UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Achieving economic and social sustainability in the inner city : the role of business improvements districts Blackman, Michael Jason 2008-12-31

You don't seem to have a PDF reader installed, try download the pdf

Item Metadata


ubc_2008_spring_blackman_michael_jason.pdf [ 3.5MB ]
JSON: 1.0066658.json
JSON-LD: 1.0066658+ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 1.0066658.xml
RDF/JSON: 1.0066658+rdf.json
Turtle: 1.0066658+rdf-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 1.0066658+rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 1.0066658 +original-record.json
Full Text

Full Text

ACHIEVING ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL SUSTAINABILITY IN THE INNER CITY:THE ROLE OF BUSINESS IMPROVEMENTS DISTRICTSbyMICHAEL JASON BLACKMANB.A.(Hons.), Concordia University(Montreal), 2005A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTS IN PLANNINGinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES(Community and Regional Planning)THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA(Vancouver)April 2008© Michael Jason Blackman, 2008AbstractThe inner city has been the site of many efforts to respond to economicdecline and social stresses. Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) representa new form of governance that plays an important role in the revitalization ofinner-city districts. This work considers how the Strathcona BusinessImprovement Association (BIA), a BID located in Vancouver, BritishColumbia, Canada can contribute to the sustainable social and economicdevelopment in the Downtown Eastside district. The Strathcona BIA isdistinguished from most other North American BIDs as its territory includes alarge number of industrial properties. Low-income residents and industry inStrathcona currently face the prospect of being displaced by the constructionof market housing. A review of literature that considers the processesaffecting the inner city is combined with a review of best practices of BIDs toinform recommendations for the Strathcona BIA. A vision for Strathcona thatmeets the Vancouver Agreement's key objective of 'revitalization withoutdisplacement' involves three main components: 1) a public realm that is trulyopen to everybody; 2) a hub for cultural performance and production whereartists can make, display, and sell their work; and 3) a green, specializedindustrial cluster that employs local residents and innovates in a competitivemarketplace. There are a multitude of activities that the Strathcona BIA mayundertake to assist in the sustainable revitalization of the neighbourhood. Agood starting point for the BIA involves a partnership with the stakeholdersin the community to participate a municipal urban planning process toinstitutionalize a vision of the community in an Official Development Plan(ODP). The ODP can then serve as an important tool that guidesinterventions and activities pursued by the multitude of stakeholders in thecommunity, including the BIA.iiTable of ContentsAbstract ^ iiTable of Contents ^ iiiList of Tables vList of Figures ^ viAcknowledgements viiChapter 1 - Introduction and Thesis Outline ^ 11.1 Introduction ^ 11.2 Problem statement ^ 11.3 Research questions and objectives^ 21.4 Definitions ^ 31.5 Research process and methodology 61.6 Research assumptions and biases ^ 61.7 Study limitations ^ 71.8 Validity and reliability 81.9 Thesis overview 8Chapter 2 - Literature Review ^ 102.1 Economic restructuring 102.2 The challenges of the inner city ^ 152.3 Neighbourhood organizations and local democracy ^ 172.4 BIDs and governance ^ 222.5 Sustainability: an integrated framework ^ 26Chapter 3 - Histories of the DTES and Strathcona 303.1 Vancouver's first neighbourhood ^ 303.2 Industry and commerce ^ 323.3 Urban renewal ^ 333.4 Neighbourhood activism 363.5 Economic decline and social crisis ^ 37Chapter 4 - Opportunities and Constraints for Strathcona ^ 404.1 Institutional landscape ^ 404.2 Industrial production 444.3 Artistic production 464.4 Convivial city ^ 474.5 Distinctive neighbourhood ^ 48iiiChapter 5 - Best Practices: BIA Operating Characteristics ^ 505.1 BID typology^ 505.2 Consultation and advocacy ^ 535.3 Co-operation/co-production 555.4 Economic development 575.5 Comprehensive planning and development ^ 59Chapter 6 -Best Practices: Social and Economic Development ^ 656.1 Adams Avenue Business Association (San Diego) ^ 656.2 West End BIZ (Winnipeg) ^ 666.3 Liberty Village BIA (Toronto) 676.4 Downtown Washington DC BID 686.5 Philadelphia Center City District ^ 69Chapter 7 -The Role of the Strathcona BIA ^ 727.1 Development pressures ^ 727.2 Institutional complexity 757.3 Economic restructuring 767.4 Social inclusion ^ 78Chapter 8 - Conclusion and Recommendations ^ 828.1 Strathcona's past and its sustainable future 828.2 Key opportunities for Strathcona ^ 828.3 Role of the BIA ^ 838.4 Further research 83Bibliography^ 85ivList of TablesTable 5.1: Criteria for BID Evaluation ^ 63Table 5.2: Evaluation of the Strathcona BIA ^ 64List of FiguresFigure 1.1: Vancouver Inner City Local Areas ^ 5Figure 1.2: Strathcona BIA Boundaries ^ 5viAcknowledgementsSpecial thanks to the members of my committee whose in-depth theoreticalknowledge and extensive professional practice experience informed andgreatly enhanced this work.viiChapter 1 - Introduction and Thesis Outline1.1 IntroductionThe inner city has been the site of many efforts to respond to economic andsocial stresses brought on by economic restructuring. One recent responsehas been the creation of Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) to assist inthe revitalization of inner city areas. This thesis considers how this new formof governance can be integrated within a framework of sustainability thatserves as the basis for revitalization in an inner city neighbourhood.1.2 Problem statementBIDs are an emerging form of governance that plays an increasinglysignificant role in communities (Briffaut, 1999; MorgOl and Zimmerman,2006). Inner cities have advantages when compared with suburban locationsin terms of their central location and access to more affordable labour,however, they are disadvantaged due to the breakdown in delivery of publicservices (Porter, 1997). Special business districts and improvement areasoffer the prospect of rectifying some of these disadvantages. The increasedrole of BIDs is not without controversy. BIDs are criticized mainly for theirrole in privatizing public space, their lack of democratic accountability, andtheir failure to follow equitable models of economic growth and public servicedelivery (Stokes, 2002).1Through innovative practices, BIDs have the potential to expand beyondtraditional BID strategies of retail business development while developing amore broad-based neighbourhood coalition around a sustainabledevelopment vision. Strathcona is facing significant development pressuresand there is potential for coalitions between residents and businesses topreserve and enhance the neighbourhood's assets. An effective coalitionwould address development pressures by developing a viable plan forrevitalization that incorporates the principles of sustainability.1.3 Research questions and objectivesThe objective of the research was to combine academic literature thattheorizes processes and trends with an account of practices of urbanplanning and BID management. This work seeks to explore how residentsand businesses of Strathcona can respond to neighbourhood change in a waythat takes into consideration common concerns of displacement and businessrevitalization while strengthening the community. More specifically, thiswork looks at the role of the Business Improvement Association (BIA).This research sheds light on how BIDs can successfully interface with otherstakeholders and engage in community-based planning for sustainability. Aframework for broader involvement of a BID in the development of asustainable neighbourhood is outlined in this study.2The study builds on existing knowledge regarding innovative urbangovernance and considers how a specific organization, the StrathconaBusiness Improvement Association, can develop a plan to meet thechallenges faced by the neighbourhood of Strathcona while channelling itsunique assets. Furthermore, this work outlines how a BID might pursuesocial development and industrial development that is in line withecologically-sound principles.1.4 DefinitionsBusiness Improvement District (BID): A district formed by businesses ina defined geographical area. Enabled by state or provincial legislation, BIDshave the authority to levy a business tax on all commercial and industrialproperties located within their boundaries. Variants of BID terminologyinclude Business Improvement Association (BIA), Business ImprovementArea (BIA), and Business Improvement Zone (BIZ). For the sake ofsimplicity, the author uses BID to refer to all of these variants, as it is themost commonly-used term in North America.Downtown Eastside (DTES): A district of Vancouver's inner city that iscomposed of 8 neighbourhood sub-districts as shown in Figure 1.1.Economic Sustainability l : The development of local capacity to plan forand meet the needs of local residents around a framework of community1 Adapted from Roseland, 19983economic development. An economically-sustainable community focuses onthe creation of job opportunities while alleviating poverty and recognizes thevalue of non-material and non-monetary transactions between citizens.Inner city: Neighbourhoods and districts immediately adjacent to theCentral Business District.Social Sustainability2: Fairness of opportunity for all to participate in thesocial life of the community by inclusion in the public realm and involvementin decision-making. A socially-sustainable community is one that providesfor a good quality of life for all citizens.Strathcona: Includes the established residential neighbourhoods in theStrathcona and Oppenheimer sub-districts (Figure 1.1). Also includesindustrial and commercial areas that are within the boundaries of theStrathcona BIA (see Figure 1.2).Sustainability: A framework of development that integrates sustainablesocial, economic, and ecological principles to ensure that development occursin a manner that meets the needs of all members of society withoutcompromising the ability of future generations to do so.2 Adapted from Roseland, 19984Figure1.1: Vancouver Inner-City Local AreasFigure created by author using VanMap and reproduced with permission of the Cityof VancouverFigure 1.2: Strathcona BIA BoundariesFigure created by author using VanMap and reproduced using VanMap withpermission of the City of Vancouver51.5 Research process and methodologyThe research process began with a call for proposals from the Vice Chair ofthe Strathcona Business Improvement Association, an organization that isinterested in research on sustainable, business-led regeneration in the innercity. The initial process of the research was facilitated by the Social,Ecological, Economic Development Studies (SEEDS) program through theUBC Sustainability Office.A literature review was undertaken to map out the current context in termsof Strathcona's history, its governance and institutional landscape, and theopportunities for development. Furthermore, this thesis explores bestpractices of BID organizations across North America, with particular attentiongiven to innovative community development and consultation practices. Asmall number of informal interviews were conducted using a snowball-sampling method to enable the researcher to better understand the currentframework within which the BID operates.This research relies mainly on qualitative data from primary and secondarysources. Data was obtained from a variety of sources including academicsources, practitioner manuals, municipal planning documents and reports,BID annual reports and other publications, and conversations with keyinformants. A specific effort was made to include both academic andpractitioner sources. Academic sources were used to develop anunderstanding of the broad and underlying processes relevant to the6research topic. Practitioner sources were consulted to assess the currentstate of development in BID activities. Strathcona BIA documents andannual reports were reviewed as were relevant key city policies and studiespertaining to the district of the Downtown Eastside and the neighbourhood ofStrathcona. This data was supplemented by conversations with keyinformants including the Vice-Chair and Executive Director of the StrathconaBIA as wells as a member of the City's Central Area Planning Department,who has extensive experience in the Downtown Eastside. Secondary datawas obtained from empirical case-studies of BIDs and historical analyses ofthe neighbourhood of Strathcona.1.6 Research assumptions and biasesThe researcher started with the premise that sustainability must have astrong social and economic component that strives to achieve social justice.Secondly, it is recognized that BIDs are controversial organizations in someinstances, however it is not the intention of the researcher to comment onwhether they should exist, rather the intention is to see how a BID canwillingly take actions to move the BID's community to more sustainableeconomic and social development.1.7 Study limitationsThis study represents the initial stage of a more extensive research agenda.The intention is to provide a look at the contours of the main issues andidentify avenues for future research and action. While it is acknowledged7that ecological integrity is a key component of sustainability, this studymainly considers the issues of social and economic sustainability.1.8 Validity and reliabilityData is only as good as its sources It is recognized that the researcher hastaken data and accounts from mostly, official, published sources, which mayor may not reflect the entire spectrum of experience and opinions of thoseconcerned. Wherever possible, the researcher consulted works of primaryresearch that had descriptions of first-hand accounts. The researcher alsobenefited from the knowledge of the thesis committee members, who havedirect experience with the geographical area in question. Finally, it isaccepted that the case of Strathcona is unique and findings would notnecessarily be replicated elsewhere. However, there are commonalities thatcould be useful or generalizable to other contexts.1.9 Thesis overviewThe thesis begins with an account and discussion of methods used by theauthor to undertake the research. A review of literature covers the areas ofeconomic restructuring, factors influencing inner city decline, the role ofneighbourhood organizations, governance and business improvementdistricts, a review of relevant literature on sustainability, and concludes withan account of key historical events in Strathcona. The opportunities andchallenges of the neighbourhood are explained followed by an exploration ofreference cases that represent best practices of a variety of BIDs. Specific8recommendations are made to highlight the main opportunities and actionsthe Strathcona BIA can undertake to make a contribution that helps theneighbourhood move toward more sustainable social and economicdevelopment.9Chapter 2 — Literature Review2.1 Economic restructuringProductionA review of twentieth century economic processes will allow for a propercontextualization of the economic and social complexity of Strathcona. AsVancouver's first neighbourhood, Strathcona is home to a wide spectrum ofbusinesses that emerged during different economic periods. This complexitybrings added challenges that must be addressed in order to create a realisticand effective visioning for the community. First we must consider the impactof global economic trends advanced capitalist economies and consider theireffect on regional economies.While Strathcona was the pre-eminent industrial centre of Vancouver for thebetter part of the late nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century,processes of decentralization eroded the area's viability as an industrialdistrict. At the regional scale, industry decentralized in the post-WWIIperiod, aided by improvements in telephone and transportation technology.Many firms relocated to suburban locations, which offer access toinexpensive land, which is essential given trends favouring to single-storeyindustrial facilities. Suburban locations often have easier access to majortransportation corridors, especially expressways, which are highly desiredgiven that regional and inter-regional transportation is via truck-baseddistribution rather than railroad, as done in the past. (Fainstein andFainstein)10At the global scale, Fainstein and Fainstein (1989) note a broader processesof decentralization of production and consumption in modern capitalisteconomies. This decentralization is carried out by global-scale companieswhich are able to achieve efficiency and profitability by breaking up theoperating units of the corporation to realize benefit from the variouslocational advantages offered by different jurisdictions around the world.Improvements in information and communications technology as well astransportation have accelerated this process. As a result, advancedeconomies have seen their labour-intensive, manufacturing industries erodedas manufacturing has shifted to locations with lower wages and more flexiblelabour regulation. Inner city industries in advanced capitalist economieshave difficulty competing in the global environment and have lost a largeamount of industrial jobs.More recently, there has been a resurgence in the economy of the inner cityas a site of distinctive production and consumption (Hutton, 2008). 