with the constituency association at the other level. Distinguishing between constituency associations on the basis of the number and nature of interactions with the association at the other level allows for the construction of a continuum that ranges between integrated national and provincial constituency organizations and differentiated constituency organizations. This continuum is illustrated in figure 4.1: Figure 4.1: Archetypal Integrated and Differentiated Constituency Organizations  Archetypal Integrated Constituency Organizations  Archetypal Differentiated Constituency Organizations  ! Common Executive Membership (Affiliated Structures) ! Joint Auxiliary Organizations ! Joint Inter-Election Maintenance (Common Party Life)  ! Separate Executive Memberships (Distinctive Structures) ! Separate Auxiliary Organizations ! Separate Inter-Election Maintenance (Distinctive Party Life)  An archetypal integrated constituency organization would exist where the association was strongly linked with the constituency association at the other level. The qualitative research conducted for this dissertation revealed that such an integrated organization would have the following three characteristics. First, party activists that were active at both the national and provincial levels would staff the constituency association executives. Such activists may be consistent activists in that they participate in Liberal parties at the national and provincial levels. In addition, inconsistent activists – who participate in a Liberal party at one level but a different party at the other level – may also staff the association executives where they function to build linkages between different parties at the national and provincial levels. Second, any auxiliary units in the constituency would be linked to both the national and provincial constituency associations. Third, inter-election maintenance activities would be coordinated and executed jointly by the national and provincial constituency associations. Such constituency organizations 85  would be effectively (though not formally) unitary across the national and provincial levels. As a result, such integrated constituency organizations constitute an important linkage between national and provincial parties at the local level. In contrast, archetypal differentiated constituency organizations exist where the organizations have no contact whatsoever with their counterparts at the other level. Such organizations differ from integrated constituency organizations on each of the three key indicators observed during the field research for this dissertation. In such organizations, executive members would be active at either the national or the provincial levels but not at both. Such activists are identified as single-level activists. Second, any auxiliary units present will be linked to only a single constituency association. Third, national and provincial constituency organizations plan separate inter-election events and do not involve the association from the other level in that planning. Such constituency organizations would be effectively and formally separated from one another at the national and provincial levels. As a result, such differentiated constituency organizations function to reinforce the formal separation of national and provincial parties at the local level. Conceiving of constituency associations on the basis of their linkages to the association at the other level allows for different associations to be plotted somewhere between archetypal integrated and differentiated organizations. Such constituency organizations generally do not fall at either end of the continuum and therefore do not constitute ideal type organizations. Most organizations have characteristics of both integrated and differentiated constituency organizations. Instead, the continuum is used as a framework to examine differences in the extent to which constituency organizations at the national and provincial levels are linked to one another. There does appear to be significant diversity amongst constituency organizations. In a 1991 survey, 64 percent of all national Liberal constituency associations reported some focus on provincial politics (Carty 1991, 49). This is not the picture of separated party organizations that one would expect given the scholarly consensus on the separation of national and provincial party organizations in Canada. In contrast, these findings suggest that diversity exists in how local parties organize at the national and provincial levels. While some national associations are confining themselves to carrying out their function exclusively at the national level, others are 86  involving themselves in some capacity in provincial politics. A survey of provincial constituency associations might find a similar diversity of involvement at the provincial and national levels. In the following sections, executive membership, auxiliary organizations, and interelection maintenance activities of constituency associations are examined within the context of this framework.  Executive Membership In each Liberal constituency association, a select group of activists staff the association executive. These executive members are selected by the association membership as a whole at an annual general meeting. In this capacity, members of the executive oversee the business of the constituency association. These executive members maintain the finances and the membership lists of the constituency association, plan fundraisers and party activities, organize nomination contests in the riding, and provide support to candidates and incumbent MPs and MLAs. Constituency association executives tend to be small and close-knit groups. They represent the nucleus of long-term party activists in the community and the core of the local organization (Carty 1991, 52; Thorburn 1961, 85). While the membership of the Liberal Party’s cadre-style constituency associations tends to ebb and flow with the electoral cycle (Carty 1991, 37), members of the association executive lend stability to the association through their longterm involvement. “The board,” one activist explains, “is the mainstay.” Executive presidents tend to serve in that capacity for relatively short periods of time. This reflects not intense competition for the position, but rather the propensity of long-term executive members to pass the position around as an honorific (Carty 1991, 52). Executive members in Grand BayWestfield rotate the position amongst themselves; however, their responsibilities as executive members rarely change as a result. Given the freedom afforded constituency associations by the wider party organization and relative acquiescence of the general constituency association membership, this small group of local activists plays a decisive role in shaping the nature and structure of the local constituency association (Sayers 1999, 37). The presence of executive members that engage with a party at the other level of the state is an important indicator of integrated constituency associations for two reasons. First, dual-level executive members bring a mixed national-provincial perspective and experience in both national and provincial politics to their roles. Through their activism on the constituency 87  association executive, such members tend to extend that perspective and experience to the association as a whole. Where opportunities for integration and the construction of close ties between the national and provincial constituency associations exist, such members are likely to embrace them given their attachments to the party at the other level. Second, dual-level executive members constitute an important communicative linkage between national and provincial constituency associations. Dual-level executive members are in a good position to keep the national and provincial associations informed of the activities of one another. And where formal cooperation between the national and provincial associations takes place, such dual-level members are well placed to act as go-betweens. Dual-level executive members therefore constitute a linkage between national and provincial constituency associations that facilitates joint endeavors and coordination of activities and resources between levels. The national constituencies of Don Valley East and Ajax-Pickering are both urban constituencies in the Greater Toronto Area. The national and provincial constituency association executives in these ridings are good examples of integrated executives. Members of both executives are generally dual-level activists who identify and volunteer with both the national and provincial Liberal parties. Peter, an executive member in Don Valley East, estimated that a third of the provincial executive also sits on the national executive: “We're atypical in that we have so many executive members on both [the national and provincial executives]. I’d say we’re weighted towards being involved at both levels.” Highly motivated, these activists’ dual-level conception of partisanship is manifested in their participation on both the national and provincial executives. In addition, an ex-officio rule in Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East allows for the national constituency association president to sit on the provincial executive and vice-versa. Exofficio members are invited to participate in executive meetings and discuss the activities of the executive at the other level but are not permitted to vote with the executive as a whole. Some activists view the ex-officio position as an honorific extended from one constituency association to another. Others view the ex-officio rule as a throw back to the period when the national and provincial Liberal organizations were more intertwined. Still others view the rule as an acknowledgement of the informal national-provincial cooperation that can take place at the local level despite formal separation of the two parties. “It [the ex-officio rule] is symbolic of the relationship between the federal and provincial parties,” argues Rod, a member of both the 88  national and provincial association executives in Don Valley East. In any case, ex-officio members also play a practical role in sustaining lines of communication between the national and provincial association executives. Such ex-officio members open up opportunities for communication and cooperation between the national and provincial constituency associations. In Don Valley East and Ajax-Pickering, executive presidents maintain communications between the national and provincial executives by attending as many executive meetings at the other level as possible. At these meetings, the provincial president reports on the activities of his association to the national association. Attendance at national meetings also allows the provincial ex-officio to stay abreast of the activities of the national association. “I like to be on top of what's happening,” he explains. But in other ridings where an ex-officio rule exists, presidents may not find the role important enough to justify the time expended on attending executive meetings at the other level. In the provincial New Brunswick constituency of Kenebecaisis, for example, the president of the national association is extended the opportunity to attend provincial executive meetings but rarely does so. A spirit of camaraderie between the national and provincial Liberal parties pervades executive meetings in Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East. In the lunches and informal discussions over coffee that inevitably conclude both national and provincial executive meetings, the national and provincial Conservative leaders are held up to equal disdain. Conversation revolves around whatever issues are pertinent at the moment, whether related to national or provincial politics. This focus is also related to the electoral cycle. During national election campaigns, meetings of the provincial executive inevitably lose focus and turn to the national campaign at hand. The same occurs at national executive meetings during provincial elections. The solidary bonds between executive members that result from these interactions are distinctly dual-level in nature. In this way, the integrated structures of the