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Korean immigrants' social practice of heritage language acquisition and maintenance through technology Cho, Sunah Park 2008

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KOREAN IMMIGRANTS’ SOCIAL PRACTICE OF HERITAGE LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND MAINTENANCE THROUGH TECHNOLOGY by SUNAH PARK CHO  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Language and Literacy Education)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) June 2008  © Sunah Park Cho, 2008  ABSTRACT Studying issues of heritage language (HL) maintenance is gaining more significance than ever as our lives become significantly more complex and dynamic because of frequent migration and the transnational diasporas that such migration creates in its wake. HL maintenance is important in multicultural environments because familial relationships depend heavily on successful communication among family members. Viewing HL maintenance as a social practice, this exploratory qualitative study attempts to understand how participants are involved in their children’s HL maintenance by investigating, comparing, and contrasting the participants’ attitudes and practices. This study recruited eight Korean immigrant families with different lengths of residence in Greater Vancouver, an area that has seen a steady growth in the numbers of Korean immigrants. Combining social practice theory and qualitative research, this study uses discourse analysis to explore the participants’ language ideologies and beliefs about HL maintenance. This study also explored actual parental involvement in their children’s HL acquisition and maintenance. Furthermore, this study examined participants’ technology use as a means of HL acquisition and maintenance. In particular, the participants’ online conversations were examined to explore language use. This study supports the view that the parental role is important, even paramount, in children’s HL maintenance, but goes beyond this to show how technology can play a positive role in HL acquisition and maintenance. There are three central findings. First, a match between parental attitudes and behaviours concerning HL acquisition and maintenance and contributes to their children’s HL maintenance. Second, a mismatch or inconsistency between parental attitudes and behaviours correlates with children’s HL  ii  attrition or loss. Third, language revitalization can occur through HL and cultural practices in various online activities such as synchronous and asynchronous online communication, including access to Korean websites and playing games in Korean. To conclude, examining HL maintenance as a social practice offers new insights into the complexity and dynamics of the social practices of HL maintenance in the lives of Korean immigrants in Canada.  iii  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract..……………………………………………………………………………… ii Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………….. iv List of Tables..………………………………………………………………………... ix List of Figures ………………………………………………………………………... xi List of Abbreviations ………………………………………………………………… xii Acknowledgments …………………………………………………………………… xiii Dedication ……………………………………………………………………………. xv Chapter 1: Introduction ……………………………………………………………..... 1.1 Background ………………………………………………………………....... 1.2 Korean Immigration to Canada …………………………………………….... 1.2.1 The History of Korean Immigration to Canada ………………………... 1.2.2 Demographic Characteristics of Korean Immigrants in British Columbia …………………………………………………………………….. 1.3 Significance of the Study …………………………………………………….. 1.4 Organization of the Dissertation ………………………………………….......  1 1 3 3  Chapter 2: Literature Review ………………………………………………………... 2.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………...... 2.2 Heritage Language Education ……………………………………………...... 2.2.1 Definitions of Heritage Language ……………………………………... 2.2.2 Identity, Ethnicity, and Language Ideology ………………………….... 2.2.3 Integrative and Instrumental Attitudes ……………………………….... 2.2.4 Bilingualism ………………………………………………………….... 2.2.5 Code-switching ………………………………………………………... 2.2.6 Korean Language Education …………………………………………... 2.2.6.1 Korean Language Education in BC ……………………………… 2.2.6.1.1 Accredited Programs ……………………………………..... 2.2.6.1.2 Non-accredited Programs ………………………………….. 2.2.6.2 Curriculum Issues………………………………………………… 2.3 Computer-medicated Communication (CMC) ………………………………. 2.3.1 Identity …………………………………………………………………. 2.3.2 Community …………………………………………………………….. 2.3.3 Social Presence ………………………………………………………… 2.3.4 Language Education ………………………………………………….... 2.3.4.1 Second Language Acquisition …………………………………… 2.3.4.2 Electronic Literacy ………………………………………………. 2.3.5 Social Software (Web 2.0) …………………………………………….. 2.3.6 Role of Technology in Maintaining Heritage Language ………………. 2.3.7 Why is Technology Meaningful for Koreans? ……………………….... 2.4 Research Questions …………………………………………………………..  11 11 11 13 18 22 23 28 29 30 30 32 35 39 41 43 45 47 48 50 52 53 54 55  Chapter 3: Methodology …………………………………………………………….. 3.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………...... 3.2 Assumptions of This Study …………………………………………………  57 57 57  iv  5 8 9  3.3 Research Design ……………………………………………………………... 3.3.1 Case Study ……………………………………………………………... 3.3.2 Participants and Setting ………………………………………………... 3.3.3 The Researcher’s Role ………………………………………………..... 3.3.4 Data Collection Procedures ……………………………………………. 3.4 Data Analysis of the Study …………………………………………………... 3.4.1 Social Practice Theory …………………………………………………. 3.4.2 Genogram …………………………………………………………….... 3.5 Data Presentation…………………………………………………………....... 