'Neweconomy' industries involved in the creative services such as architecture,graphic design as well as those in the emerging multimedia sector haveshown locational preferences for districts in the central city that hadpreviously been vacant or underutilized. The inner city offers the economicand social agglomeration advantages that are critical for industries thatproduce a large amount of cultural/symbolic content. Sites such aswarehouse districts constructed in the late 19 th and early 20 th century are11preferred by many firms because of the distinctive built environment, whichsuits the locational preferences of workers and also conveys importantsymbols to prospective clients (i.e. that the firm is hip and 'cutting edge')(Hutton, 2004). The case of Vancouver's inner city illustrates a 'new phase ofindustrial urbanism' in which ascendant industries have located outside thecentral business district in the districts of Yaletown, Gastown, and VictorySquare as well as the light industrial areas of Mt. Pleasant and False CreekFlats (Hutton, 2008). This restructuring has been formally recognized by theCity of Vancouver, as it has extended the eastern boundaries of itsMetropolitan Core eastward from Main Street to Clark Drive and is currentlyconducting a policy review under the Metropolitan Core Jobs and EconomyLand Use Plan.ConsumptionIn the pre-WWII period, the inner city played a dominant role as the primarylocation for many retail and consumer services (Teaford, 1993). In contrastto manufacturing and office functions, consumer services (e.g. restaurants,laundries, banks, retail, etc.), depend more greatly on proximity to theirmarket of local residents. It is argued that consumer services decentralizedbecause residential development decentralized, not necessarily becausebusinesses were trying to reduce operating costs (Fainstein and Fainstein).Furthermore, new formats of retailing such as the self-contained, suburbanshopping mall emerged in the post-WWII period. The prevalence of thisformat of retailing was partly responsible for the decline of central city12commercial districts, which had difficulty competing with the ample freeparking and climate-controlled, secure environment offered by the regionalshopping mall.Beginning in the 1980s, consumption in the inner city has been repackagedto take advantage of the characteristics that differentiate it from suburbanlocations. Cultural institutions such as art galleries, museums, musicalperformance spaces, and stadiums, tend to be concentrated in the inner cityand attract visitors from across the region. In some cases, visitors arebeing drawn to the inner city for unique retail spaces that focus on artisanalproduction and small, independent businesses. Initially, the inner city wasattractive for artisanal production because space was more flexible andoffered at a lower cost than suburban locations. Increasingly, cost is less ofa factor, and image of the district is becoming more important for theretailing of artisanal production.The cultural turn in consumption, has meant that consumers are seeking outopportunities where they can assert their individuality through consumptionof specialized goods. It is only certain parts of the inner city outside of thecentral business district that are the favoured locations for this 'distinctive'consumption.The re-emergence of retail in the inner city is also related to an increase ofresidential population of the inner city, in particular, the increase of13population of middle and high-income residents with particular types oftastes and consumption patterns. As charted by Ley (1996), the inner cityhas been dramatically reshaped by the arrival of new class of residents whoeschew conventional suburbanization patterns and choose to live in the innercity. The presence of a greater number of wealthy residents has increasedlocal-serving retail opportunities (grocery stores, pharmacies, cafes,drycleaners, etc.) in many areas that were previously underserved in thisrespect.Regional and Urban Economic DevelopmentKresl (1995) suggests that the regional/urban scale is the scale at whicheconomic competitiveness can best be achieved in the current context. Freetrade agreements make it more difficult for national governments tointervene to protect and develop local industries via tariffs and non-tarifftrade barriers. In addition to a liberalized trade environment, "majorchanges in the technology of production, distribution, communication, andtransportation have dramatically altered economic space, forced areconsideration of center and periphery, and made it rational for cities toform new linkages and functional networks with other cities that previouslyhad been considered economically remote." (p.50).Opportunities for regions in advanced economies are mainly in the domainsof the provision of high-order services, high-technology research anddevelopment, and the cultural economy (e.g. tourism, artisanal industries,14new media industries. In order to maintain the viability of local firms over thelong term, regions must explore ways in which the economy can be morelocally embedded via clustering and district strategies that facilitateinnovation.The aforementioned processes and trends resulted in the decline of inner citymanufacturing and retail as well as a restructuring of office uses. We turnnow to other factors for inner city decline.2.2 The challenges of the inner city 3The inner city is the area of the region that has been most dramaticallyimpacted by changes in the broader national and global economy. Bourne(1978) provides an overview of the explanations for the condition of theinner city. One of the earliest explanations of disinvestment and decline inthe inner city is drawn from the field of urban ecology as first developed byChicago sociologists Robert Park and Ernest Burgess in their 1923 work, TheCity. In this model of the city, concentric zones of land-uses radiate from thecentral business district. The model suggests that new arrivals to the citysettle in tenement housing immediately adjacent to the central rail terminaland CBD. As immigrant groups improve their financial situation, they areable to purchase bigger, better housing in areas further out from the centre.Subsequent new arrivals take the places vacated by those who haverelocated farther out from the core, and the waves of succession continue.3 This section adapted from Bourne (1978)15The model also contains a 'zone of transition' where commercial andindustrial land uses compete with the low-value residential properties. Whilethis model has some explanatory power, it is based on assumptions ofcontinuous urban growth, in-migration, an industrial economy, with a relativeabsence of urban planning.A 'political economy' explanation suggests that unequal power relations andsystematic exploitation under a capitalist system are the cause of inner citydecline. It is argued that capitalism necessitates the under-employment ofcertain people and regions. In this situation businesses capture all of thebenefits from the economic system, while avoiding paying the costs ofrestructuring. There is also a structural change hypothesis, that argues it isold industrial districts that are the most vulnerable to global structuralchanges in the economy.A number of 'unintended' policy consequences affected the viability of inner-city districts for residential and industrial use. The construction of regionalhighways and freeways improved the accessibility of suburbs and removedthe locational advantage of the central city. Furthermore the physicaldestruction, separation, and environmental degradation resulting fromhighway-building through the inner city accelerated the decline of manyresidential neighbourhoods. Inexpensive government-sponsored mortgagesfor new suburban housing combined with restriction on loans for inner city16housing improvement, accelerated the deterioration of inner city housingstock.Gentrification is an additional challenge facing inner city districts such as theDowntown Eastside (DTES). As Wyly (2008) shows, the commodified natureof housing in a capitalist economy leads to negative outcomes for low-incomeresidents of inner city neighbourhoods that are revitalized. Activists achieve'partial successes' through mobilization of effective campaigns in certaininstances such as the provision of social housing units in the new Woodwardsdevelopment in the DTES. However, over the long-term social polarizationwithin the neighbourhood increases and affordability increases. It issuggested that alternatives to the market provision of housing need to beexplored in order to avoid negative outcomes for low-income residents.Each of the aforementioned factors has an impact to varying degreesdepending on the local context. From the discussion, we can see that thereare both internal and external factors that have affected the inner city. Wenow turn to a discussion of the various forms of resistance and response tothe pressures exerted on inner city neighbourhood.2.3 Neighbourhood organizations and local democracyThe inner city has been 'ground zero' for economic and social change and hasbeen the location of intense struggles waged by urban social movements toreshape urban policy in a manner consistent with alternative values, or to17right previous wrongs. During the 20 th century, several forms of grassrootsmovements made attempts to challenge the status quo of decision-making inthe realm of city-building.Ley and Hasson (1994) examine the way in which neighbourhoodorganizations in Vancouver and multiple cities in Israel have impacted urbandevelopment. In order to explain how and why effective neighbourhoodorganizations are formed and mobilized, it is useful to consider the mainforces that determine outcomes of political struggles. Contextual/structuralfactors set the framework: the national and global economy and establishedmodels of governance constrain and enable movements. Human agency isthe other important factor whereby a charismatic or entrepreneurial leadercan affect the outcome of political struggle. It is also noted that humanmotives extend beyond rational cost-benefit analysis to include fear, prideand revenge.Ley and Hasson identify four main types of neighbourhood organizations:ratepayer organizations, ethno-racial organizations, grassroots movements,and co-production/neo-corporatist organizations.Ratepayers organizations were the earliest type of neighbourhoodorganization that made all of the decisions regarding the local physical andsocial environment. These groups were primarily motivated by a desire to18maintain the existing character of their neighbourhood and keep'undesirables' out.Ethno-racial organizations were formed in neighbourhoods with large visibleminority populations and these groups acted as "political mediators betweenthe state and the communities, serving the interests of both sides."(p.48)Grassroots movements arose in response to the failures of the modernwelfare state challenging cultural hegemony, paternalism, and socialinjustice. It was these groups who first brought forward proposals forpolicies encouraging local empowerment.Co-production/neo-corporatist organizations are engaged in partnershipswith the state through institutionalized structures for the delivery of services.As Ley and Hasson point out, these type of arrangements can be fraught withcontradictions as they are supported by progressive and conservativepoliticians for very different reasons. Progressives seek to increase localempowerment while conservatives seek to reduce the state's responsibilities.It is noted that there is fluidity between the categories over time, particularlybetween protest organizations and co-production organizations. "With thepassage of time, however, protest organizations have frequently moderatedtheir actions, and have become absorbed within the institutional-political19system, a sequence typically running the gamut from paternalism to protest,and finally to partnership or co-production." (Ley and Hasson: 4).Ley and Hasson chart how neighbourhood organizations in Vancouver grewout of the 1960s protest movements that mobilized against urban renewal inthe Downtown Eastside. Organizations such as the Strathcona PropertyOwners' and Tenants' Association were key to forming the coalition thatstopped the demolition of large sections of Strathcona for urban freewaysand high-rise public housing projects.In the mid-1970s, the West Broadway Citizens' Committee succeeded indrawing attention to tenants' issues and preventing high-rise development, inthe neighbourhood of Kitsilano. This organization arose at a time when theprovincial government, led by the left-leaning New Democratic Party,engaged in governance reform that decentralized community planning andservice delivery to locally-elected community resource boards. However,these gains were short-lived, as a right-leaning provincial government led bythe Social Credit Party cancelled the community resource board program andorganizations such as the West Broadway Citizens' Committee declined as itsbudget dried up.This was also the period that saw a number of federally-sponsored programssuch as co-op housing and neighbourhood improvement grants that metsome demands for local empowerment. Neighbourhood organizations such20as the Downtown Eastside Residents' Association succeeded in gainingentitlements in the areas of social and co-op housing for low-incomeresidents.Although neighbourhood organizations succeeded in stopping urban renewaland obtaining funds for housing and upgrading neighbourhood, many wereunsustainable over the long-term due to reliance on discretionarygovernment funding and an overburdened volunteer base.Ley and Hasson identify a recursive engagement of neighbourhoodorganizations with the state: "in the process of structuring with communityorganizations, the state may be restructured" (p.327). Over the years, therise and fall of neighbourhood organizations is indicative of the strugglebetween contradictory projects of effective state control throughadministrative decentralization and decentralization initiated from below.They also acknowledge increasing complexity resulting from changingrelations between civil society and the state where there is no longer a cleardistinction between public and private.Ley and Hasson raise two very important questions: How can civil societyorganizations enact the double-sided process of creative reform protected bystate action and innovation from below through radical social initiatives?Secondly, how do we expand participatory democracy while strengtheningthe steering capacity of the local state? Business