national and provincial constituency associations help to inform the perspectives of party activists. This national-provincial spirit of camaraderie on the association executives in AjaxPickering and Don Valley East works to reinforce the participation of executive members in the national and provincial parties. This dual-level camaraderie, however, also works to exclude inconsistent party members from the group as a whole. Inconsistent party activists generally discover that their partisan inconsistency is incompatible with the integrated association executives in these constituencies. As a result, activists who wish to engage with a Liberal Party 89  at one level but a different party at the other level find that the association executives in AjaxPickering and Don Valley East are generally inhospitable. Consistent members of integrating executives generally regard inconsistent members with a sense of Liberal tolerance. “You can't hold that [inconsistent activism] against someone,” Peter explains, “If they sign up for a membership with us and attend our meetings and help with activities, then we accept them.” But underlying that tolerance may be suspicion. For executive members in Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East, partisan consistency is related to partisan loyalty. Inconsistency is therefore cause for suspicion. “We accept that [inconsistent members],” admits Rod, “but we don't put them in positions where they'll carry secrets.” Inconsistent members are generally considered to be incompatible with the integrating association executives in Don Valley East and Ajax-Pickering given that those associations are orientated toward both national and provincial electoral politics. Claudette, an executive member from Ajax-Pickering, expresses this view well: “If they sit on the riding association, I would think that it [inconsistent activism] was a conflict of interest.” For such activists, the relationship between consistency and loyalty is strong enough that inconsistent executive members are considered untrustworthy. “To me, that's like having a spy in your midst,” says Claudette, “That's shocking.” As a result, executive members in Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East that identify with a non-Liberal party at the other level find themselves distinctly out of step with the dual-level and integrated nature of the executives. For these activists, divergence from the local norm necessitates that their partisan sympathies are kept from public view. Donald is a member of the provincial Liberal association executive in Don Valley East. However, he is strongly critical of the national Liberal Party and instead identifies with the national Conservative Party. Donald’s inconsistent activism continuously informs the nature of his activism on the provincial Liberal executive in Don Valley East: I sometimes feel a little bit uncomfortable with it [cooperation between the national and provincial associations] because I don’t agree with the federal Liberals’ policies but, you know, I don’t rant and rave or anything like that…I would doubt that most people know that I don’t support the federal Liberal Party…I would say we [inconsistent executive members] maintain a low profile… If they [provincial executive members] were talking about federal issues, I would just sit back and let them discuss them.  90  The experiences of inconsistent party activists in Don Valley East and Ajax-Pickering serve to emphasize the strength of the linkages between the national and provincial associations in these ridings. To the extent that inconsistent members are perceived as capable of undermining those connections, by, for example, “ranting and raving” over cooperation between the two associations, the wider executive rejects them. By doing so, integrated association executives remove a potential obstacle to open cooperation and coordination with the association at the other level. The “core” of long-term party activists that sits on the national and provincial association executives in Don Valley East and Ajax-Pickering is, with the exception of any inconsistent members, also the segment of the activist base that is highly involved in both the national and provincial Liberal parties. This orientation of the core activist base has consequences for the constituency association as a whole because executive members generally direct the activities – such as inter-election maintenance events – and the organization of the constituency association. In Don Valley East and Ajax-Pickering, the highly motivated dual-level activists that sit on the executives exhibit a willingness to express their dual conception of partisanship by building linkages between the national and provincial associations. This tendency is encouraged by the relative passivity of the local membership base and the presence of ex-officio presidents from the other association. The result is an acceptance of both formal and informal types of coordination and cooperation between the national and provincial associations. In the same way that a significant number of dual-level activists on the constituency association is an indicator of an integrating constituency association, so too does the presence of single-level executive members indicate that the constituency association has taken on a more differentiated form. Single-level activists lack a mixed perspective of national-provincial partisan politics. Such activists accordingly bring a focused perspective to their activism at either the national or provincial levels. Where a significant number of single-level activists staff the constituency association executive, this perspective extends to the nature of the association as a whole. As a result, single-level activists on such association executives tend not to construct substantive linkages between the national and provincial associations. The provincial constituency association executive in the Ontario constituency of PerthWellington provides a good example of an executive that is relatively differentiated from the national constituency association. Single-level activists on the constituency association executive 91  play a role in differentiating the two associations from one another. While some dual-level activists are active on the provincial executive, they are outnumbered and do not encourage cooperation between or integration of the national and provincial constituency associations. As a result, single-level activists are largely successful in focusing the activities of the constituency association on the provincial level rather than in integrating itself with the constituency association at the national level. The factors that shape the single-level activism of executive members in PerthWellington are distinctively local. Perth-Wellington is unusual in that it is a rural constituency in southwest Ontario with a Liberal rather than a Conservative MLA. The provincial constituency association in Perth-Wellington is a professional organization that is closely linked to the MLA, John Wilkinson. Prior to the election of Wilkinson, the constituency association in PerthWellington was generally weak and disorganized. Wilkinson sought to construct an extraparliamentary local party organization in Perth-Wellington that would build linkages between the provincial Liberal Party and the citizens of the riding and benefit his re-election campaigns. Accordingly, Wilkinson assigned his former campaign manager and current assistant, Adrian, to begin the process of constructing a permanent local organization. Adrian went about recruiting executive members that he felt could be trusted. As is the case in other rural ridings, Adrian placed emphasis on recruiting executive members from the major population centers of the constituency, providing a ready-made campaign association that would have the ability to reach into the disparate corners of the constituency. In addition, Adrian himself took on a leadership role on the association executive, providing a crucial linkage between the elected member and the constituency association. The result was a competitive and professional cadre-style local organization. Prior to this activity at the provincial level, the national Liberal Party in Perth-Wellington experienced significant internal difficulties. The national party nominated Rick Horst in a competitive and contentious nomination race in anticipation of a 2003 by-election in the riding. The unsuccessful candidate, Brian Innes, challenged the result and the party overturned the result. Innes was successful in the second nomination race and the activist base in the constituency was subsequently polarized between those who had supported Horst for the nomination and those who supported Innes. Partially as a result of this local intra-party strife, Innes was unexpectedly defeated in the by-election by the Progressive Conservative candidate. 92  The loss intensified conflict between the two segments of the national party’s local activist base. Worse still for the local party, elections at the constituency association’s annual general meeting produced an executive that contained members of both factions. As a result, the conflict that characterized the association as a whole was imported on the association executive. From the perspective of the provincial constituency association, the “poisonous atmosphere” of the national constituency association was much to be avoided. Given that provincial officials in Perth-Wellington hoped to build a professional local organization to support the incumbent member, the prospect of drawing on the resources of the conflicted national executive was rejected. Given that the national and provincial constituency associations in Perth-Wellington had traditionally been integrated to one another, the potential existed for the conflict of the national party to be exported to the provincial party. Instead, the provincial constituency association worked to avoid this eventuality. Provincial officials in PerthWellington hoped to avoid the conflict present in the national association by constructing a focused organization at the provincial level. As a result, single-level activists took on a new importance in the provincial constituency executive. Dual-level activists existed on the executive. The state of affairs with the national association, however, prevented these members from encouraging cooperation with that association. The ex-officio rule in Perth-Wellington was quietly dropped. The president of the national association executive also sits on the provincial association executive but is a relatively inactive member. The lack of substantive connections between the two Liberal executives in PerthWellington results in an absence of communication between the associations and a lack of cooperation between them. The two association executives, for example, do not cooperate in holding inter-election events. Neither do they support the activities of the association at the other level. The presence of dual-level and single-level activists on the constituency association executive is an important indicator of the relative integration or differentiation of constituency associations at the national and provincial levels. In Don Valley East and Ajax-Pickering, duallevel activists on the association executives are instrument in maintaining linkages between the national and provincial association. Single-level members, on the other hand, bring a focused perspective that is conducive to the development of differentiating constituency associations. 93  Auxiliary Units Local auxiliary units play a role in the constituencies by helping to maintain the local party organization and providing personnel for campaign teams (Young 2000, 134). Scarrow (1964, 58), for example, emphasizes the importance of women as poll workers in the 1962 election. Women’s auxiliaries in particular have traditionally filled these roles by mobilizing women into the local organization, even if such units simultaneously functioned to prevent women from advancing within the party bureaucracy (Whitaker 1977, 195-196). Auxiliary units also allow the local organization to penetrate specific groups within the riding. Ethnic auxiliary groups, for example, may play this role in ethnically diverse constituencies (Carty and Eagles 2005, 21; Sayers and Jetha 2002). While auxiliary units may play an important role at the local level, they are not present in every constituency. 61 percent of Liberal constituency associations surveyed for the 1991 Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Finance reported at least one separate branch organization attached to the association (Carty 1991, 53). The presence of auxiliary units in individual constituencies is dependent on local activists willing to take the initiative to form or maintain such a group. As a result, auxiliary units are more likely to exist in constituencies where there is a large activist base. Auxiliary units may provide a more attractive entrance to local participation than does the constituency association as a whole. Despite their efforts to be inclusive, the intimate nature of association executives may result in their being perceived as cliques by the wider activist and membership bases within the association. As a result, some activists find it difficult to break into the small group of executive members in the constituency. Gina, a party activist from the B.C. constituency of Vancouver Quadra, was frustrated by the closed nature of the local executive when she first became active in the local party. “I never really got involved in the constituency association in Quadra,” she explains, “I still never felt I could get…noticed. I didn’t know the threshold or what I had to do to get those people to recognize that I was even there and learn my name. A long-term group of committed party activists in Vancouver-Quadra have given themselves the title of “The Quadra Clique” to capture their long-standing activism in the constituency association and their strong social bonds. The negative aspect of such informal solidary groupings is that outsiders such as Gina may find it difficult to penetrate them. 94  Auxiliary units may provide an attractive alternative to accessing the constituency association executive directly. Youth, for example, may be more drawn to the raucous activities of the local youth auxiliary than to the comparably staid events of the constituency association. “The constituency association was a group of old people who met and talked,” explains Gina, “I didn’t feel too connected with that group.” Instead, the B.C. Young Liberals organization offered an alternative to the “old people” of Vancouver-Quadra. For activists seeking solidary rewards, participation in auxiliary units may be particularly rewarding. If auxiliary units are linked to the national or provincial constituency associations (or both), those linkages may also give members of auxiliaries an opportunity to penetrate the constituency association executive. Applying a hard definition to local auxiliary units presents difficulties. Lawson (1990, 115) distinguishes between auxiliary organizations that constitute sections of the parties and auxiliaries that act as separate “parallel institutions” to the party. It is difficult to make this distinction at the local levels of Canadian political parties. While auxiliary units are mandated by the party constitution, they also retain autonomy from the party as a whole. Such autonomy lends auxiliary units the ability to engage with either the national and provincial constituency associations or both in a variety of ways. In practice, linkages between different constituency associations can be confused as there are oftentimes few clear power relationships between auxiliary units and constituency associations. Instead, the organizations are generally sustained by informal relationships. Auxiliary organizations are an important indicator of the integration of constituency associations. In the face of formal separation between national and provincial constituency associations, auxiliary units may provide an organizational forum for the integration of national and provincial party life in the constituencies. This occurs in two ways. First, auxiliary units may constitute an intermediary between the national and provincial constituency association. Free from the formal separation that is imposed on constituency associations, auxiliary organizations may construct linkages to both the national and provincial constituency associations. Second, auxiliary organizations play such a role when they allow for participation from both national and provincial activists. In doing so, auxiliary units provide a context for national and provincial activists to develop solidary bonds that facilitate cooperation and close relations between the two constituency associations. 95  The national Liberal Women’s Commission is a loosely organized group of constituency level women’s auxiliaries. These local groups are largely non-institutionalized units and are organized in a loose, informal manner. They exist only where a sufficient number of activists are present to sustain such an organization. Whereas the leadership of the Commission would prefer to have a Liberal women’s auxiliary in every constituency, in reality activists have taken the initiative to build regional clubs where there are insufficient numbers of activists in every constituency to sustain individual auxiliary units. Members of constituency association executives sometimes initiate the creation of a local women’s auxiliary, binding the organization to the local constituency association from the outset. In other cases, activists apart from the local executive initiate the creation of such an auxiliary. In these cases, the auxiliary may maintain a formal distance from the local association executive. While some clubs identify explicitly as national or provincial Liberal auxiliaries, others are ambiguous and are open to participation from national and provincial Liberal members. Such an informal manner of organization is apparent in the local women’s auxiliary in the Ontario constituency of Richmond Hill. The local women’s auxiliary is organized in a loose and informal manner. When women from neighboring constituencies contemplated creating their own auxiliaries, the decision was taken to transform the Richmond Hill auxiliary into a regional group rather than see the creation of several small auxiliaries in neighboring ridings. Thus, membership in the auxiliary is not restricted to residents of the riding of Richmond Hill. Neither is membership restricted to members of either the national or the provincial parties. Despite its roots as a national auxiliary group, the auxiliary declines to formally affiliate itself with either the national or the provincial party and is therefore open to participation from members of both the national and provincial Liberal parties. Some members of the national executive view the local women’s auxiliary as an exclusively national organization. “Bryon [Wilfert, the incumbent MP], I can tell you, believes that it is essentially his women’s club,” reports Jenn, an auxiliary member. But such claims are not reflected in the organization of the auxiliary. Instead, the status of the women’s auxiliary in Richmond Hill as a national or a provincial organization is unclear, even to its own members. “I can’t give you a definitive answer because I’m still trying to figure it out,” Jenn responds when asked whether the auxiliary is primarily a national, provincial, or dual-level organization. 96  This lack of clarity over formal structure obscures the important informal linkages that exist between the auxiliary and both the national and provincial Liberal associations in Richmond Hill. Members of both the national and provincial association executives in Richmond Hill are also members of the women’s auxiliary. Typically, a member of the auxiliary attends both national and provincial executive meetings and presents a report on the activities of the auxiliary. Furthermore, the auxiliary advertises and participates in the events of both the national and provincial constituency associations. Executive members in Richmond Hill are eager to gain the support of the local women’s auxiliary for their inter-election events. In addition, the auxiliary mobilizes women as campaign volunteers during nomination races and local campaigns. In particular, the auxiliary is keen to support the nomination campaigns of other women in order to increase the presence of women MPs and MLAs. For nomination and constituency campaigns at both the national and provincial levels, the support of the women’s auxiliary provides proof of the candidate’s progressive credentials. But more importantly, such support provides a valuable source of secondary workers for the campaign. In these ways, the women’s auxiliary in Richmond Hill constitutes an important intermediary linkage between the national and provincial constituency associations. Despite its confused organization, linkages between the women’s auxiliary and the national and provincial association executives in Richmond Hill result in the auxiliary taking on an effectively dual-level role. Membership in the auxiliary is open to members of both the national and provincial Liberal parties. Accordingly, single-level activists are free to join the auxiliary and participate in its activities. In practice, however, the auxiliary provides incentives for its members to participate in the activities of both the national and provincial Liberal parties in Richmond Hill. A similar dynamic is present with the Young Liberals auxiliary in Don Valley East. While the auxiliary is formally affiliated with the national Liberal Party, it is also informally linked to both the national and provincial association executives in Don Valley East. The president of the auxiliary sits on both the national and provincial executives as an ex-officio member. During such meetings, the auxiliary president provides a report on the activities of the auxiliary and advertises auxiliary functions and fundraisers. In turn, both associations encourage and actively support the activities of the youth auxiliary. The president of the provincial 97  executive, for example, enjoys attending the auxiliary’s Chinese dinners in order to communicate with youth members and, “to show the flag and support them.” Partially as a result of the informal connections that exist between the auxiliary and the two associations, the auxiliary participates in the inter-election maintenance events of both the national and provincial associations. The same youth members are generally present at the events of the national and provincial executives in Don Valley East. In addition, both association executives value youth members as volunteers to staff such events. As a result, the auxiliary acts as a forum within which youth activists are provided incentives to participate in both the national and provincial Liberal parties in Don Valley East. As is the case with the women’s auxiliary in Richmond Hill, the ideological and solidary rewards of participation in the youth auxiliary result from activism in both the national and provincial associations. In this way, the dual-level nature of the organization shapes how youth members conceive of partisanship. Roger, a youth activist, shrugs when asked to explain why the youth auxiliary is affiliated with both the national and provincial constituency associations in Don Valley East. “We’re all Liberals,” he replies, “Why wouldn’t we help each other?” Auxiliary organizations have the potential to provide for a forum that contributes to the integration of the national and provincial constituency associations. But auxiliary organizations may also fail to play such a role. In these cases, auxiliary organizations restrict themselves to participation in either national or provincial politics and affiliation with either the national or provincial constituency associations. Such auxiliary organizations provide a forum for activists to focus their attention and energy on either the national or the provincial level, not both. The B.C. Liberal Women’s Commission (BCLWC) is an example of an auxiliary that effectively functions to differentiate the national and provincial parties from one another. The BCLWC is an auxiliary of the provincial Liberal Party and shares no formal links to the national Liberal Party. Unlike the women’s auxiliary in Richmond Hill, the BCLWC is largely focused on a single level. As a result, the commission does not, for example, work to actively support women who contest nominations at both the national and provincial levels. Instead, the commission confines itself to working at the provincial level and does not involve itself in national politics. Despite its single-level organization, the BCLWC is widely perceived as a bastion of national Liberals where national Conservatives are rare. This is perhaps natural given that the 98  national Liberal Party has a similar Women’s Commission whereas the national Conservative Party rejects any such organization for identified groups within the party. The extent to which the BCLWC could play any integrating role, however, is truncated by the relative weakness of the organization. The BCLWC is largely an elite organization that struggles to attract participation from local activists. In part, this results from the perception that the auxiliary is reserved exclusively for national Liberals; national Conservatives are generally uninterested in participating. Together with its formal separation from any national party, the weakness of the organization causes it to focus on the provincial level rather than on both the national and provincial levels.  