Improvement Districts may21offer some opportunities as they are increasingly becoming a part ofgovernance at the district or neighbourhood scale.2.4 BIDs and governanceOver the years, there have been efforts on the part of business and propertyowners, to mobilize to ensure that the interests of downtowns and inner citydistricts are addressed by policymakers. The most recent incarnation of thistype of organization is the Business Improvement District (BID).MorgOl and Zimmerman (2006) define Business Improvement Districts aspublicly sanctioned organizations that provide a range of services to theirmembers and in some cases to the wider community. They are enabled bystate/provincial legislation and officially established by municipalgovernments. In most cases initiators of BIDs must obtain support from amajority of business and/or property owners in the proposed BID area. Oncethe BID is created, it operates for designated period (usually 5 years) beforegoing before the elected officials of the municipal government to be approvedfor a renewal of its mandate. BID legislation also has provisions for thedissolution of a BID subject to a petition of a substantial majority of businessowners and/or property owners. What distinguishes BIDs from most otherassociations and non-profit organizations is the power of coercive taxation,whereby they derive their revenue from taxation of all businesses and/orproperty owners that are located within their territory.22BIDs are rooted in the long privatist tradition of government and politics inthe U.S. where there is a long history of voluntary associations formed forthe purposes of common objectives (Morcol and Zimmerman, 2006). Atvarious times throughout the 19 th and 20th centuries, business associationshave been active in delivering public services and influencing publicpolicymaking and implementation in their local areas. However, the degreeof influence and responsibility of business associations has variedconsiderably throughout this period.Throughout most of the 19 th century, it was business coalitions thatspearheaded the management and provision of urban services in NorthAmerican cities. The early 20th century reformist movement sparked thecreation of municipal government bureaucracies that assumed control andresponsibility for urban services. It is this period that saw the firstsystematic attempts at city management and development by localgovernment. Social services were expanded to serve the growing legions ofnew arrivals that populated the city. It was not until the Great Depressionthat senior levels of government took over responsibility for social welfareservices from municipalities.The post-WWII period witnessed another wave of modernist, rationalapproaches to governance. Decisions regarding the future ofneighbourhoods were made by technocrats with specialized expertise. Thissystem of decision-making brought about change through massive slum23clearance and highway-building projects in the name of urban renewal. Itwasn't until the 1980s that more direct business association involvement inthe planning and provision of services re-emerged. The neo-conservativeframework of the Thatcher, Regan, and Mulroney governments called for aretrenchment of the state in favour of revitalization efforts led by the privatesector. Special Improvement Districts, Empowerment Zones and BusinessImprovement Districts were created for this purpose.In the 1990s, many North American cities experienced an urban renaissancewhere the inner city became an attractive place for higher income residentsas well as new economy industries. Consequently, many new businessimprovement districts were formed to assist in developing place-basedstrategies that could take advantage of the new opportunities afforded by therenewed interest in (inner)city-living. A large number of BIDs were formedat the end of the 1990s. It is estimated that there were 800 to 1200 BIDs inthe U.S. and Canada by the end of the decade (Briffault, 1999).In the current decade, BIDs have solidified their presence and have taken onan increasing scope of activities. The trend toward 'third way' governancethat favours public-private partnerships and the greater involvement of civilsociety and non-governmental organizations in governance has created manyopenings for BIDs.24This trend raises new questions regarding accountability and the role ofgovernment in society. Although governments formally possess oversightpowers, they are rarely used (Wolf, 2006), which suggests that BIDs aregiven a considerable amount of latitude when it comes to formal mechanismsof accountability to local government.BIDs take on a variety of forms based on provincial-level or state-levellegislation. In the state of Georgia: BIDs are essentially another level ofgovernment, as they have the power to levy taxes and borrow money byfloating bonds (Briffaut, 1999). In many jurisdictions such as Washington DCand the state of California, BID taxes are not levied on residential properties,but residents are encouraged to participate in the governance of BIDs asnon-voting members of the BID board.BIDs hold promise because they address the individual interests of businessowners by conducting promotional activities that need to be donecommunity-wide scale in order to be effective. Because of their local focus,BIDs are able to facilitate informal networks of information exchange andsolidarity that can assist in cooperation and community-building (MorgOl andZimmerman, 2006). In addition, many BIDs are concerned about the well-being of the wider community. The main challenge revolves aroundconnecting BIDs with other stakeholders in the community to achievecommon objectives. New discourses around development are centred25around the concept of sustainability, a framework that could be used by BIDsto pursue an alternative strategy of governance in their community.2.5 Sustainability: an integrated frameworkAn alternative framework is proposed by those advocating sustainability,which attempts to see development and growth from a more holisticperspective. Sustainability is innovative in the sense that it seeks tohighlight the interdependence of human and natural systems, as well as theinterdependence among all members of society. The following definition ofsustainability has been defined by the BC Roundtable on the Economy andthe Environment :"Sustainability is a term that has evolved from the idea of'sustainable development,' defined as the realization of thedevelopment needs of all people without sacrificing the Earth'scapacity to sustain all life. Sustainability means achieving anequilibrium betweeh human impacts and the carrying capacity ofthe natural world which can be sustained indefinitely.Sustainability takes into account three interdependent elements:the environment, the economy and the social system. Abalance between these elements will demand the adoption of anew ethic, a new lifestyle and n.ew expectations to ensure our26collective survival. Sustainability is the key to our future qualityof life." (p.15)With respect to the economy, the sustainability paradigm suggests aredefinition of priorities to ensure that communities must provideopportunities for their citizens to earn an income and must seek an equitabledistribution of economic benefits. A vision of a sustainable economy is onewhere "[g]rowth in itself should not be a primary goal. Rather, we shouldconsider economic well-being and quality of life in communities to be moreimportant goals." (BC Round Table: 79). Social sustainability revolvesaround social equity, which is defined as 'fairness of opportunity', whereby allgroups, including those who have been traditionally under-represented, beincluded in decision-making.Sustainability also requires that we consider the impacts of human activity oneco-systems. In an effort to reduce our impact on the natural environment,Brugmann and Hersh (1991) suggest we look at the city as an eco-systemwith complex relations between human activities and the environment:Human 'eco-systems' such as cities transform energy and materials intoproducts that are consumed, exported, or turned into by-products. Naturalsystems function sustainably because by-products are recycled. Our currenturban systems need to be reformed as they are currently designed in a waythat by-products often go unused as wastes.27Newman (1996) explains the social benefits offered by compactcommunities. Not only do they minimize the need for long-distance,motorized travel, they present the opportunity to live lifestyles in such a waythat enhances community interaction in the public realm, in contrast to theprivate isolation of auto-dependent communities.Roseland (1998) defines sustainable community economic development(CED) as the "process by which communities can initiate and generate theirown solutions to their common economic problems and thereby build long-term capacity and foster the integration of economic, social andenvironmental objectives" (p.160). This type of approach requires attentionto the issues of local job creation, poverty alleviation, and improvements inquality of life. Furthermore, CED also recognizes the value of non-monetaryand non-material transactions, things that are often unaccounted for inmainstream economics.Given the complex series of economic processes and responses, it isimperative that a plan for 'revitalization' adopt strategies that build off oflocal economic strengths and ascendant industries while drawing on thelessons from previous attempts to foster local economic and socialdevelopment. The main question that remains is how a business or aneighbourhood can successfully combine ecologically-sound operatingprinciples with a community economic development orientation. Morerecently, issues of climate change have been brought to the forefront, and28questions are being raised about the sustainability of the global economy asit is currently structured. This could represent an opportunity to reshape theway our communities and economy function. However, this opportunity isbest seized by drawing on the unique strengths and values that havedeveloped since Strathcona was first established.29Chapter 3 - Histories of the DTES and StrathconaThis chapter considers how the global trends discussed in the previouschapter have shaped the neighbourhood of Strathcona. A discussion of theneighbourhood's economic and social histories will assist in establishing aframework for revitalization that is appropriate for Strathcona.3.1 Vancouver's first neighbourhoodPrior to European arrival, the land in and around Strathcona was inhabitedprimarily by Aboriginal Coast Salish peoples. Permanent Europeansettlement of Strathcona gained momentum with the construction of theHastings Sawmill in 1865 on the south shore of Burrard Inlet at the foot ofDunlevy Street. From the outset, Strathcona was home to an ethnicallyheterogeneous population (McDonald, 1996). The Hastings mill was run bymen of British ancestry and relied on the labour of people of Aboriginal,Chinese, British and many other ancestries who worked as millhands anddomestic labour.Vancouver's settlement pattern is reflective of the ethnically-segregatedlabour structure associated with the resource extraction economy. AsVancouver's original east side neighbourhood, Strathcona has always hadstrong working-class roots as a home for labourers working in the localsawmills and associated supportive services. Several single-room occupancyhotels (SROs) were built in the Downtown Eastside district that served as off-season homes for loggers and sailors. The ethnic enclaves of Chinatown,30Japantown, and Hogan's Alley, home to people of Chinese, Japanese, andAfrican ancestry also developed in and around Strathcona. As a result, theDowntown Eastside developed a unique social structure that stood in contrastto the west side of the city, which was home to business owners and middle-class professionals and administrators, who were usually of British ancestry.While the differences between families in Strathcona and those of the westside were primarily ones of ethnicity and economic means, a highly-visiblegroup of 'transient' residents of the Downtown Eastside had a significantlydifferent way of life. McDonald (1996) illustrates the contrast in lifestyles:"Vancouver's floating population challenged the values andlifestyle of the respectable majority, especially on downtownstreets. Lacking homes or roots in the community, transients,and seasonal workers took to the streets for both recreationaland practical purposes. Streets in the zone between thewaterfront and Chinatown were especially busy on Saturdaynights."(p.224)This was in direct contrast to areas outside the inner city, where lifewas contained mostly in the private domain of the home. McDonaldexplains that public streets take on an important role in the daily livesof residents of the inner city because as residents of SROs, theycontrolled very little private space. Furthermore, many of the31transient workers had few local family ties and therefore had differentpatterns of social activities that differentiated them from the majorityof Vancouver residents.3.2 Industry and commerceStrathcona was also the first industrial district of Vancouver. After theincorporation of the City of Vancouver in 1886 and the completion of thetranscontinental Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) in 1887, many natural-resource processing and manufacturing industries sprung up adjacent to thePort of Vancouver and in proximity to the CPR terminus at Coal Harbour. Asugar refinery and major grain storage and handling facilities were some ofthe first major industrial businesses in the area. Overall, heavy industry inVancouver was mostly composed of firms engaged in the processing ofnatural resources. Compared with other major Canadian cities such asMontreal and Toronto, Vancouver developed relatively few advancedmanufacturing industries.Many smaller industries, servicing the businesses and residents of Vancouverwere located throughout Strathcona, particularly along Clark Drive. It wasnot uncommon for industrial activities such as auto repair shops and scrapyards to be interspersed among the homes of Strathcona (Atkin, 1994).Strathcona for many years was also part of an important regional commercialdistrict. This role was solidified during the rapid economic expansion32between 1907 and 1913. As the terminus of the interurban rail lines, theDowntown Eastside, particularly along the Hastings corridor became thecity's pre-eminent retail and commercial district, with important retailerssuch as Woodward's being major regional shopping destinations. Thecompletion of the Dominion Bank building (Vancouver's first skyscraper) atthe corner of Hastings and Cambie Street marked the high point for the areaas an important commercial and administrative hub. Important ethnically-specific commercial districts also emerged on Powell and Pender Street(known then as Dupont Street).Shortly thereafter, the dominance of the district was challenged as largeroffice and retail buildings built further west on the downtown peninsula. Theopening of the Birks office building and the Hudson's Bay Company flagshipstore in 1913 at the intersection of Granville Street and Georgia Street wereemblematic of this spatial restructuring of the city commercial land uses thatwould permanently alter the role of the Downtown Eastside as a commercialcentre.3.3 Urban renewalUrban renewal and land clearance have been a part of Vancouver's historysince its inception via a concept of property that facilitates these processes(Blomley, 2004). The district of the Downtown Eastside and theneighbourhood of Strathcona have been home to groups of people who aremarginalized from mainstream society and are therefore the most vulnerable33to strategies of land clearance and urban renewal. McDonald (1996)describes the position of residents of the Downtown Eastside: "...the city'ssingle men, 'foreigners', and the poor occupied a distinct inner core that gavegeographic expression to their social identity as people outside themainstream of civic discourse." (p.213). In response to middle-class socialfears and paranoia regarding blight and disorder, decision-makers inVancouver periodically attempted to do away with perceived social ills anddisorder by engaging in clearance of areas for urban renewal.In 1887, residents of the Indian Rancherie, a settlement of Aboriginal peopleadjacent to the Hastings Mill, were expelled after a visit by the Chief ofPolice. The expulsion was prompted by extensive newspaper coverage of'revelry, rioting, and shooting' at the Rancherie (McDonald, 1996).After amalgamating with neighbouring municipalities of South Vancouver andPoint Grey in 1923, the City commissioned the firm of Harland Bartholomewto create its first major urban plan. In addition to planning for developmentof surrounding farmland, the Bartholomew plan designed land use zoning forexisting areas. It was determined that Strathcona would be zoned for threemajor types of redevelopment. The area to the west of Dunlevy was slatedfor the expansion of the central business district. The area north of Hastingsand east of Dunlevy was zoned for heavy industry. The remaining parts ofStrathcona, including the residential areas were zoned for 'six-storey'industrial (Atkin, 1994). At the level of the city decision-makers, Strathcona34was no longer considered to be a viable residential neighbourhood, despitewhat local residents may have thought. This perception of theneighbourhood accelerated its physical deterioration as low-rent industrialuses proliferated throughout residential areas. Furthermore, local residentswere unable to access funds to upgrade or maintain their properties aslenders were reluctant to finance homeowners in an area slated for renewal.The scope and scale of urban renewal efforts reached their peak in the 1950sand 1960s, when several proposals were put forward to radically alter theDowntown Eastside and Strathcona. 