Inter-Election Maintenance Constituency associations represent the continuous organizational presence of political parties in the constituencies. While their size and vibrancy may vary with the electoral cycle, constituency associations continue to exist and organize between elections. Constituency level associations play an important role in the organization of inter-election maintenance events, the activities that local parties engage in between elections. Carty (1991, 60) separates such activities into four categories. First, organizational maintenance takes place through fund-raising and social events as well as membership drives. Second, policy study and development is primarily an elite activity at the constituency level. Third, communications consist of public meetings and advertising in local forums. And fourth, electoral maintenance includes campaign planning and M.P./candidate support. Organizational outreach and communication activities serve several functions for constituency associations and for the party as a whole. They present the image of an active party organization at the local level, bolstering the party’s legitimacy in the eyes of the public (Scarrow 1996, 42). At open events, citizens are afforded the opportunity to meet and interact with elected officials. Most importantly, such functions help to preserve contact between the party and the activist/volunteer base that local parties attempt to mobilize prior to and during election campaigns. This is especially valuable to the Liberal Party for two reasons. First, the cadre nature of the party ensures that the local party’s membership rolls and activist base will swell in anticipation of a leadership race, nomination contest, or election and decline shortly thereafter (Carty 1996). Re-engaging a nascent activist base is therefore a challenge for the 99  Liberal Party and its candidates. Second, relatively high turnover rates in Canadian national elections (Ferejohn and Gaines 1991) provide an incentive for incumbent members to maintain connections to a pre-existing campaign group in the constituency. For these reasons, interelection maintenance may be of special significance to local parties with cadre-like characteristics such as those of the Liberal Party. Such events are also rewarding for the local activist base, especially local activists seeking social or material benefits in exchange for their partisan efforts (Clark 2004, 39). By engaging activists in social gatherings, the local party increases the likelihood that such activists will participate in future election campaign efforts. The extent to which inter-election events are coordinated between the national and provincial levels, if any, is an important indicator of the integration or differentiation of the national and provincial constituency associations. This integration of national and provincial associations occurs in three ways. First, the national and provincial constituency associations may cooperate with one another in order to hold inter-election events such as fundraisers or social gatherings. Such coordination between the national and provincial associations may be explicit and open, in which case the result is a joint national-provincial event. In other cases, cooperation between the two associations may be informal and relatively private, the result of which is an exclusively national or provincial event with significant involvement from the other constituency association. Second, the inter-election activities of one constituency association will be organized in a manner that allows the association to reach out to the association at the other level. In such outreach events, the organizing association will use any informal linkages it possesses with the other association to encourage their attendance and participation. In Don Valley East, for example, organizers for a provincial fundraiser encouraged members of the national association executive to attend by offering tickets at a discounted price. In both cases, cooperation in interelection events is made possible through informal linkages that exist between the national and provincial constituency association executives. Third, one constituency association may make a concerted effort to support the association at the other level if the latter is holding an inter-election event. Elected members or the constituency association president, for example, may announce the event at an association executive meeting and encourage everyone present to attend. In constituencies where the 100  national and provincial constituency associations are traditionally integrated, associations may come to expect such support from the other association. The national and provincial constituency associations in Don Valley East provide good examples of associations that cooperate with one another in the organization and execution of inter-election maintenance events. The extensive integration of the national and provincial executives in the constituency creates a means for such cooperation to take place. Several highly motivated activists in Don Valley East sit on both the national and provincial executives and their familiarity with one another is conducive to the planning involved in joint events. The annual Don Valley East Liberal picnic is a major inter-election event for Liberal activists, members, and sympathizers in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). Held in a public park, the picnic draws roughly a thousand Liberals and non-Liberals alike from throughout the GTA and politicians from the national, provincial, and municipal levels. It is important for the purposes of this study because the Don Valley East picnic is coordinated and hosted jointly by the national and provincial association executives. The planning committee for the event is composed of representatives from both executives. Both executives similarly provide funding for the event. The picnic is planned as a community outreach event rather than as a fundraiser, as local organizers are aware of the significant low-income population in Don Valley. A small nominal price is therefore charged for hot dogs and soft drinks (in contrast to a summer barbeque in nearby Don Valley West where hamburgers and steaks are served at higher prices). Activists from both the national and provincial associations are called upon to serve hot dogs, set up sound equipment, and provide security for the event. Members of the local youth auxiliary, which is informally integrated with both the national and provincial constituency associations, are drawn to the event by the opportunity to meet politicians, re-connect with acquaintances from throughout the G.T.A., and eat cheap food. Their youth members also typically play an important role in staffing the event. The Don Valley East picnic is an important manifestation of the organizational integration that exists between the national and provincial association executives. The event is also significant for the Liberal activist and membership base in the constituency. Such joint events provide a forum that encourages activists and members to develop a dual conception of partisanship. Formal cooperation between the national associations reinforces the perception that “a Liberal is a Liberal is a Liberal” in Don Valley East. The picnic provides dual-level activists 101  an opportunity to reinforce their solidary bonds with other activists and single-level activists the opportunity to develop such bonds with activists from the other level. The perception of national-provincial cooperation at the picnic is further reinforced by the attendance of elected officials from the national and provincial levels in addition to the local MP, Yasmin Ratansi, and MLA, David Caplan. For local activists, the Don Valley East picnic provides citizens with an opportunity to interact with national and provincial Liberal politicians. The impressions derived from such interactions do much to reinforce an integrated perception of the national and provincial Liberal parties in Ontario, formal separation of the two parties to the contrary notwithstanding. In addition, the national and provincial constituency associations actively support separate events held by the other association. When the national association organized a fundraiser dinner, for example, it offered a discount on tickets to members of the provincial association executive. And when the provincial association held a community outreach event where citizens could trade their old Christmas lights for energy-efficient bulbs, the event was advertised at a national executive meeting and the national president encouraged those present at the meeting to attend in order to support the provincial association. The same occurs when the provincial association hosts open dialogue outreach events at local libraries in order to boost the profile of the association in the community. Unlike the national and provincial executives in Don Valley East, the two executives in the Ontario constituency of Oxford do not plan and coordinate joint maintenance events. The constituency association executives do work together to maximize the effectiveness of one another’s inter-election events. David, the provincial association president, takes advantage of his position as an ex-officio member on the national executive in order to strengthen the communicative bonded that previously existed between the two associations. “I made a very direct effort to bridge between the federal and provincial riding associations so that there was greater involvement between the two and across the two,” he explains, “I made a major effort to try and get the two more receptive to each other and working together a little bit more.” For David, his position of ex-officio is crucial to maintaining communications between the two executives. “I’m on the [national] executive…as president of the provincial association,” he explains, “I think it is positive in the sense that for things that we’re going to be doing that may compliment or compete with each other, we can at least get a feel for what’s going on.” 102  One area in which such communication is critical is in the planning of inter-election maintenance events. Through the informal means of communication that exist between the national and provincial executives, the associations are able to cooperate and support the interelection events of one another. One good example of this is the annual golf tournament held as a fundraiser in the riding. Working on the assumption that the relatively small number of Liberal activists and members in the riding cannot be expected to donate too often, the national and provincial Liberal associations take turns hosting the annual event: The local golf tournament was one example this past year where we alternate, one does it one year and the other does it the next. Because of the federal Liberal leadership race, the federal Liberal association asked if they could run it in 2006 and try to get some of the leadership candidates to come out and attend. And actually they were pretty successful and they did get some out…So we made it a big deal and it was a big splash.  David and the provincial association executive were willing to relinquish the event for a summer in order to benefit the national executive. This reflects a dual-level partisanship and commitment to both the national and provincial Liberal parties. On the other hand, the national association was in the best place to make “a big splash” given the availability of big name leadership candidates in that period. The presence of the leadership candidates was a significant draw to activists and members within the riding and it was the national association that was best placed to draw these leadership candidates to the riding. David’s participation on the national and provincial executives was the key to cooperation over the event. “Because I was on both boards,” he explains, “I was able to convey back to the provincial board what was going on and convey back to the feds that we were up to speed on what was happening.” As is the case in Don Valley East and Oxford, the lines of communication established by the presence of provincial presidents as ex-officio members on the national executive in AcadieBathurst are important to cooperation between the associations in holding inter-election events. This is especially apparent in the case of the rural provincial constituency of Nepisiguit, which surrounds the city of Bathurst. When the national association is planning an inter-election maintenance event, the event is advertised at national executive meetings. The president of the Nepisiguit association accordingly returns to her constituency and informs her own executive and the wider activist and membership base in the constituency of the event. For activists that 103  have built social ties to others through their activism on the provincial executive, such events provide for an opportunity to crowd into a mini-van and spend a fun-filled evening in Bathurst, which is the urban center of the national riding. As a result, the national constituency association executive members can count on the support of the core activist base in Nepisiguit to attend their own inter-election maintenance events. This is especially important for fundraisers. But the provincial executive in Nepisiguit does not patronize national events solely for solidary or altruistic reasons. Instead, the Nepisiguit organization generally expects the national activist base centered in Bathurst to attend their own events in exchange for their attendance at national events. National executive meetings in Bathurst provide an opportunity to advertise such events to Liberals activists outside the provincial Nipisquit riding. As a result, the executive in Nepisiguit can expect to have its inter-election maintenance events attended by the core national activist base in the constituency. Leanne, an executive member from the Nepisiguit association executive, describes the mutual support that the national and provincial associations lend to each other: In Bathurst, the federal association…they’re having their lobster supper fundraiser and I’m bringing my people out to that. Now, out in Nepisiguit, we can’t have a lobster supper. We’re too poor! But when we have our bean breakfast [fundraiser], I know they [the national association] will come out and support us.  The relationship between the national constituency association in Acadie-Bathurst and the provincial association in Nepisiguit is not one of explicit coordination and cooperation as in Don Valley East. Even the forms of cooperation found in Oxford are not present. Instead, the two associations support the inter-election events of one another, contributing to turnout at the events and fundraisers of the other association. As is the case in Don Valley East and Oxford, communications via the constituency association executives is an important prerequisite of this support. In contrast to these examples, inter-election events may also serve to reinforce the differentiation of national and provincial constituency associations. This occurs when constituency associations conduct their own inter-election activities without reference to any other association. In such cases, constituency associations do not jointly plan inter-election events, do not reach out to the other association with their own events, and do not support the 104  other association. In the same way that auxiliary organizations in differentiating constituency associations serve as a forum for activists to focus on a single level, so to do inter-election events provide a context within which a single-level activist base is formed and reinforced through social interactions and contact. The New Brunswick provincial constituency of Grand Bay-Westfield neighbours the city of Saint John. While a large rural constituency, the riding is dominated by the town of Grand Bay-Westfield, which, given its proximity to Saint John, has increasingly become an upscale bedroom community to the larger city. Despite the important linkages between Grand BayWestfield and Saint John, the provincial constituency falls not in the national constituency of Saint John but rather in the national constituency of New Brunswick Southwest. As a result, Grand Bay-Westfield occupies a small corner of the sprawling rural national riding. Whereas the activist base and organization of Saint John are easily accessible to Liberals in Grand BayWestfield, the centre of the Liberal organization in New Brunswick Southwest is less accessible. The centre of the national Liberal organization in New Brunswick Southwest is concentrated in the town of Saint Stephen which, as Liberal activists in Grand Bay-Westfield emphasize, is a long and, in the winter, treacherous drive. In this case, the configuration of the national and provincial constituencies creates important geographic obstacles to the integration of the national association executive centered in Saint Stephen and the provincial executive in Grand BayWestfield. The geographic distance between the provincial constituency association in Grand BayWestfield and the core of the national constituency association in St. Stephen influences the relationship between the two associations. The face-to-face contact between national and provincial executive members that is essential to cooperation in Don Valley East, Oxford, and Acadie-Bathurst is ruled out in Grand Bay-Westfield as a result of geographic divisions. “The president [of the national constituency association] is in St. Stephen in one end of the riding and we’re in this end of the riding. Geographically, we don’t see each other much,” explains Don, a member of the Grand Bay-Westfield executive, “So yes, philosophically the parties are one, but in reality the constraints in terms of distance and time and travel don’t make it practical for there to be a lot of cross-involvement.” Don identifies with the national Liberal Party, but he cites distance as a reason for his lack of interaction with the national constituency association in New Brunswick Southwest. 105  The core of provincial party activists that inhabit the association executive in Grand BayWestfield bring a strong commitment to public service to their partisan participation. For members of the executive, reaching out to the community through community events and building the local activity base through outreach events is the key to a successful organization. “We really want to be involved in the community,” explains Don, “So it’s more than just getting the candidate elected, it’s about becoming a part of the community.” Glenda, another executive members, explains the rationale behind this community involvement: In our riding, it’s been a strong Conservative riding over a number of years…Our initial goal was to raise party awareness and party involvement. But the question arose: How are we going to do this? So to do that, we decided to raise our community effort…by doing that we are raising awareness about the party and building up the party… We’re trying to make people in the community aware that these are Liberal people and these are liberal values, and these are the sorts of things that Liberals do.  In this way, members of the association executive attempted to enhance the legitimacy of the Liberal brand in Grand Bay-Westfield by acting as partisan “ambassadors to the community” (Scarrow 1996, 137). Accordingly, the constituency association in Grand Bay-Westfield is very active and party life in the riding is vibrant. The constituency association executive hosts numerous functions, all connected to local community groups in Grand Bay-Westfield such as the local food bank. “The first year we had one function, the next year we had three functions. This year we had six functions,” recalls Don, “Basically every other month we have a major function, all community based functions.” From the perspective of Glenda and Don, this community-based approach is succeeding in building the local party: “My goodness, it’s working. We’ve added at least three members each year just to our board of directors.” In addition, the active nature of the constituency association offers significant solidary rewards to local party activists. These inter-election maintenance events are generally single-level in nature. Unlike the events held by other associations, the national Liberal constituency association in New Brunswick Southwest does not cooperate with the provincial association in organizing events and does not support the provincial association’s events. In part, this results from the lack of communication between the national and provincial association executives. Activists from Grand 106  Bay-Westfield communicate a sense of isolation in their description of their community; they occupy one of several geographic “pockets” within the large rural riding of New Brunswick Southwest. That sense of isolation extends to the local group of Liberal activists in the provincial constituency. Without a wider partisan community to participate in, the Grand Bay-Westfield activist base has turned inward and focused its inter-election events on building an autonomous organization through the development and nurturing of linkages to the immediate local community. This organizational separation between the national and provincial constituency associations may be changing. Glenda reports that a new national association president has expressed interest in working more closely with the provincial executives contained within the national riding. “The new president of the federal riding is very involved, she’s traveling everywhere and contacting all of us on a weekly basis…” she notes, “So we are going to have someone on our board of directors who has graciously agreed to be our federal person and will go to all the federal meetings.” By building organizational bonds between the national and provincial association executives, Glenda hopes to encourage cooperation in inter-election events and, more importantly for future national candidates in the riding, allow national campaigns access to the activist base that has been built in Grand Bay-Westfield. In the meantime, inter-election events in Grand Bay-Westfield constitute forums in which Liberal activists are provided incentives to focus on the provincial level rather than on both the national and provincial levels. The annual picnic in Don Valley East shapes activists’ perceptions of partisanship in an integrating manner. In contrast, the focus of Grand Bay-Westfield events on the local community encourage activists to remain focused at the provincial level, thus contributing to the overall autonomous nature of the provincial constituency association.  