'Project 200', proposed by MarathonProperties, the real estate development arm of the CPR, planned for thedestruction of most the warehousing district along the shores of Burrard Inletand the construction of dozens of high-rise complexes, to be accessed byautomobile freeways. The proposed elevated freeway alignment was to cutthrough the heart of the Downtown Eastside along Carrall Street and connectwith the Georgia Viaduct before proceeding along the Strathcona Streets ofPrior and Gore.Another major aspect of renewal was to be the demolition of existing homesin Strathcona and the construction of large amounts of high-rise publichousing. These strategies reflected a paradigm of modernist planning thatproposed the rejection of old ways of living in favour of new technologicallysuperior methods of construction and transportation as a means to reshapesocial structures for the better. However, this strategy did not sit well with35those who were the targets of renewal. In the case of Vancouver, a uniquecoalition of neighbourhood groups and activists drawn from both the city'sEast Side and West Side was successful in forcing a reconsideration of thisstrategy.3.4 Neighbourhood activismAt the end of the 1960s a city-wide coalition against the freeway broughttogether a diverse group of activists including inner city residents, heritageactivists, academics, and progressive civic politicians. Among the localactivist groups in the coalition, was the Strathcona Property Owners' andTenants' Association (SPOTA), which was successful in enfranchising the localresidents, many of whom were of Chinese ancestry, that had been longmarginalized in Vancouver's civic arena. The coalition succeeded in buildingwidespread opposition to the City's urban renewal plans. Freewayconstruction was stopped (and save for the Dunsmuir and Georgia Viaducts)no freeway was ever constructed in the inner city. Federal governmentstrategies of public housing were abandoned in favour of the NeighbourhoodImprovement Program (NIP) and the Residential Rehabilitation AssistanceProgram (RRAP). The NIP provided funding for locally-proposed upgrading ofpublic spaces and facilities while RRAP provided grants and loans directly tohomeowners for repair and upgrading of their homes.In the 1970s and 1980s, groups such as the Downtown Eastside Residents'Association (DERA) succeeded in pressuring the government to improve36conditions for low-income residents of the Downtown Eastside. Allied withkey progressive members of Vancouver city council, DERA was able to securethe construction of a large number of locally-controlled social housing andcommunity facilities. This represented a paradigm shift with respect to theprovision of social housing, as the Federal government funded a bottom-upapproach that emphasized co-op housing and other models as an alternativeto top-down, government-run public housing models.3.5 Economic decline and social crisis1971 marked the culmination of a restructuring process in the inner city withthe construction of the modernist international-style Pacific Centre shoppingmall and office tower complex at the corner of Granville and Georgia. Much ofthe Hastings commercial corridor began to decline as it no longer attractedshoppers from across the city. The local market, made up of a highproportion of low-income households was insufficient to support the level ofbusiness activity that it had in earlier years. The closure of Woodwardsdepartment store, lynchpin of the Hastings corridor, resulted in a very highnumber of commercial vacancies.A restructuring of residential land use meant that social problems becamemore concentrated in the Downtown Eastside and Strathcona as other centralcity neighbourhoods such as Downtown South became gentrified and housingbecame less affordable, forcing low-income tenants to relocate further east(Ley, 1996).37Severe cuts to government social housing budgets and income supportsthroughout the 1990s and into the 21' century have had a severe impact onthe Downtown Eastside. The impacts of the retrenchment of the welfare stateare most acutely felt and most visible in the inner city. Homelessness,addiction and mental health issues loom large in the district.Recently, new organizations such as the Portland Hotel Society, a group witha strong social mandate, have emerged as major operators of SRO hotelsand facilities in partnership with government. Also, a ground-breakingpartnership has been formed between government, the private sector, andnon-governmental organizations to redevelop the Woodward's site into amixed-use project that includes market and non-market housing, retail, andcommunity space. However, the Downtown Eastside and Strathcona nowface unprecedented pressures for real estate development as most availablesites on the Downtown Peninsula have been redeveloped.Innovative approaches to revitalization are required to avoid repeating pasterrors. Facilitation of projects that pursue economic development in a formthat provides opportunities for local residents and avoids displacement isessential. Urban planners and developers need to explore opportunities forcooperation with local groups and consider alternate conceptions of city lifeand the use of public space. By incorporating a better understanding of theunique social structure and history of the area, revitalization efforts are more38likely to have a positive impact on the community. These efforts will need totake full advantage of strategic opportunities that are specific to theneighbourhood.39Chapter 4 - Opportunities and Constraints for StrathconaThis chapter will consider what opportunities exist to address the majorchallenges of the neighbourhood of Strathcona and the district of theDowntown Eastside.4.1 Institutional landscapeThere is a complex web of institutions that have a stake and responsibilitiesin the Downtown Eastside, including Strathcona. Three levels of governmenthave varying responsibilities. The federal government is active in theneighbourhood via Western Economic Diversification Canada, which providesfunding for social and economic development initiatives. Federal governmentresponsibilities in the domains of criminal law and health also play animportant role in the neighbourhood. The provincial government is active inthe provision of social services including income supports, health care, andsocial housing. For its part, the municipal government exercises power overland use zoning, social planning, economic development planning, socialhousing, and policing.In addition to government agencies, there is also a strong contingent of non-governmental organizations that engage in social service provision, housingprovision, advocacy and social enterprise development (e.g. Union GospelMission, Portland Hotel Society, Pivot Legal Society, Eastside Movement forBusiness & Economic Renewal Society). Many citizen activist groups are also40active in the area (e.g. Downtown Eastside Residents' Association, Tenants'Rights Action Coalition).The homelessness and addiction crisis in the Downtown Eastside promptedthe creation of the Vancouver Agreement, which altered the relationshipbetween the three levels of government. The Agreement is innovative in itsattempt at a horizontal governance arrangement that requires unanimousconsent of all three levels of government. Although the Agreement containsmany goals targeting wide community engagement , some groups in thecommunity feel that the Vancouver Agreement has no presence in thecommunity' because it is perceived that government partners are morecomfortable working only with community business organizations and arereluctant to partner with any activist group (Mason, 2007). However, there isa history of collaboration between the government and the local communityon several fronts through initiatives such as the Single Room AccomodationBy-law and Homeless Action Plan. The Vancouver Agreement's DowntownEastside Economic Revitalization Plan (2004) aims to 'stimulate demand forlocal products and services while strengthening the capabilities of localsuppliers'. The current state of the DTES is challenging from an economicperspective. The current population of the district is 16,000, with 70% ofresidents classified as low-income. Currently, most employees of DTES firmslive outside the district.41Four priorities have been established under the Vancouver Agreement toguide future development in the district. They include improved safety,improved social well-being of residents, improved health of residents, andeconomic revitalization. The Downtown Eastside Economic Revitalization Plan(2004) is a key part of the planning process for the DTES. The Plan identifiedseven main challenges that the district faces: safety and security concerns,the high cost of upgrading buildings, high commercial vacancy rates, a smalllocal market for retail, physical separation from the rest of the city, a lack ofidentity: businesses and neighbourhoods are struggling to positively definethemselves, and scepticism about the area's prospects and the ability torevitalize without displacing residents.Three key strategies have been identified for economic revitalization of theDowntown Eastside. Along with each strategy is a list of several actions thatcould be undertaken to pursue each of these strategies. The followingsection will describe the actions in which an organization such as BIA couldbe involved.The first strategy is to increase demand for the Downtown Eastside'sproducts and services. Key actions include: taking advantage of keyeconomic drivers of the city's economy, creating strong neighbourhoodbrands, and by upgrading the area's appearance and strengthening links withsurrounding areas.42The second strategy is to strengthen the capabilities of local suppliers. Keyactions include: upgrading building infrastructure and attracting newbusinesses to the area.The third strategy is to increase employment opportunities. Key actionsinclude: enhancing employment readiness and job retention skills andstrengthening employer and community links.A key organization involved in the implementation of the actions of theEconomic Revitalization Plan is Building Opportunities with Business (BOB).BOB is a non-profit organization with an overarching goal of "inclusiverevitalization process for the inner-city that values existing businesses andresidents." The main activities of the organization revolve around increasingthe number of jobs located in the area and improving employmentopportunities and retention. BOB also supports business development bedirecting procurement contracts to local businesses and providing mentors,loans an other assistance to the area's businesses.A unique feature of the Downtown Eastside is the presence of a number ofsocial enterprises that are operated like businesses but are managed inpursuit of social and community goals. Well-established social enterprisessuch as United We Can, Potluck Café, and the Portland Hotel Society areimportant community institutions.434.2 Industrial productionThe City of Vancouver has converted significant amounts of industrial land toresidential use over the past twenty years. The Expo lands on the northshore of False Creek, Yaletown, Coal Harbour, and Southeast False Creek (in-process) are all examples of industrial areas that have been redeveloped fornew residential projects over the past two decades. However, it isrecognized that an adequate supply of industrial land is a critical element forthe city's economy in two respects. First, many of the light industries andcommercial services located in the central city perform essential servicingfunctions for central city firms and residents. Secondly, industrial land uses,particularly those on the production side are labour-intensive, and offeremployment opportunities for those with relatively fewer skills or education.Strathcona possesses assets that could make it amenable for thedevelopment of new industrial clusters. First of all, the presence of anexisting, affordable building stock, with small unit sizes, offers manyopportunities for business incubation. Secondly, the dense urban form of theneighbourhood and the surrounding districts offers opportunities for theconcentration of a greater number of firms within a relatively smallgeographic area, which would be advantageous as spatial proximityfacilitates innovation in an industrial cluster, helping businesses adapt torapidly changing market conditions.44The dense urban form of Strathcona also offers advantages when consideringecologically sustainable solutions for industry, including district heatingsystems, energy and waste sharing, reduction in truck transport, reduction incommuting by automobile, remediation of brownfields, and the reuse ofexisting buildings and materials.A study of the industrial and commercial lands along Clark Drive and PowellStreet (Harris Consulting and Cityspaces Consulting, 2007) identified thestrengths, weaknesses, and opportunities for industrial and commercialgrowth in the DTES.The report noted the following redevelopment challenges: a lack of vacantland to accommodate building expansion, older building stock, fragmenteddevelopment upon small lots, soil contamination, aging public infrastructure,traffic congestion, conflicts between incompatible land uses, high square-footlease rates, negative public perceptions regarding safety and security,competition for skilled labour, and the lack of a vital public realm.Advantages were also noted. Strathcona currently provides an environmentthat acts as an incubator for new businesses. Even though the area hasrelatively high square-foot lease rates, unit sizes are smaller than average,which allows for competitive rents. The areas under study also had a highnumber of businesses generating high employment densities (90 jobs per net45acre), which are double of those found in newer, suburban industrial areas.