Party System Dissimilarity and Integrated Constituency Associations The last section explored constituency associations within a context of party system similarity. It is possible for integrated constituency associations to develop within a context of party system dissimilarity, such as in the province of British Columbia. These integrated constituency associations differ from their Ontario and New Brunswick counterparts in both their structures and functions. These differences, however, do not negate the important linkages that  107  constituency associations can construct between different parties at the two levels within such a context. National and provincial party systems structure the interactions of national and provincial association executives. In relatively similar systems, such as those in Ontario and New Brunswick, dual-level executive members tend to participate in the national and provincial Liberal parties. In systems where significant differences exist between the two levels, dual-level executive members may participate in different parties at the two levels. In British Columbia, for example, both national Liberal and national Conservative partisans staff most B.C. Liberal constituency association executives. A member of the provincial B.C. Liberal association executive in Port Moody-Westwood, for example, reports that the executive contains roughly equal numbers of national Liberals and Conservatives. This is in sharp contrast to association executives in ridings like Don Valley East, where executive members have difficulty identifying any inconsistent executive members. This important qualitative difference between executives in Ontario and New Brunswick and executives in British Columbia does not rule out the possibility of integrating association executives at the national and provincial levels. To the contrary, executive members within a context of dissimilar national and provincial party systems may constitute an important linkage between the national and provincial associations. This is because national and provincial constituency association executives in British Columbia may share members who in turn act to facilitate communications and cooperation between the two executives. The same organizational linkages that characterize integrated constituency associations in Ontario and New Brunswick may exist in British Columbia. The nature of these linkages and the resulting constituency associations differ from those in provinces such as Ontario and New Brunswick in two important ways. First, members of the association executive bring a mixed national-provincial perspective to their activism. These activists participate in parties at both the national and provincial levels and bring their experiences from both levels to their role as executive members. But such activists may participate in different parties at the other level. Second, the linkages that duallevel executive members build between the national and provincial associations will necessarily be informal in nature. In these ways, executive members in provinces such as British Columbia indicate the presence of integrated constituency associations. 108  The provincial constituency association in the constituency of Delta North is a good example of an integrated constituency association executive that has adapted to such a party system context. Like executive members in Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East, provincial executive members in Delta North tend to be dual-level activists. Unlike executive members in Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East, a combination of consistent and inconsistent party activists staffs the provincial executive in Delta North. The nature of the national and provincial party systems in British Columbia dictates that the provincial Liberal Party assume the form of a coalition of national Liberals and Conservatives. The constituency association executive in Delta North with its mixture of consistent national Liberals and inconsistent national Conservative members might therefore be thought of as a microcosm of the provincial Liberal Party as a whole. The provincial executive in Delta North is also similar to those in Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East in that a significant number of members also sit on an association executive at the other level. One activist estimated that half of the association executive in Delta North also sat on the national Liberal executive at the other level while a smaller proportion sat on the national Conservative executive. While the largely integrating constituency association executive in Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East are unreceptive to the participation of inconsistent party activists, the executive in Delta North accommodates these activists. In Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East, an atmosphere of national-provincial cooperation pervades the atmosphere of association executive meetings. Camaraderie amongst executive members revolves around their dual-level participation and shared experiences in national and provincial politics. Given that activists on the provincial executive in Delta North are active in different parties at the national level, dual-level participation cannot similarly bind executive members to one another. But neither does this divergent participation at the national level foment conflict and instability on the provincial executive in Delta North. For activists from integrating constituencies in Ontario and New Brunswick, the presence of national Liberals and Conservatives on a single executive can be a cause for wonderment. “I can’t understand Conservatives and Liberals on the same executive. That blows me away,” says James, a consistent activist from the Ontario riding of York West, “That’s like doing business and having the competition sitting in on my meetings.” But activists in Delta North have developed two 109  informal mechanisms for the integration of consistent and inconsistent members on the executive. First, the executive in Delta North is careful to avoid discussions of national politics for fear of fomenting conflict between the national Conservatives and Liberals. One provincial constituency association president described this as one of her most important roles as president. Natasha, an executive member from the constituency of Port Moody-Westwood-Port Coquitlam, describes this approach: [National politics] is just not talked about. A lot of time with the B.C. Liberals, that's the case. And that's why it's sometimes very easy for federal Liberals and Conservatives to get involved. It's kind of a general rule that provincially we're all friends. We don't talk about our federal affiliations. We talk about federal politics. But we're not going to bring in that divide, and at meetings we're not going to get into those nit-picky debates.  When discussions of national politics do intrude on provincial association business, other executive members are generally unwelcoming. “Within my riding, it's a very cordial relationship,” is how Stefan, an executive member from Delta North, describes relations between national Liberals and Conservatives on his provincial executive, “You leave your federal politics at the door. The one time a woman brought it up, federal politics. She was not welcome back after that.” In this way, the executive worked to exclude a potentially disruptive influence on the cooperation present in the constituency association. When debates over same-sex marriage pitted national Liberals and Conservatives against one another in 2004 and 2005, provincial Liberals recognized that the issue would divide the provincial Liberal activist base. Accordingly, samesex marriage was dismissed as a national matter and not discussed at party meetings. “That issue in particular doesn't come up…that's a federal issue and there's nothing we can do about it,” explains Coy, a provincial Liberal activist, “That can only divide the [provincial] Liberal Party and that's poison.” Coy realizes that unlike the N.D.P., the activist base of the provincial Liberal Party is divided in both a partisan and ideological manner over such issues: “It [same-sex marriage] is like the abortion issue. You don't want to get into it at the provincial level because it's poison.” Confirms Natasha: “People are able to put that [national] partisanship aside and focus on the matter at hand, which is the provincial riding association.” The second way that executive members in Delta North integrate the differing national partisanship of its members is through close social bonds between the small group of core 110  activists that sit on the association executive. Activists are able to develop relationships with other members of the provincial executive without reference to national partisanship. “It's not like it [federal politics] is a taboo subject,” Stefan explains, “Everyone jokes about it. Everyone teases each other about it. But it's friendly.” When national debates over same-sex marriage emerged, the social relationships between consistent and inconsistent executive members in Delta North were sufficient to overcome potential conflict between national Liberals and Conservatives. Recalls William, When we’d go out to lunch and we weren’t discussing party business, everyone would be teasing everyone about it [same-sex marriage]. We would say ‘You're a bigot’ and ‘You're destroying families’. But it's all in good humour, because it's never going to appear in the minutes of the B.C. Liberal Party.  In this, the social bonds that exist on the executive in Delta North allow consistent and inconsistent executive members to overcome potential conflicts that derive from the national level. Through the adoption of these informal codes of conduct and social bonds, national Liberal and national Conservatives are able to co-exist on the association executive in Delta North. Auxiliary units are also important indicators of integrated or differentiated constituency associations in British Columbia. The provincial Liberal Party in British Columbia, for example, supports a vibrant youth organization. The B.C. Young Liberals are generally a hierarchical organization. The provincial executive provides leadership for the organization and is responsible for maintaining communications, maintaining the organization’s membership, and facilitating the formulation of policy resolutions to present to provincial party conferences. Seven regional councils also exist in the province. These councils are made up of representatives from each of the provincial constituencies within the region. These constituency representatives in turn assume a leadership role in their constituencies, establishing informal local auxiliaries of youth members. In addition, the BCYL maintains campus clubs at most of the universities and colleges in British Columbia. In addition to the formulation of policy, the BCYL supports a rich array of inter-election maintenance events for youth. These barbeques, softball games, golf excursions, and trips to amusement parks provide youth members the opportunity to meet MLAs from the party and to strengthen social bonds with one another. Through such events, the BCYL maintains an activist base that is in turn mobilized by Liberal candidates in provincial elections. 111  Following the separation of the national and provincial Liberal parties in 1991, the BCYL remained staffed largely by national Liberals. Over time, young activists from the national Conservative Party became increasingly active in the party’s youth wing. Like B.C. Liberal constituency association executives, the youth organization now harbors national Liberal and Conservative activists as well as single-level activists. As a result, the organization maintains strict neutrality over national politics. This neutrality pervades the leadership of the youth organization. A former president of the B.C. Young Liberals emphasizes the importance of neutrality: In my role as president of the B.C. Young Liberals,…I work with a group of people that are from various political parties. Some are [national] Liberals and some are [national] Conservatives. And as president, I think it's my obligation to not have myself seen by them as a competing person on another stage. That they see me just as working with them provincially.  Partially as a result of this policy of national neutrality, the youth organization appears to have few internal conflicts over differences in national partisanship among members. Where they are active, the local groups of the provincial Liberal youth organization generally contain national Liberal and Conservative activists. This balance shifts between ridings. The impression one receives from speaking to youth activists in British Columbia is that the balance between national Liberals and Conservatives in local auxiliaries shifts in conjunction with the electoral strength of the national Liberal and Conservative parties; auxiliaries in Vancouver are dominated by national Liberals while auxiliaries in the Fraser Valley or the Interior are staffed predominantly by national Conservatives. The predominance of one group of national partisans shapes how local auxiliaries interact with the constituency associations present. Nevertheless, the mixture of national partisans in local auxiliaries creates an imperative for formal policies of national neutrality. Despite policies of neutrality, youth auxiliaries in B.C. may constitute an important linkage between the provincial Liberal constituency association and one of the national associations present. In the B.C. constituency of Port Coquitlam-Burke Mountain, for example, Jeff, the president of the local youth auxiliary, sits on both the provincial Liberal association and the national Conservative association. Despite a strong commitment to the provincial Liberal Party, Jeff identifies his mentor as the president of the national Conservative constituency 112  association. Jeff attends executive meetings of both associations and happily advertises the events of the BCYL at both. In addition, members of both the national Conservative executive and the provincial Liberal executive support the activities of the local BCYL chapter and provide them with opportunities to attend party events. The allegiance of Jeff and his local friends ensures that the local manifestation of the BCYL constitutes an intermediary between the provincial Liberal constituency association and the national Conservative association. In other ridings, local youth activists shape the nature of the BCYL toward the national Liberal Party. Whereas the Liberal youth auxiliary in the constituency of Don Valley East constitutes a forum that allows youth members to involve themselves in the national and provincial Liberal parties, B.C. Liberal youth auxiliaries provide an incentive for youth members to privilege the provincial over the national level of politics. Nevertheless, informal linkages between provincial auxiliaries and a national constituency association may have the effect of drawing auxiliary members into activism at the national level. In Port Coquitlam-Burke Mountain, for example, the activism of several youth members in the national Conservative Party ensures that the activities of the national Conservative association will be advertised at meetings of the youth auxiliary. Furthermore, as is the case with the womens auxiliary in Richmond Hill and the youth auxiliary in Don Valley East, activists in the youth auxiliary face significant solidary incentives to “follow the pack” in their activities at the national level. When members of the provincial youth auxiliary plan to attend an inter-election maintenance event for the national Conservative association, other members face incentives to accompany their friends to the event. Thus, the informal linkages that are constructed between the formally single-level provincial youth auxiliaries and the national constituency associations present may work to draw youth activists into participation at the national level. Such informal dynamics, to be sure, are less powerful than those of local auxiliaries in Ontario and New Brunswick, where there exist no rule of neutrality for participation at the other level of the federal state. Nevertheless, connections between provincial Liberal youth auxiliaries and the national Liberal or Conservative constituency associations may result in those clubs taking on an effectively national identity, any formal policy of neutrality at the national level to the contrary notwithstanding. In addition, the nature of inter-election events is influenced by the configuration of the national and provincial party systems. The constituency of Port Moody-Westwood is a suburban riding within the Vancouver Regional District. The provincial riding is one of three contained 113  within the national constituency of Port Moody-Coquitlam-Port Coquitlam. While a Conservative incumbent represents the national constituency, the provincial riding is held by a provincial Liberal MLA. The national and provincial constituency associations in Port MoodyWestwood do not cooperate in holding inter-election maintenance events. Joint events held between the two associations are out of the question. At the suggestion that the national and provincial Liberal constituency associations might jointly host inter-election events such as the Don Valley East picnic, a member of the national association executive is succinct: “I think that would be inappropriate.” Other executive members express wonderment at the type of official cooperation that occurs in ridings such as Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East. “I think that would be really challenging to do,” laughs Natasha at the suggestion. The reason is that formal coordination between the national Liberal association and the provincial Liberal association would serve to alienate the segment of national Conservatives that participate on the provincial executive in Port Moody-Westwood. The balance maintained between national Liberals and Conservatives on B.C. Liberal executives necessitates that national-provincial cooperation in the planning and execution of inter-election events not take place. Not even discounted tickets for executive members from the other level are permitted. Nevertheless, the national and provincial constituency associations can generally expect to receive support from the association at the other level. Such support is necessarily delivered in an informal manner and takes place through the different social networks that develop within the context of the national and provincial constituency associations. For example, the provincial constituency association in Port Moody-Westwood occasionally holds a fundraiser dinner at which special speakers are featured as guests. Contingents of national Liberal and national Conservative activists attend these events in order to support the provincial Liberal Party. The provincial constituency association counts on the support of both national activist bases at such fundraising events. Even the attendance of national activists reinforces the distinction between the two national factions in the provincial Liberal Party and the tenuous nature of the coalition that exists between them. Some local activists gossip about how national Liberals and national Conservatives typically separate into their own social groupings at provincial Liberal dinner events.  114  Four Types of Constituency Associations Constituency associations display diversity in the ways they organize between the national and provincial levels. While some constituency associations replicate separation of national and provincial parties, others evolve informal integrating arrangements where the national and provincial constituency associations are linked to one another. By doing so, constituency associations function to integrate the national and provincial parties or reinforce the differentiation of those parties. The involvement of association executive members in national and provincial parties, the organization of any auxiliary structures present, and the holding of inter-election maintenance events all indicate the presence of integrated, differentiated, or mixed types of constituency organizations. Figure 4.2 distinguishes between constituency organizations on the basis of the type of executive present (the structure) and the type of inter-election maintenance activities in the riding (party life). Figure 4.2: The Impact of Local Structures and Party Life: Three Types of Constituency Organizations  Common Party Life  Distinctive Party Life  Affiliated Structures  Integrated Constituency Association  Mixed Association (Elite Driven)  Distinctive Structures  Mixed Association (Activist Driven)  Differentiated Constituency Association  These are not discrete types of constituency associations. Rather, they indicate how constituency associations may be placed within a certain discrete segment of the continuum between archetypal integrated and differentiated constituency associations. Figure 4.3 illustrates this continuum, with these new sections illustrated:  115  Figure 4.3: Integrated, Mixed, and Differentiated Constituency Organizations  Integrated  Mixed  Differentiated  (Elite or Activist Driven)  Integrated Constituency Organizations  Differentiated Constituency Organizations  ! Common Executive Membership (Affiliated Structures) ! Joint Auxiliary Organizations ! Joint Inter-Election Maintenance (Common Party Life)  ! Separate Executive Memberships (Distinctive Structures) ! Separate Auxiliary Organizations ! Separate Inter-Election Maintenance (Distinctive Party Life)  Constituency associations that are characterized by affiliated structures and a common national-provincial party life constitute integrated constituency associations. These associations may be placed on the left side of the continuum, near the integrated archetype. The classic example of integrated constituency associations is to be found in the Ontario riding of Don Valley East. The national and provincial association executives in that riding are staffed for the most part by consistent activists. In addition, those two associations share a number of members, including the ex-officio presidents from each level. These conditions have led to the development of integrated local structures where communications between the two executives flow freely and, as a result, cooperation and coordination between the two executives is common. These structures in turn impact the nature of party life in the riding, as the national and provincial executives coordinate inter-election maintenance events jointly. Local activists attend joint events like the annual Don Valley East picnic fundraiser and, in this capacity, experience common local party life between the two levels. When the two executives plan events separate from one another, they can expect to receive open support from the executive at the other level and, as a result, the same group of activists can generally be found at most national and 116  provincial Liberal events in the riding. As a result, the constituency associations in Don Valley East are good examples of integrated associations that are close to the left side of the continuum. In contrast, distinctive local structures and party life indicate differentiated constituency associations, placed on the right side of the continuum close to the differentiated archetype. Differentiated associations at the national and provincial levels share neither joint structures nor engender a common party life between the two levels. Instead, these associations develop separated, autonomous structures that in turn shape the development of a party life that exists in “two political worlds” at the national and provincial levels. The provincial constituency association in the New Brunswick riding of Grand BayWestfield provides a good example of a differentiated constituency association. In this riding, both the structures of the provincial association and the activities and functions that define local party life exist solely at one level, the provincial level. Members of the association executive tend to be single-level activists; despite that many individual activists identify with the national Liberal Party, they encounter opportunities to engage only with the provincial party in the remote section of the wider national riding of New Brunswick Southwest. Members of the provincial executive have few meaningful linkages to the national executive. This lack of linkages has consequences for the nature of party life in the riding. Liberal party life in Grand Bay-Westfield is vibrant, but the events, meetings, and functions that make up that party life are organized exclusively by the provincial organization and are not supported by the national executive. Local activists in Grand Bay-Westfield, in sharp contrast to activists in ridings like Don Valley East, therefore experience local party life as strictly single-level