(Harris Consulting and City Spaces Consulting: 30).In consideration of future policy interventions, the report authors recommendthe city look to San Francisco and Boston, which have the most successfulindustrial strategies for small and medium-sized businesses, particularlythose involved in light industrial production, distribution and repair. It waspointed out that these types of industrial uses are generally more compatiblewith residential and commercial uses than heavy manufacturing.The report recommends that the City encourage mixed-use industrial/flexspace for areas of Powell Street and Clark Drive. It is suggested that the citycould maintain and expand industrial space by allowing projects that havelight industrial uses on the ground floor, with the option of adding rentallive/work spaces on upper floors. The city must restrict these spaces torental so they can more readily be converted to other uses later on asneeded. The City can look to precedents such as the Mt. Pleasant lightindustrial area, which contains many firms that service the Broadway officecorridor and has a relatively high employment density of 115 jobs per acres.4.3 Artistic productionPopular discourse around the concepts of creative class (Florida, 2002) andcreative cities (Landry, 2000; Helbrecht, 1998), and cultural planning (Evans,462001) have highlighted the potential advantages to be gained by cities thathave well-developed cultural scenes and cultural sectors.Strathcona is home to a large concentration of artists and creativeprofessionals (Sacco, 2006), who require large, relatively inexpensive,flexible space. Is there a potential to channel the talents of artists who wishto make a contribution to community development and the regionaleconomy as Markusen and Schrock (2006) suggest? Or will the presence ofthe artists merely facilitate displacement of low-income residents asdocumented in New York and Chicago (Zukin, 1983; Lloyd, 2006)?There are lessons to be learned from organizations such as Artspace inMinneapolis-St.Paul 4 which has been developing properties for the use ofartist co-operatives and non-profit organizations. These types of projectscan assist in avoiding the displacement of artists that often occurs in 'up-and-coming' neighbourhoods.The cultural environment of Strathcona and Vancouver could be furtherenhanced by the development of more performance spaces for local artists,particularly music spaces. Many local live music venues are currently underthreat of closure in other parts of the inner city primarily due to'incompatibility' with adjacent residential uses (Pickersgill, 2006).A similar organization also exists in Toronto474.4 Convivial cityThe dense urban form, with a mixture of uses and large diversity of residentsand users of public space is both a challenge and an asset. Achieving a'convivial' atmosphere could be an important strategy that ensures that theneighbourhood will be welcoming to people from all walks of life, includedthose at the margins of society. As Peattie (1998) explains, a convivialenvironment allows space for social energy in small or dissentingmanifestations that fulfill a human need to grow and express oneself.Effective planning cannot guarantee conviviality, but it can enhance thepossibility with the right rules, props and the right places and spaces. Aconvivial environment doesn't solve problems, but it allows people to riseabove them. This vision revolves around the idea that humans can havemeaningful interactions with each other regardless of differences in lifesituation or experience.Fainstein (2005) does caution that mere proximity does not necessarilyensure greater understanding among groups of people whose identities,lifestyles, and values are very different from one's own. She suggests thatalthough urban planning often has diversity as its ultimate goal, there aredoubts about how much planners can achieve in terms of equitable outcomesor a satisfying public realm.484.5 Distinctive neighbourhoodNew residential development pressures loom large in the Downtown Eastsideand Strathcona. However, the City of Vancouver's commitment torevitalization without displacement has the potential to offer new avenuesand models of development that preserve and enhance the community'sassets. Furthermore, strategic planning for spaces of employment (via theMetro Core Jobs and Economy Land Use Plan) could result in greaterprotection of non-residential land uses from market pressures.The case of the DTES and Strathcona is distinct from previous redevelopmentlocations such as North False Creek and Coal Harbour, because the area hasa large number of existing residents. Therefore redevelopment of Strathconarequires a more elaborate approach to ensure that the objectives of zerodisplacement and economic revitalization are achieved. This unprecedentedsituation represents an opportunity for the neighbourhood of Strathcona toundergo a transformation that could result in a distinctive neighbourhoodthat contains a vibrant street environment that attracts visitors and servesresidents. A public realm that is truly open to everybody. A hub for culturalperformance and production where artists can make, display, and sell theirwork. A green, specialized industrial cluster that employs local residents andinnovates in a competitive marketplace. The best practices of BIDs fromacross North America suggest several ways in which BIDs can structure theirorganizations and activities to meet their objectives.49Chapter 5 — Best Practices: BID Operating CharacteristicsAcross North America, Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) varysubstantially in size, scope, structure, and sources of revenue. Differenttypes of BIDs also have differing relationships with government and civilsociety organizations.5.1 BID typologyGross's (2005) study of BIDs in New York City revealed that BIDs performeddifferent functions depending on their size, as measured by their annualbudget. Small BIDs (Community BIDs), defined as those with annualbudgets of less than $300,000, were primarily concerned with the physicalmaintenance of their commercial district. Medium-sized BIDs (Main StreetBIDs), defined as those with annual budgets between $300,000 and $1million, were more likely to pursue marketing and promotional activities inaddition to the physical maintenance. Larger BIDs (Corporate BIDs), withbudgets greater than $lmillion, were most likely to also undertake capitalimprovements to their districts in addition to physical maintenance andmarketing.Furthermore, differences in the composition of the boards of the BIDs variedaccording to BID size. At the top of the hierarchy, the board of a 'corporate'BID tends to be composed of individuals with extensive business skill setsincluding executives of major corporations, major commercial propertymanagement firms, large retail business owners, architects, large retail50business owners, and local government officials. On the other hand, 'mainstreet' BIDs tend to have boards that are composed of second generationimmigrants, with little formal education. Gross discovered throughinterviews with BID administrators, that in many main street BIDs, "theprofit motive overshadows any development of community" (Gross: 180).Due to their limited fiscal capacity, smaller BIDs are more likely to seek outpartnerships with the wider community. This, combined with the fact thatsmaller BIDs tend to have more varied interests and visions amongmembers, underscores the need for small BIDs to have well-developed groupprocess skills. BIDs with limited resources tend to focus on activities offacilitation in contrast with large BIDs who are more likely to have their ownstaff to carry out all of their activities. For example, New York City's LowerEast Side BID is involved more heavily in community development activitiessuch as advocacy, technical assistance, and training for local merchantscompared with larger BIDs that operate in central business districts.According to Gross, the type of activities that BIDs pursue depend on theirresource base, the type of commercial properties they represent, thecomposition and balance of power among the key stakeholders that arerepresented, and the wealth of the community where the BID is located.Wolf (2006) characterizes BIDs according to their organizational culture.BIDs in the United States operate primarily in one of the following fourcategories: entrepreneurial—emphasize program growth and risk-taking;51managerial: emphasize business-like efficient and effective provision of BIDservices; urban policy makers—BID is an important player in the policyarenas of local government and a willingness to try to influence policies andplay a leadership role; community/business partnership: emphasize the BIDas part of the broader community and willing to be involved in variouscommunity issues and efforts.The Strathcona BIA has grown from an annual revenue base of $250,000 in2005 to $400,000 in 2007. Based on the size of its assessment revenue, theStrathcona BIA can be considered a medium-sized BIA. However, one factorthat distinguishes it from most other medium-sized, 'main street' BIA is thatits membership consists primarily of non-retail industrial and commercialbusinesses. This represents an additional challenge that could see the BIAundertake other activities in addition to traditional retail marketing andplace-making strategies. Secondly, Strathcona's close proximity to thecentral business district provides additional opportunities and adds additionalpressures that many other 'main street' BIDs do not face, given their relativeisolation from downtown. This proximity, along with the unique challenges ofthe neighbourhood suggest that the BIA could consider blending all four ofWolf's organizational cultures. However, it remains to be seen how thiswould be structured, given the limited resource base of the BIA. The 'urbanpolicy maker' role is usually only performed by downtown BIDs that haveaccess to the financial and human resources of the central business district.525.2 Consultation and advocacyBIDs are moving beyond the traditional membership base of business ownersthat characterizes other business organizations. This trend has highlightedthe need for more complex organizational structures to govern a greaternumber and more diverse group of stakeholders (Segal, 2006). Traditionally,the main voice for central-city businesses was the regional Chamber ofCommerce. However, in the face of increasing suburbanization ofbusinesses, companies located in the central city saw the need for a central-city focused group to advocate for assistance with the issues that wereparticular to downtown and the inner city. Thus, many downtown and inner-city focused BIDs were formed to address these issues (Cloar, 2006). Joncas(2006) explains that most downtown or central city BIDs have missions thatrevolve around making their territory a good place to work, shop, live, playand invest whilst Chambers of Commerce are usually concerned primarilywith making the region a good place to do business. With these two variedagendas and membership, each organization advocates for differentmeasures to address their needs.Although most BIDs do not have formal, legal requirements for participationof non-business interests, many BIDs have active involvement of a widerange of stakeholders. At the most basic level, BIDs network with other localorganizations that represent other stakeholders in the community. This is aneffective practice, particularly for BIDs with limited resources as it allowsthem to identify opportunities for partnerships to achieve common53objectives. Furthermore, wider consultation can reinforce the legitimacy ofthe BID in the eyes of residents, other organizations and elected officials.Many BIDs have representatives from non-business interests byincorporating them as non-voting members of their executive board.Reinhard (2006) suggests a framework for BIDs that engage in advocacy.Three main factors determine whether a BID should conduct advocacy on aparticular issue. First of all, the organizational structure of the BID is animportant consideration. Engaging in advocacy that may be contrary to theviews of some of the BID members is problematic because members arerequired by law to fund the BID and cannot opt out of the association. Onesolution to this problem is to create an advocacy organization that is aseparate entity that runs on voluntary contributions. This has been done inSt. Louis, where the Downtown St. Louis Partnership was formed as an entityseparate from Downtown St. Louis Community Improvement District.Secondly, the issue of consensus is important. There should be a'supermajority' of members in favour of the advocacy position espoused bythe BID. It follows that the BID should avoid taking sides on any issue thatis between two members. A third consideration is the local area plan. It ishighly recommended that the BID be involved in the municipal planningprocess for its local area. An effective local plan created with activeparticipation of the BID can be useful for effective advocacy by assisting the54BID in evaluated projects and issues and defending the advocacy position ofthe BID to the membership and the public.5.3 Co-operation/co-productionJackson (2006) identifies three types of partnerships that BIDs can use tostructure relationships with other civil society organizations. The first type ofpartnership is one with the BID as leader of the partnership. The DowntownWashington DC BID is an example of this type of structure, where the BIDbrings together and coordinates service delivery of more than twenty partnerorganizations. A second model is one where the partners share tasks, butmaintain separate management. BIDs in Downtown San Diego, Philadelphia,and Portland (Oregon) use this model.A third structure of partnership involves creating an entirely new organizationto work on common interests. This model is effective in situations where thepartners do not have longstanding pre-existing relationships as it provides aneutral territory where these new relationships can be negotiated. Thismodel has been used by the New York City's Times Square Partnership.Some BIDs have taken on additional roles and responsibilities that extendbeyond issue-based cooperation and facilitation. Stokes (2002) examinedseveral entrepreneurial BIDs in San Diego that engage in co-production withthe municipal government. The City has pursued creative 'self-help'strategies for businesses through its Office of Small Business (OSB) that55offers grants that BIDs can apply for to finance specific projects. As a result,BIDs in San Diego tend to engage in entrepreneurial activities in order tofund their operations. The City has a well-developed BID office and severalprograms that disburse grants for specific activities of BIDs. In terms of BIDgovernance, San Diego BIDs only require the approval of merchants for thecreation of a BID (property owners' approval is not required).The Small Business Enrichment Program (SBEP) offers grants to BIDs forphysical improvements to their districts. These grants cannot be used tofund salaries or services. Eligibility for the grants is based on economic needof the community, which is measured by determining the percentage ofresidents in the neighbourhood that have household incomes below themedian of the council ward. BIDs are also eligible for federally-fundedCommunity Development Block Grants (CDBG). The City also hands overother local revenue derived from a hotel tax and parking meter revenues.The main activities pursued by San Diego BIDs are: place management ofthe public environment, the production of special events, as well as planningand political advocacy. It is noted that in San Diego, several BIDs engage inactivities that are typically the purview of community developmentcorporations.The state of Georgia is another jurisdiction where BIDs engage in co-production, as state enabling legislation essentially gives BIDs significantpowers of taxation and borrowing. BIDs in Georgia also administer a large56amount of government funding. BIDs can be very effective at capturinggovernment funding, it is estimated that BIDs in Georgia attract six to tendollars for every dollar of assessment revenue (MorgE51 and Zimmerman,2006).5.4 Economic developmentFerguson (2006) shows how BIDs can be involved in economic developmentindirectly and directly. Indirect activities would include interventions thatmake their territory attractive for development through measures such asimprovements and regular maintenance of the physical environment(storefronts, sidewalks, street furniture, etc.) and there are many BIDs whoonly pursue these strategies. However, there is a precedent for more directprograms of economic development, which could be necessary for districtsthat are not well-served by the existing market. For example, in an areathat is having difficulty attracting the interest of real estate professionals,BID intervention could involve assembly and dissemination of relevant datato parties such as real estate brokers, leasing agents, property managers,bankers, and government officials.The next level of intervention would involve business facilitation. The BIDwould follow up on inquiries made by the real estate community and assistwith the selection of appropriate properties and put the prospectivebusinesses in touch with the relevant building owners (the Downtown DaytonPartnership is considered a good example of a business facilitator in this57regard). Some programs involve more in-depth involvement of BID officialsthroughout the entire property acquisition process. The Ithaca, New YorkDowntown Partnership has pursued this type of strategy.Inner city districts often serve as important business incubators because ofthe wide variety of spaces available at different lease rates and the highnumber of business service firms located in close proximity. In GrandJunction, Colorado, the Downtown Development Authority is involved in apartnership with local universities and government for business incubation.Some BIDs operate in the realm of real estate development (projectdevelopment). According to Ferguson, there are four main methods of BIDparticipation in real estate development.The first strategy that a BID can pursue is the creation of a vision for thedistrict and the community via a strategic plan. It is noted that a well-developed strategic plan is very important for leveraging investment in thedistrict and community from the private and public sector.A second level of intervention would involve work on predevelopment andproject formulation. The BID would conceptualize the parameters of possibledevelopments and conduct an initial feasibility investigation, then market theproject to investors in the private and public sector. Downtown Dayton, Ohiofollowed this strategy to secure a minor league baseball stadium.58A third more aggressive strategy requires a full feasibility study todemonstrate market potential followed by detailed business and financing proforma preparation, and property-site assembly.The fourth most comprehensive real estate development strategy would castthe BID or a subsidiary act as the project developer to oversee the projectfrom start to finish. It is generally only the well-financed BIDs that havebroad powers to raise money that are able to take on this role.5.5 Comprehensive planning and developmentAs discussed in Section 6.3, there is a close relationship between BIDorganizations and the San Diego municipal government and the DowntownPartnership provides a good example of this sharing of responsibilities,particularly in the domain of urban planning. The Downtown San DiegoPartnership was successful in incorporating multiple interests into the officialdowntown development plan. In San Diego, "the planning capacity of thePartnership rivals that of the city, and unlike the city, does not get distractedby competing political interests relating to neighborhood interests [associatedwith a ward city-council system.]"(Stokes: 201).The case of the San Diego Downtown Partnership is instructive as thePartnership has also played an important role in political advocacy fordowntown issues. The Partnership succeeded in linking the health of thedowntown with the health of the regional economy (Stokes, 2002).59Philadelphia's Center City District (CCD) has achieved many of the samegoals as its San Diego counterpart, although its relationship with themunicipal government is quite different. The CCD derives the bulk of itsrevenue from property-based assessment on commercial properties andtherefore relatively self-sufficient in the sense that it relies very littledependence on the city government or bureaucracy for funding or otherresources. The CCD formed in the early 1990s after a building boom haddoubled the downtown's office space within the span of five years.Downtown Philadelphia still remains a key part of the city's economy, with300,000 jobs represented more than 40% of the city's total. The CCDencompasses an 80 block area that contains 38 million square feet of officespace and 8000 hotel rooms. Seventy-five thousand people live in the centralcity and 8.2 million tourists visit each years .The CCD has one of the largest BID budgets in the U.S. The most recentfigures report income of $14.5 million, with $12 million derived from thebusiness tax levy, and the remainder derived from service and contractincome. The CCD spends $600,000 on research and development. This isdone on a fee for service basis and is not funded from assessment revenue.The CCD also has the power to float bonds, giving it the ability to plan majorinfrastructure projects. With this financial clout, the CCD is able to undertake5 All figures obtained from www.centercityphila.org 60a sophisticated program of place-making via capital investment, placemanagement, and marketing.As explained by Cloar (2006), the Downtown Denver Partnership 6 is theumbrella organization for a well-developed constellation of four relatedorganizations, each with specific responsibilities and capabilities. TheDowntown Denver Partnership is the leading organization that is responsiblefor defining the vision for downtown as well as major communication andadministration duties. The Downtown Denver BID is responsible for thephysical maintenance of the commercial district, marketing of the district,and regulation of street-vending activities. The BID derives its revenueprimarily from assessments of commercial properties.Downtown Denver Inc. is a voluntary, member-funded organization that isactive in the areas of advocacy, economic development, transportation, andmarketing. A separate organization, Denver Civic Ventures is responsible forhousing and special projects. Civic Ventures is funded primarily via grantsand contracts with the government.The fourth organization under the Partnership is Downtown Denver Events,which earns funding from sponsorships and other revenues associated withthe events that Denver Events puts together. The spin-off of activities intomultiple organizations is feasible in large, vibrant downtown areas. The main6 A similar type of organization exists in downtown St. Louis61advantage of this form of organization is the added flexibility that is gainedby having specific mandates tied with a specific source of revenue andmembership base. In addition, maintaining ties via an umbrella organizationallows for the sharing of resources and expertise as well as coordination ofactivities to achieve the same goals.62Table 5.1: Criteria for BID Evaluationa) Membership• Business activities (retail, industrial, office)• Business size (small, large)• Business type (independent, chain)• Non-governmental organizations, non-profit organizations• Local residents• Government officialsb) Financing• Business tax levy (local district)• Grants (government, charitable foundations)• Self-generated revenue from entrepreneurial activities (festivals, consulting,property development)• Other local sources (parking tax, hotel tax, development cost levies)c) Organizational Culture (Wolf, 2006)• Entrepreneurial (program growth and risk-taking)• Managerial (business-like, efficient and effective provision of BID services)• Urban policy makers (BID is an important player in arenas of localgovernment, influences policies and plays a leadership role.)• Community/business partnership (BID is a part of the broader community andis involved in various community issues and efforts.)d) Community Co-operation & Partnerships• Consultation and participation with stakeholders to create vision for thedistrict and neighbourhood• Strategic alliances to work toward common objectives• Formal partnerships for specific projectse) Economic Development Activities (Ferguson, 2006)• Place promotion and marketing• Assembly and dissemination of data real estate professionals, financialinstitutions, government• Real estate market facilitation (assist with selection of appropriate properties)• Real estate project developmento Vision and strategic plan for the communityo Predevelopment and project formulationo Predevelopment + detailed business and financing pro-formapreparation, and property site assemblyo BID subsidiary acting as a developer (overseeing projects from start tofinish)• Business incubation and technical assistancef) Social Development Activities• Accessible public realm (safety, space for marginalized people )• Improving employability of local residentsProvision of social services (facilitation, direct provision)63Table 5.2: Evaluation of the Strathcona BIAa) MembershipExisting: Primarily industrial, independent businesses of a variety of sizes.Membership also open to NGOs within the assessment area.Opportunities: Ex-officio membership for government officials, residents' associationsand other community groups?b) BudgetExisting: Business tax levy: $495,000, proposed increase to $579,500 in 2008-09Grants: $95,000 Open Windows ProjectOpportunities: Self-generated revenue from entrepreneurial activities (festivals,consulting, property development)Other local sources (parking tax, hotel tax, development cost levies)c) Organizational Culture (Wolf, 2006)Existing: Entrepreneurial: several subcommittees undertaking R&DManagerial: security, cleaning, physical infrastructure, business directory, banners,Urban policy making: City's Industrial Land Use study's steering committeeCommunity/business partnership: Strathcona Revitalization CommitteeOpportunities: Entrepreneurial: encourage and facilitate development of newindustrial and commercial spacesd) Community Co-operation & PartnershipsExisting: Strathcona Revitalization Committee, Oppenheimer Park RedevelopmentCommittee, Community Issues Forum (budgeted for 2008-2009 fiscal year)Opportunities: Association/partnership with other BIAs (esp. Downtown andChinatown), Partnership or association with cultural economy stakeholderse) Economic Development ActivitiesExisting: • Place promotion and marketing: banners, business directory, sponsorship• Business incubation and technical assistance: sustainability expo andcommittee• Vision and strategic plan for the community: Strathcona RevitalizationCommittee, City Industrial Lands Steering Committee• Assembly and dissemination of data: online listing of property vacancies,survey of unfilled retail needs of employees and local businessesOpportunities: Real estate development: involvement in development projects asfacilitator, partner, or developerf)Social Development ActivitiesExisting: Accessible public realm: security patrols, additional cleaning, place-makingactivities (murals, Open Windows Program for vacant storefronts)Opportunities: • Accessible public realm: policies for public realm improvements and patrollingthat ensure accessibility for all members of the community• Improving employability of local residents: partnerships with BuildingOpportunities with Business, local social enterprises• Provision of social services: sponsorship of/partnership with local socialservice providers.64Chapter 6 — Best Practices: Sustainable Social and EconomicDevelopmentThis chapter considers the BID strategies that range from businessdevelopment to social service provision. These case studies provide examplesof ways in which sustainable development objectives can be achieved underthe auspices of a BID.6.1 Adams Avenue Business Association (San Diego)The Adams Avenue Business Association (AABA) is a small BID that is locatedin the inner city of San Diego. It collects a modest amount of assessmentfrom business of $50,000 annually. However, this modest assessmentrevenue is augmented to nearly $400,000 in revenue brought in through acombination of special grants and revenues earned from event production.These additional revenue streams provide the resources for the BID to beinvolved in several community development activities.The four main activities that the BID undertakes are a storefront facadeprogram, streetscape and landscape projects, special event production andmanagement, as well as community facility planning, financing andmanagement. The two main events that BID runs are the Adams AvenueStreet Fair and the Adams Avenue Roots Fair. These fairs serve a dualpurpose, on the one hand they are a significant source of revenue as the BIDearns nearly 50% of its operating income in this manner. Secondly, thestreet fairs are also an effective way of marketing the business community to65outside visitors (Stokes, 2002). An example of partnership with thecommunity involved the construction of an annex for an overcrowded localpublic school that was financed partly by the BID.6.2 West End BIZ (Winnipeg)The West End Business Improvement Zone is another example of a small BIDthat is able to leverage a considerable amount of outside funding to improvethe its commercial district and surrounding neighbourhoods. West End BIZreceives assessment revenue of $340,000, with an additional $540,000raised from government grants. The main activities of the BIZ are safetypatrols conducted by BIZ staff and neighbourhood volunteers, thecoordination of a seasonal central food market and an annual street festival.The BIZ also administers grants for security improvements for localbusinesses (e.g. lighting, alarm systems). The BIZ is linked to the municipalgovernment by having the district City Councillor sit on the executive boardof the BIZ.The BIZ also has close ties to the Spence Neighbourhood Association, andtogether the two organization are involved in advocacy efforts. TheNeighbourhood Association administers federal housing funds from theWinnipeg Development Agreement as well as provincial funds from theNeighbourhoods Alive! Program. Issues of homelessness and housing aredealt with through the Winnipeg Housing and Homelessness Initiative, whichprovides 'single-window' access to housing programs.66There are several parallels between Winnipeg's West End and Strathcona.The West End has a concentration of low-income residents, and suffers froma city-wide reputation as an 'unsafe' neighbourhood. They also share someof the same issues regarding the deterioration of their housing stock. Thegovernmental framework is similar in that both areas are part of tri-partitedevelopment agreements. Both the City of Winnipeg and the City ofVancouver have their own municipal charters that bestow upon them specialpowers that other municipalities do not have.The main difference between the two contexts is that Vancouver has a morerobust regional economy that puts additional pressures of redevelopment onStrathcona that are less present in Winnipeg.6.3 Liberty Village BIA (Toronto)The Liberty Village BIA could be of interest for Strathcona, because it wasone of the only non-retail BIAs in Canada when it was formed in 2001.Liberty Village is a predominantly commercial/industrial area. There are ahigh number of 'new economy' and creative economy firms located in theVillage. From a cursory examination, it appears that most of the BIAprograms are aimed at improving the business environment and providingmore amenities for those who work in the district. It is not clear to whatextent the BIA has links with the broader community although it does have a67representative from Artscape Toronto on its executive board, which wouldsuggest some links with cultural producers.6.4 Downtown Washington DC BIDJackson (2006) illustrates how various forms of BID partnerships pursuehuman service strategies that assist in the organization and provision ofsocial services, income supports and housing. Jackson recommends thatinitial BID collaboration focus on immediate needs of the community bysupporting outreach service programs in conjunction with existing socialservice providers. Housing and employment initiatives required a longer termcommitment and should only be undertaken after developing