in nature. Other constituency associations have integrated structures but a differentiated form of party life, or vice versa. These constituency associations may be thought of as mixed associations because they have characteristics of both integrated and differentiated constituency associations. As a result, the types of local structures and party life present are not congruent and in fact may be at odds. Both types of mixed constituency associations would be placed closer to the middle of the continuum, harboring as they do characteristics of both integrated and differentiated local parties. The first type of mixed constituency association is an activist-driven mixed association. In contrast to their elite-driven counterparts, these constituency associations have relatively separated structures. Despite this, local party activists experience and indeed shape a common 117  party life between the national and provincial levels. In these cases, integration is driven not by local elites and constituency association executives, but rather by the local grassroots activists present. The national and provincial constituency associations in the Ontario riding of HaldimandNorfolk share some characteristics of integrated associations such as those in Don Valley East. Most importantly, local activists in Haldimand-Norfolk tend to be consistent in their participation. As in many other Ontario and New Brunswick ridings, there exists in HaldimandNorfolk a long history of consistent activism in the riding. These activists experience a largely common national-provincial party life, as they happily attend events and functions planned by both the national and provincial associations. But this integration in local party life is less apparent in the structures of the national and provincial constituency associations. The executives do share some members, but the executives do not engage in the open cooperation and coordination that characterizes the associations in Don Valley East. Thus, while party life in Haldimand-Norfolk is largely integrated, the structures present are less so and, as a result, the associations are closer to the center of the continuum then are more strongly integrated associations such as those found in Don Valley East. Indeed, where integration between these types of associations occurs, it tends to be driven by local party activists rather than by local elites. The second type of mixed constituency association could be thought of as an elite-driven mixed association. These associations have relatively integrated local structures but party life remains largely separate at the two levels. In these cases, integration is driven by local elites, particularly those on the association executive, rather than by grass-roots activists. Elite-driven mixed associations are common in provinces like British Columbia where, in contrast to many ridings in Ontario and New Brunswick, there is no deeply engrained tradition of joint participation by local party activists. In Port Moody-Westwood-Port Coquitlam, for example, national Liberals and Conservatives must sometimes be convinced to participate in provincial Liberal events and functions, typically by an influential figure from one of the two parties. Despite this lack of a common party life, association executives in Port MoodyCoquitlam-Port Coquitlam do play a role in integrating parties at the two levels. In the riding, this is typically an informal role and relationships between associations at the national and provincial levels are generally conducted between executive members with personal 118  relationships. To the extent that such constituency associations are integrated between the national and provincial levels, it is local elites rather than grassroots activists who drive that integration. The important point is that both elite and activist-driven mixed constituency associations do share certain characteristics with both integrated and differentiated constituency associations. As a result, it is appropriate to place these mixed constituency associations closer to the center of the continuum illustrated in figure 4.3. This discussion has neglected the role of auxiliary organizations as indicators of integrated and differentiated constituency associations. This is because the development of auxiliary organizations that provide forums for either integration or differentiation is difficult to predict and may depend on idiosyncratic local factors. The founding of an auxiliary organization typically depends on the initiative of only a few local activists. In some strong Liberal ridings, no auxiliary organization exists because no local activists wish to commit time and effort to such an organization. On the other hand, some weak Liberal constituency associations are characterized by lively auxiliary groups, which result from the initiative of a few local activists. Where auxiliaries are founded, some will be vibrant and active while others will be quite ineffectual and little more than a social club for a few local party stalwarts. In this sense, auxiliaries could be thought of as parallel structures that can provide forums for the development of integrated or differentiated constituency associations. While constituency associations may be placed relative to one another on the continuum between archetypal integrated and differentiated associations, their positions on this continuum are not frozen. Indeed, it is possible for associations to adopt new structures and, as a result, adjust themselves on that continuum. In Perth-Wellington, for example, the traditionally integrated national and provincial constituency associations shifted to a more differentiated form in a relatively short period of time. This shift was in response to a period of internal conflict in the national association and the reluctance of the provincial association to become embroiled in the conflict. As a result, a long tradition of integration in the riding was over-turned by a sudden episode of internal warfare and the national and provincial constituency associations have responded by adopting largely differentiated forms. This dynamic may also occur in the opposite direction. In Grand Bay-Westfield, a relatively long history of differentiation between the national and provincial constituency 119  associations appeared to be suddenly shifting when the national executive committed itself to reaching out and building linkages to all of the provincial associations in the riding, even the one in faraway Grand Bay-Westfield. Thus, a long and seemingly entrenched tradition of differentiation in Grand Bay-Westfield could come to an end. These examples point to the relative flexibility of constituency associations in response to both internal and external circumstances. Such flexibility is intuitive given that association executives in particular are generally staffed by small groups of local volunteers who organize themselves in informal, non-routinized ways. Just as association executives can be flooded by supporters of a particular nomination candidate, so too can they be exposed to new influences that cause them to adopt a more integrated or differentiated form. In Perth-Wellington, the reorientation of the local association from a relatively integrated to a largely differentiated association illustrates how open to manipulation these small, permeable organizations are. While it is possible to place constituency associations on the continuum, as illustrated in figure 4.3, constituency associations are flexible enough to adapt to new incentives and move along that continuum in response.  Constituency Associations in Multi-Level Context Finally, what is the impact of similar and dissimilar national and provincial party systems on the development of these four types of constituency associations? Classifying constituency associations as integrated, activist-driven, elite-driven, and differentiated allows for us to observe their prevalence in Ontario and New Brunswick where the national and provincial party systems are similar and British Columbia where the two party systems are quite different. Figure 4.4 categorizes the national constituencies studied by the types of constituency associations in each riding:  120  Figure 4.4: Integrated, Activist-Driven, Elite-Driven, and Differentiated Constituency Organizations  Integrated  Activist-Driven  Elite-Driven  Differentiated  Acadie-Bathurst  Port Moody-W-PC  Ajax-Pickering  HaldimandNorfolk  New BrunswickSouthwest  Don Valley East  Oxford  Perth-Wellington  Richmond Hill  Saint John  Vancouver Quadra  York West  Fundy-Royal  Richmond  Delta-Richmond East  Kootenay-Columbia Italic: British Columbia Bold: Ontario Underline: New Brunswick  First, Ontario and New Brunswick ridings tend to have integrated and activist driven constituency associations. Integrated constituency associations in Ontario ridings are characterized by both formally and openly linked structures and joint party activities. Where the structures of the national and provincial associations have experienced disentanglement, such as in Haldimand-Norfolk and Huron-Bruce, integration continues to be driven by an activist base that, informed by similar national and provincial party systems, continues to be strongly consistent. Party life in these ridings is similar to that in ridings with integrated associations despite the lack of deeply enmeshed local structures. The constituency association in Oxford is an example of an association that might be considered integrated, but the few loose forms of cooperation that do exist between the national and provincial associations mean that it has more in common with those in Haldimand-Norfolk and Huron-Bruce than with those in, for example, Ajax-Pickering and Don Valley East. Only in exceptional cases, such as in Perth-Wellington, do Ontario constituency associations adopt a differentiated form. In sharp contrast, constituency associations in British Columbia tend to be elite-driven or differentiated. Dissimilar party systems at the national and provincial levels mean that there is no tradition of integration or consistent partisanship in the province’s ridings. Lacking a tradition of consistent partisanship necessary to build integrated constituency associations, integration in 121  British Columbia necessarily depends on the intervention of consistent elites sitting on the national and provincial association executives. This is the elite cooperation observed in the ridings of Port Moody-Westwood-Port Coquitlam and Delta-Richmond East. Integration of national and provincial constituency associations in these ridings is conducted informally based on personal relationships between executive members in non-routinized ways. Differences in the national and provincial party systems in that province play a role in shaping elite-driven constituency associations as an alternative to the more strongly and openly integrated constituency associations that characterize Ontario and New Brunswick ridings. Where no elites are present to contribute to this integration, differentiated constituency associations result. The literature suggests that national and provincial parties in Canada have effectively separated (or disentangled) their organizations from one another. However, this chapter has demonstrated that the fundamental organizational components of the national Liberal Party, its constituency associations, are oftentimes linked in important and meaningful ways with provincial parties. Indeed, most of the national and provincial constituency associations examined in this study maintained some form of linkage to the party at the other level; in only five national ridings studied were the national and provincial constituency associations not linked in some way. These findings constitute a direct challenge to the consensus view of nationalprovincial disentanglement and suggest that the organizational distinction between the national and provincial Liberal parties on the ground is in fact not always clear.  122  Chapter Five: Local Campaigns Local campaigns in Canadian elections take place within the individual constituencies mandated by the single-member plurality electoral system. As a result, local campaign organizations carry out the functions n