well-establishedrelationship with the social service providers and the community. Bysupporting social service projects such as drop-in centres, BIDs can helpreduce conflict between businesses and the local homeless population whilehelping to address pressing medical and social needs of those in greatestneed.The Downtown Services Centre (DSC) in Washington, DC is considered aleader in the field of BID social service provision. The Downtown DC BIDrenovated a downtown church that was already home to an existing mealsprogram for those in need. The renovated church became the home of theDSC, which coordinates the efforts of over 20 human services providers. Thesocial services providers were brought in to set up 'satellite' operations in theDSC. The Center offers two meal programs, shower and laundry facilities, a68medical clinic, mental health outreach, and assistance with obtaining socialsecurity and veterans' benefits. The Downtown BID budgets $500,000annually for 'homelessness' issues, which represents 5% of its total annualbudget of $10 million. The BID has two primary objectives on the issue ofhomelessness. First, it seeks to reduce the number of people living on thestreets and in the parks and is an important advocate for housing initiatives.Secondly, the BID coordinates service providers to ensure a 'continuum ofcare' for the vulnerable. The BID is also involved in job training andplacement and its organization helps place 10 people per month inpermanent jobs.63 Philadelphia Center City DistrictIn addition to providing comprehensive planning and development servicesinvolving place-making as discussed in chapter 6, the Philadelphia CenterCity District (CCD) has an acclaimed homeless outreach program, which wasadopted city-wide.The CCD is a major employer and runs its own departments that deal withsecurity and maintenance. Security patrols are conducted by 'CSRs' whoseresponsibilities are conceptualized as a complement to police patrols. CSRsare a visible presence who field questions from visitors to the area (the vastmajority of interactions), and document incidences of vandalism anddisorderly conduct. The CCD's own data suggests that the vast majority ofinteractions that CSRs have involve fielding questions from visitors.69Field work conducted by (Stokes, 2002) suggests that many of the CSRsknow most of the homeless people who frequent the area by name and arefamiliar with their individual histories. CSRs are not involved in theenforcement of the law, they focus on being the 'eyes and ears' of the policeand business owners and provide information about criminal activities thatCCD has analyzed via computer-generated models. CSRs are paid 20% lessthan a starting salary of a police officer, however, they are unionized, andinformal conversations with employees indicated most were satisfied withtheir jobs (Stokes, 2002).The CCD has a job training program that hires formerly homeless to performmaintenance duties across the district. New employees are hired at a wagethat is slightly above the minimum wage. After 90 days on the job,maintenance employees are allowed to join the union and earn a union wagerate that is 50% higher than the minimum wage. The union provision wasimportant in ensuring that the CCD did not encounter major opposition fromthe workers of the City of Philadelphia.Surveys have been conducted by the CCD to measure the effectiveness oftheir interventions. Feelings of safety improved between 1994 and 1999,with the number of respondents saying they feel safe in downtown risingfrom 44% to 77%. Respondents' positive perceptions of the generalatmosphere improved from 67% to 87%.70The CCD appears to be well-respected in the wider community:"[I]nterviews from an assortment of public and non-profitagencies suggests that the CCD has both the best interests ofthe City at heart and the capacity and expertise to perform itsplanning and policy goals. Indeed, these perceptions, and theresulting political capital extended to the organization by cityleaders are unprecedented for a private group in Philadelphia".(Stokes, 2002: 138)While none of the case studies listed above are completely analogousto Strathcona, certain practices conducted by these BIDs could beadapted for the local context. The small BIDs provide good examplesof how BIDs can leverage modest budgets to achieve ambitiousobjectives. The larger BIDs illustrate what can be accomplished with aframework of larger budgets and coordinated action that is sensitive tothe needs and desires of business, visitors, and residents.71Chapter 7 - The Role of the Strathcona BIAThe preceding chapters have argued that even in an era of transnationaleconomic forces, place matters to the extent that communities have theopportunity to take charge of social and economic development at theneighbourhood scale. Communities need to reassert their identity and obtaindecision-making powers and the financial resources to fulfill their vision.Given its complex economic and social history, the neighbourhood ofStrathcona represents a case that offers significant opportunities for acoalition between local industry and local residents to manage 'revitalization'on new terms that ensure social and economic sustainability. The followingchapter will highlight the specific actions that the Strathcona BusinessImprovement Association can take to address the needs of the community.7.1 Development pressuresIndustrial businesses, low-income residents, and artists face the prospect ofbeing displaced by new residential developments in the district. Thissituation offers a unique opportunity for industry, residents, and artists tounite in an effort to preserve and enhance the industrial and commercialpotential of the district while ensuring a degree of housing affordability.The starting point for a successful strategy would be the creation of a visionfor the neighbourhood that would be institutionalized via Official CommunityDevelopment and District Development Plans. The Downtown EastsideHousing Plan and the Metro Core Jobs and Economy Land Use Plan with have72direct implications for zoning Oppenheimer District as well as significantareas of Strathcona that are currently zoned M-1 and M-2 industrial zoning.These reviews represent two key opportunities to adopt new vision for thearea. The tool of land-use zoning would be used to support the communityvision by specifying where new residential development would be permittedand where it would be curtailed. To prevent the displacement of industry,new residential development should only be permitted in areas where thethere is little risk of land-use conflict with industry, particularly heavyindustry. In addition, the plans should include clear statements requiringthat new industrial, commercial, and live-work developments be built toadequate standards that will ensure the spaces will be flexible over the longterm as industrial space needs evolve (Harris Consulting and CityspacesConsulting, 2007). Furthermore, live/work units should remain rental unitsto maximize flexibility. Once completed, the plans would play a role inoffering the certainty that is required to leverage investment in the districtfrom the private and public sector.There are presently several city-wide urban planning initiatives that willaffect Strathcona in the years to come. The Eco-density initiative has thepotential to relieve some of the residential development pressure onStrathcona as the initiative calls for the City to refocus its residentialdensification efforts to areas beyond the Central Area. The City is alsodeveloping a Metropolitan Core Jobs and Economy Land Use Plan, which hasextended the eastern boundary of the Central Area to Clark Drive to include73Strathcona. This planning process could result in additional measures toprotect and encourage industrial and commercial land uses in the CentralArea.In order to effectively participate the urban planning process for the districts,the Strathcona BIA can draw on the experience of the Downtown San DiegoBID, which spearheaded the creation of a Downtown Development Plan. TheBID put a substantial amount of its resources toward research anddevelopment and consultation for the comprehensive plan. Taking aleadership role in the manner of the Downtown San Diego BID in acomprehensive planning process could be a challenge for the Strathcona BIA,given the institutional complexity of the area and the BIA's current level ofresources. However, the BIA could still take on elements of the San Diegostrategy and together with other partners effectively advocate for changesthat will help achieve the vision for the district.In terms of defining a vision for the public realm within a comprehensiveprocess, the BIA should look to Philadelphia's Centre City District, which hasdirected many important public realm projects in its district. As far asindustrial land use is concerned, San Francisco and Boston offer examples ofcity policies to maintain production, distribution and repair businesses inclose proximity to the core in the face of substantial pressures for residentialredevelopment (Harris Consulting and Cityspaces Consulting, 2007).747.2 Institutional complexityThere are many governmental and non-governmental agencies operating inthe district of the Downtown Eastside and the neighbourhood of Strathconaeach with specific mandates, priorities and modes of operation whichsometimes come into conflict with one another. Efforts have been made todevelop better coordination among the three levels of government.However, 'revitalization' plans could be further grounded in the communitythrough improved coordination among civil society organizations. Effectiveconsultation and partnerships with stakeholders are required to achievecommunity-wide objectives. A sustainability framework would be useful tobringing different organizations on board to act in a capacity that is bestsuited to their organization. By co-ordinating a multitude of organizations,each with their own specialized role within the sustainability framework, theduplication of efforts can be avoided and resources can be pooled, resultingin improved effectiveness.As a locally-based organization with extensive network of members, theStrathcona BIA has many opportunities to create local partnerships to pursuespecific strategies that will contribute to the achievement of goals set out inthe economic revitalization plan of the Vancouver Agreement. BuildingOpportunities with Business (BOB) serves as an intermediary between theVancouver Agreement and the region's business community as well as otherNGOs involved with the Economic Revitalization Plan and other majorplanning intiatives for the Downtown Eastside. The BIA could assist BOB by75serving as a more localized intermediary between the business community,government and civil society organizations. There could be otheropportunities for the Strathcona BIA, in partnership with neighbourhoodorganizations to advocate for and administer funding for initiatives via theVancouver Agreement. The case of the West End BIZ in Winnipeg isinstructive in this regard. The West End BIZ partners with the SpenceNeighbourhood Association to access federal housing and revitalizationgrants via the Winnipeg Development Agreement and provincial grants viathe Neighbourhoods Alive program. For precedents involving BID-facilitatedprovision of social services the BIA should look to the Downtown WashingtonDC Services Centre. Under this model the BID fostered better coordinationamong social service providers by creating a centralized facility that coulddeliver services to the area's homeless population.7.3 Economic restructuringAn overarching priority of the BIA should involve the creation of a strongvision and for the area. It should be noted that this will be a challengingprocess given the varying visions and objectives of the many groups locatedin Strathcona. Nevertheless, the BIA should structure its interventionsgenerally around a distinctive vision for Strathcona that includes theneighbourhood's unique attributes, which have the potential to be shapedinto an accessible public realm, a hub green industry, and a concentration ofcultural producers.76Beyond the creation of a vision, the BIA could take a leadership role toensure that the space needs of new industries are met. The BIA shouldadvocate for provisions in the Official Development Plan that include buildingcode requirements and rental tenure requirements so that new spaces canaccommodate future industrial uses.Business incubation could be performed in all three categories of businessalthough businesses in different categories would have some needs that arespecific to their industry. The BIA could be involved more directly ineconomic development via real estate project development. By developing acapacity to assemble land and plan projects, the BIA could form partnershipsor facilitate demonstration projects that could act as a catalyst for furtherdevelopment. A useful precedent is the case of Grand Junction, Colorado,where the local business improvement district organized a partnership with alocal university to create a successful business incubator that has helped togrow the number of small businesses in the area.A starting point to assist in the development of the cultural economy of thearea would be to lobby for government support for a program that usesvacant storefronts as gallery space for local artists, which would assist inbuilding a reputation for the area while softening the impact of multiplestorefront vacancies. The BIA should also consider models pioneered byArtscape, an organization that was successful in acting as a developer torevitalize a district in St.Paul, Minnesota by renovating and leasing space to77artist cooperatives and non-profit groups. Artscape created a strong visionand brand for their districts, and was successful in financing theredevelopment of several properties with funding from various sources,including several charitable foundations. Furthermore, the model of tenureadopted by Artscape ensures that space is secured over the long-term togroups that are traditionally vulnerable to displacement. For the model tobe successful, it is important that land acquisition take place before pricesbecome prohibitive. The BIA may wish to consider a partnership with localcultural organizations to secure funding that can develop spaces using asimilar structure before land prices in Strathcona become prohibitive to thistype of model.7.4 Social inclusionAlthough the issue of displacement from the community is the most pressingissue facing the low-income community, there is also the risk low-incomemembers of the community being marginalized as their neighbourhoodundergoes revitalization, as many have limited financial means and barriersto participation in the labour market. Two main goals should be pursued toensure that residents are not marginalized. First of all, revitalization effortsneed to occur within a framework that ensures the public realm is convivialand open to all, regardless of economic means or social standing or status.Secondly, efforts need to be made to remove barriers to employment facedby local residents.78The BIA undertakes two main activities that have a significant impact on thepublic realm: security patrols and public realm enhancement projects. Privatesecurity patrols that target criminal activities can improve the safety (bothperceived and real) of the public realm for all users of public space. The BIAneeds to the ensure that public realm enhancement and policing activities donot target or try to move along those who don't have the means to patronizemany of the local businesses. Policies for security officials that clearlydelineate what constitutes acceptable and non-acceptable behaviour wouldbe useful in avoiding this type of targeting. It is important that securitypatrols target criminal activities that make the area unsafe while respectingthe right of all people to use public space (BIDs such as the PhiladelphiaCenter City District provide indications of how such security policies areoperationalized). Secondly, the BIA should consider the impact of changes tothe public realm to ensure that there is ample usable public space forresidents to use at all times of year. While it is acknowledged that this isgenerally the purview of the municipal government, BIDs play indirect anddirect roles in the creation of the public realm through participation in thedrafting of development plans, and often play a direct role in funding andorganizing specific public realm improvements. In the case of Strathcona,the BIA is involved in planning the renovation of Oppenheimer Park inconjunction with representatives from the Carnegie Centre, an importantcommunity institution for local residents. Participation in the planning of thepark gives the BIA a direct opportunity to affect positive change in the publicrealm.79Another manner in which the Strathcona BIA could ensure the accessibility ofthe public realm is by offering free admission to any public events or festivalsthat the BIA may organize in the future. Free admission would not precludethe BIA from earning revenue from the event as other BIDs such as theAdams Avenue BID (San Diego) have been able to derive a considerableamount of revenue via sponsorships and the rental of booths to vendorswhile maintaining a environment that is open to all.To address issues of employment for local residents the BIA can pursue twomain strategies. An initial strategy could involve a partnership with anorganization such as Building Opportunities with Business, which can providethe human resources capacity and expertise necessary to successfully placelocal residents in jobs with BIA members. Larger BIDs such as theDowntown Washington, DC BID offer examples of a placement services thathelp around ten individuals per month connect with local employers'. A moredirect approach to employment is that of the Philadelphia Center City District(CCD), which has a well-developed program through which it hires formerlyhomeless residents to perform maintenance duties in the district. The CCDpay maintenance employees a starting wage that is above minimum wagewith an opportunity to join the maintenance workers' union after 90 days,after which they will earn wage that is 50% greater than the minimum wage(Stokes, 2002).' Source: www.downtowndc.org 80The Strathcona BIA can draw on the experience of other North AmericanBIDs and adapt the aforementioned best-practices to suit the specificcircumstances of the Downtown Eastside and Strathcona. These best-practices need to be part of an effective long-term strategy that responds todevelopment pressures in a manner that contributes to a sustainable visionof the community by reinforcing and developing new industries while meetingthe needs of local residents.81Chapter 8 — Conclusion and Recommendations8.1 Strathcona's past and its sustainable futureThe inner city neighbourhood of Strathcona has been the site of manystruggles in response to economic decline and urban renewal. By combiningan understanding of urban social movements and global economic trends, itis posited that an organization such as a Business Improvement District canlink economic revitalization with social development within the framework ofsustainability. Sustainable development can be achieved in conjunction withsensitive urban planning policies that ensure that revitalization takes placewithout displacement of existing residents or industry.Creative policies and interventions are required in order to secure benefits forthose whose needs are not being met under the current framework ofeconomic and social policies. New, horizontal governance arrangements thatbreak down the private sector/public sector dichotomy hold the promise ofmore responsive, sensitive and durable arrangements that produce moreequitable outcomes.8.2 Key opportunities for StrathconaStrathcona has the potential to become a vibrant neighbourhood that ishome to low-income residents, cultural producers, and an industrial cluster ofsustainable businesses. Actions can be taken by the business communityand government to ensure that this vision is achieved. The neighbourhood isin need of a robust strategy that can deal with the considerable pressures for82new residential development by reinforcing the assets that make Strathconaunique.8.3 Role of the BIAWith a largely industrial membership base, the Strathcona BIA is in relativelyuncharted territory as most Business Improvement Districts in North Americatend to have a membership base composed mainly of retail businesses. TheBIA should consider developing the appropriate capacity and partnershipswith other organizations that share common goals. This capacity could beused to create a vision for the district and the community via a strategic planthat meets the multiple needs of the businesses and residents.There are a multitude of activities that the Strathcona BIA may undertake toassist in the sustainable revitalization of the neighbourhood. BIDs acrossNorth America are engaged in precedent-setting activities that run the gamutfrom streetscape improvements to business development to the provision ofsocial services. The BIA needn't spearhead all initiatives. It can formstrategic partnerships and alliances with other organizations that wish toachieve common goals.8.4 Further researchAs stated in the opening chapter, this work represents the first step of initialresearch to get a sense of the wider context of the economy, socialmovements, and governance via Business Improvement Districts. Further83research could be conducted on specific strategies and structures of BIDswith the intention of developing a strategic plan tailored to the needs of theStrathcona BIA.Areas that merit further examination include: successful consultationprocesses and models that bring the business community, NGOs andresidents together; Canadian funding sources and structures; feasibility ofstreet festivals/other events for Strathcona; development of artist spaces viamarket-based, non-profit, and co-operative models; implementation of greenindustrial clusters in inner city districts; multi-storey industrial buildings; andco-location of manufacturing and retail activities.84BibliographyAtkin, J. 1994. Strathcona: Vancouver's First Neighbourhood. Vancouver:Whitecap Books.Bell, D. 1973. The Coming of a Post-industrial Society. New York: BasicBooks.Beyers, W. 2002. "Services and the New Economy: elements of a researchagenda." Journal of Economic Geography 2: 1-29Blomley, N. 2004. Unsettling the City: Urban Land and the Politics ofProperty. New York: Routledge.Bourne, L. 1978. "Perspectives on the inner city: its changing character,reasons for decline and revival." Research paper no. 94. Centre for Urbanand Community Studies, University of Toronto.Briffaut, R. 1999. "A government for our time: business improvementdistricts and urban governance." Columbia Law Review (April).British Columbia Roundtable on the Economy and the Environment. 1994.State of Sustainability. Victoria (BC): Crown Publications.Brugmann J. and Hersh R. 1991. Cities as Ecosystems. Toronto:International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives.Christensen-Ruffman. 1990. "On the contradictions of state-sponsoredparticipation," in Ng, R., Walker, G., and Muller, J. (eds.) CommunityOrganizations and the Canadian State. Toronto: Garamond Press.City of Vancouver. 2004. Terms of Reference: Metropolitan Core Jobs andEconomy Land Use Plan. Central Area Division, Planning Department.Cloar, J. A. 2006. "Complex organizational structures," in Feehan, D. andFeit, M.D., (eds.) Making Business Districts Work. New York: Haworth.Dekker, K. and Van Kempen, R. 2008. "Places and participation:comparing participation in post-WWII neighborhoods in northwest, centraland southern Europe." Journal of Urban Affairs 30: 63-86.Evans, G. 2001. Cultural Planning: an Urban Renaissance? London:Routledge.Fainstein, S.S. and Fainstein, N.I. 1989. "Technology, the new internationaldivision of labor, and location: continuities and disjunctures." Urban AffairsReview: 34: 17-39.85Fainstein, S.S. 2005. "Cities and diversity: should we want it? can we planfor it?." Urban Affairs Review 41: 3-19.Ferguson, G. 2006. "Economic development for BIDs," in Feehan, D. andFelt, M.D., (eds.) Making Business Districts Work. New York: Haworth.Florida, R. 2002. The Rise of the Creative Class: And How Its TransformingWork, Leisure, Community and Everyday Life. New York: Basic Books.Friedmann, J. 1986. "The world city hypothesis." Development and Change17: 69-83.Galster, G.C. 2005. "Consequences from the redistribution of urban povertyduring the 1990s: a cautionary tale." Economic Development Quarterly19(2): 119-125.Gross, J.S. 2005. "Business improvement districts in New York City's low-income and high-income neighborhoods." Economic DevelopmentQuarterly 19(2): 174-189.Harris Consulting and Cityspaces Consulting. 2007. Powell Street/Port Landsand Powell Street/Clark Drive Industrial Areas Study. Report prepared forthe City of Vancouver.Harvey, D. 1989. "From managerialism to entrepreneurialism: thetransformation in urban governance in late capitalism." GeografiskaAnnaler 71 B (1): 3-17.Helbrecht, I. 1998. "The creative metropolis: services, symbols andspaces." Paper presented at the Jahrestagung der Gesellschaft fiir Kanada-Studien (GKS), Grainau 1998. Retrieved October 31, 2007 fromhttp://www.tucottbus.de/BTU/Fak2/TheoArch/wolke/X-positionen/Helbrecht/helbrecht.html .Hill, E.W. ad Brennan, 3. 2005. "America's central cities and the location ofwork: can cities compete with their suburbs?" Journal of the AmericanPlanning Association 71: 411-432.Holman, N. 2007. "Following the signs: applying urban regime analysis to aUK case study." Journal of Urban Affairs 29: 435-453.Hudema Consulting Group Ltd. and Colliers International. 2005. DowntownEastside Retail Capacity Study. Report prepared for the City of Vancouver.Hutton, T.A. 2004. "Postindustrialism, postmodernism, and the reproductionof Vancouver's central area: retheorising the 21st century city." UrbanStudies 41: 1953-1982.86Hutton, T.A. 2008. "New industry formation and the transformation ofVancouver's metropolitan core" in The New Economy of the Inner City.London: Routledge.Jackson, E. 2006. "Managing downtown's social behavior," in Feehan, D.and Feit, M.D., (eds.) Making Business Districts Work. New York: Haworth.Joncas, K. 2006. "Boards and committees - governance," in Feehan, D. andFeit, M.D., (eds.) Making Business Districts Work. New York: Haworth.Kresl, P.K. 1995. "Determinants of urban competitiveness: a survery."Urban Affairs Review 44: 45-68.Landry, C. 2000. The Creative City: A Toolkit for Urban Innovators.London: Earthscan PublicationsLey, D. 1987. "Styles of the times: liberal and neo-conservative landscapein inner Vancouver, 1968-1986." Journal of Historical Geography 13(1):40-56.Ley, D. 1988. "Social upgrading in six Canadian inner cities." The CanadianGeographer 32(1): 31-45.Ley, D. 1996. The New Middle Class and the Remaking of the Central City.Oxford: University Press.Ley, D. 2003. "Artists, aestheticization and the field of gentrification." UrbanStudies 40: 2527-2544.Ley, D. and Hasson, S. 1994. Neighbourhood Associations and the WelfareState. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Lloyd, R. 2006. Neo Bohemia: art and commerce in the postindustrial city.New York: Routledge.Markusen, A, Schrock, G, 2006. "The artistic dividend: urban artisticspecialization and economic development implications." Urban Studies 43:1661-1686.Mason, C., Kirkbride, J. and Bryde, D. 2007. "From stakeholders toinstitutions: the changing face of social enterprise governance theory."Management Decision 45: 284-301Mason, M. 2007. "Collaborative partnerships for urban development: astudy of the Vancouver Agreement." Environment and Planning A 39:2366-2382.87McDonald, R.A.J. 1996. Making Vancouver: Class, Status, and SocialBoundaries, 1863-1913. Vancouver: UBC Press.Mitchell, J. 2001. "Business improvement districts and the 'new'revitalization of downtown." Economic Development Quarterly. 15(2):115-123.MorcOl, G. and Zimmerman, U. 2006. "Governance and BusinessImprovement Districts." International Journal of Public Administration 29:5-29.Muller, J. 1990. "Management of urban neighbourhoods through Alinsky-style organizing," in Ng, R., Walker, G., and Muller, J. (eds.) CommunityOrganizations and the Canadian State. Toronto: Garamond Press.Muller, 3., Walker, G., and Ng, R. 1990. "Problematizing communityorgariization and the state," in Ng, R., Walker, G., and Muller, J. (eds.)Community Organizations and the Canadian State. Toronto: GaramondPress.Newman, P. 1996. "Social organization for ecological sustainability," inCook, P.(ed) Social Structures for Sustainability. Canberra: Centre forResource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University.Peattie, L. 1998. "Convivial cities", in Douglass, M. and Friedmann, J.,(eds.) Cities for Citizens. Chichester: John Wiley and Sons.Pickersgill, M.V. 2006. From Nuisance to Amenity: Exploring Planning PolicyAlternatives for Live Music Venues in Vancouver; University of BritishColumbia: Vancouver (BC). Unpublished Master's Thesis.Piore, M.J. and Sabel, C.F. 1984. The Second Industrial Divide: Possibilitiesfor Prosperity. New York: Basic Books.Porter, M.E. 1990. The Competitive Advantage of Nations. New York: FreePress.Porter, M.E. 1997. "New strategies for inner-city economic development."Economic Development Quarterly 11: 11-27.Reinhard, R.T. 2006. "The advocacy role of a downtown organization," inFeehan, D. and Feit, M.D., (eds.) Making Business Districts Work. NewYork: Haworth.Roseland, M. 1998. Toward Sustainable Communities. Gabriola Island(BC): New Society Publishers.88Sassen, S. 1991. The global city: New York, London, Tokyo. Princeton:Princeton University Press.Sealy A.J.L. 2007. On the Accountability of the Canadian non-profit sectorin shared governance arrangements; Dalhousie University: Halifax, NS.Unpublished master's thesis.Segal, B. 2006. "The state of business district revitalization," in Feehan, D.and Feit, M.D., (eds.) Making Business Districts Work. New York: Haworth.Sites, W., Chaskin, R.J. and Parks, V. 2007. "Reframing community practicefor the 21st century: multiple traditions, multiple challenges." Journal ofUrban Affairs 29: 519-541.Stokes, R.J. 2002. Business Improvement Districts, Their Political, Economicand Quality of Life Impacts; Rutgers University: New Brunswick, NJ.Unpublished doctoral dissertation.Stokes, R.J. 2006. "Business Improvement Districts and Inner CityRevitalization: The Case of Philadelphia's Frankford Special ServicesDistrict." International Journal of Public Administration 29: 173-186.Strom, E. 2008. "Rethinking the politics of downtown development."Journal of Urban Affairs 30: 37-61.Teaford, J.C. 1993. The Twentieth Century American City. Baltimore: JohnsHopkins University Press.Tretter, E.M. 2008. "Scales, regimes, and the urban governance ofGlasgow." Journal of Urban Affairs 30: 87-102.Vancouver Agreement. 2004. Downtown Eastside Economic RevitalizationPlan.Walker, G. 1990. "Reproducing community: the historical development oflocal and extra-local relations," in Ng, R., Walker, G., and Muller, J. (eds.)Community Organizations and the Canadian State. Toronto: GaramondPress.Wolf, J.F. 2006. "Urban governance and business improvement districts:the Washington, DC BIDs." International Journal of Public Administration29: 53-75.Wyly, E. 2008. "The future of gentrification" in Lees, L., Slater, T. and Wyly,E. Gentrification. New York: Routledge.Zukin, S. 1983. Loft Living: Culture and capital in neighborhood change.Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.89


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Country Views Downloads
United States 57 21
Canada 25 0
China 15 0
Republic of Korea 9 0
United Kingdom 5 0
France 4 0
Syria 3 0
Germany 2 14
India 1 1
Israel 1 1
Brazil 1 0
Russia 1 0
Japan 1 0
City Views Downloads
Unknown 37 22
Vancouver 20 0
Arlington Heights 14 0
Phoenix 9 2
Shenzhen 8 0
Ashburn 7 0
San Francisco 7 0
Beijing 6 0
London 4 0
West Chester 3 0
Wilmington 2 0
Redmond 2 8
Tokyo 1 0

{[{ mDataHeader[type] }]} {[{ month[type] }]} {[{ tData[type] }]}
Download Stats



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items