3.6 Trustworthiness of the Study ………………………………………………… 3.7 Summary ………………………………………………………………….......  60 62 63 68 69 71 71 72 74 75 77  Chapter 4: Native Cases: Canada is a Paradise (Over 30 years of Immigrant Life) .... 4.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………...... 4.2 The Yu Family (Kijǒng and Kiǔn) …………………………………………... 4.2.1 Integrative Attitude..………………………………………………….... 4.2.1.1 Indexicality and Identity …………………………………………. 4.2.1.2 Filial Piety ……………………………………………………...... 4.2.1.3 Desirability of a Korean as a Marriage Partner …………………. 4.2.1.4 Nostalgia about Korea …………………………………………… 4.2.2 A Wide Variety of Language Practices ………………………………... 4.2.2.1 Family Literacy Practices ………………………………………... 4.2.2.2 The Best Farming is Your Children ……………………………... 4.2.2.3 Language and Culture Practice ………………………………....... 4.2.3 Social Practice …………………………………………………………. 4.2.3.1 The ‘Excellence’ of Korean Culture …………………………….. 4.2.3.2 Emphasis on Family Values……………………………………… 4.2.3.3 Communicative Value of Code-switching ………………………. 4.2.4 Views of Technology Use ……………………………………………... 4.2.5 Online Practice ……………………………………………………….... 4.2.5.1 Virtual Community ………………………………………………. 4.2.5.2 Presentation of Identity …………………………………………... 4.2.5.3 Language and Culture Practice ……………………………........... 4.3 The Pak Family (Sharon and Linsey) ………………………………….…...... 4.3.1 Integrative and Obligatory Attitudes …………………………………... 4.3.1.1 Marking Identity …………………………………………………. 4.3.1.2 Intercultural Marriage…………………………………………...... 4.3.1.3 Speaking Korean is Obligatory for Koreans …………………….. 4.3.2 Sacrificed Language Practice ………………………………………….. 4.3.2.1 I Had to Improve My English ……………………………………. 4.3.2.2 My Longing for Korea was in My Dream ……………………...... 4.3.2.3 Living in the Culture …………………………………………...... 4.3.3 Social Practice ………………………………………………………..... 4.3.3.1 What Does Multiculturalism Mean? …………………………...... 4.3.3.2 Wishes for a Better Job ………………………………………....... 4.3.3.3 Extensive Code-switching Use for Successful Communication …  78 78 78 79 81 82 84 84 85 89 90 91 92 92 93 94 98 99 99 101 102 104 106 108 108 109 110 113 114 115 115 116 117 118  v  4.3.4 Views of Technology Use ……………………………………………... 4.3.5 Online Practice ........................................................................................ 4.3.5.1 Supporting the Family …………………………………………… 4.3.5.2 Maintaining a Social Network …………………………………... 4.4 A Comparison of the Two Families …………………………………………. 4.5 Conclusions ………………………………………………………………......  123 124 124 125 127 130  Chapter 5: Invitation Cases: Curiosity about Immigrant Life (Over 20 years of Immigrant Life) ……………………………………………………………….. 5.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………….. 5.2 The Song Family (Yujin and Yulim) ……………………………………....... 5.2.1 Integrative and Instrumental Attitudes ………………………………… 5.2.1.1 Family Roots and Identity ……………………………………….. 5.2.1.2 Instrumental Value of Korean ………………………………….... 5.2.2 Extensive Investment and Support …………………………………….. 5.2.2.1 Language Practice with Siblings ………………………………… 5.2.2.2 Unceasing Support for Heritage Language School ……………… 5.2.2.3 Direct Cultural Experience …………………………………….... 5.2.3 Social Practice ………………………………………………………..... 5.2.3.1 Family Literacy Practices ……………………………………...... 5.2.3.2 Importance of Family ……………………………………………. 5.2.4 Positive But Concerned Attitudes about Technology Use …………….. 5.2.5 Online Practice ………………………………………………………… 5.2.5.1 Language Practice ……………………………………………….. 5.3 The Hong Family (Jack and Julie) ………………………………………....... 5.3.1 Positive Attitudes but No Investment ………………………………..... 5.3.2 Children’s Transformed Attitudes …………………………………….. 5.3.3 Social Practice ………………………………………………………..... 5.3.3.1 Successful Communication ……………………………………… 5.3.3.2 Academic Success/Deep Rooted Longing for Success ………….. 5.3.4 Ambivalent Views of Technology Use ………………………………... 5.3.5 Online Practice ……………………………………………………….... 5.3.5.1 Cultural Experience ……………………………………………... 5.3.5.2 Trajectory of identity ……………………………………………. 5.3.5.3 Language Practice and Korean Identity …………………………. 5.4 A Comparison of the Two Families ………………………………………..... 5.5 Conclusions …………………………………………………………………..  131 131 131 132 134 135 135 138 140 141 142 142 143 144 145 145 148 150 152 155 155 157 158 160 160 161 164 165 167  Chapter 6: Investment Cases: Life is Short But There’s A Lot of Work To Do (Over 10 years of Immigrant Life) …………………………………………………………. 6.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………….. 6.2 The Cho Family (Jiye and Jiwǒn) ………………………………………….... 6.2.1 Integrative and Instrumental Attitudes ……………………………….... 6.2.2 Christianity is the First Priority ………………………………………... 6.2.2.1 Active Engagement in Church Activities ……………………….. 6.2.3 Social Practice ……………………………………………………….....  169 169 169 170 173 175 176  vi  6.2.3.1 Cultural Practice ………………………………………………..... 6.2.3.2 Support for Job and Career ………………………………............ 6.2.4 Views of Technology Use ……………………………………………... 6.2.4.1 Language Violation …………………………………………….... 6.2.5 Online Practice ……………………………………………………….... 6.2.5.1 Language and Culture Practice ………………………………….. 6.3 The Kim Family (Ashley and Tim) …………………………………………. 6.3.1 Negative Attitudes …………………………………………………….. 6.3.2 Re-appreciated Importance of Heritage Language and Culture ………. 6.3.3 No Need to Practice Korean …………………………………………... 6.3.3.1 Acculturation and Assimilation to the Dominant Culture ………. 6.3.3.2 Overwhelming Financial Support ……………………………….. 6.3.4 Lingering Language Ideologies ……………………………………….. 6.3.4.1 Learning Korean is Not a Priority at This Time ……………….... 6.3.4.2 Korean Culture is Important but Academics are More Important 6.3.5 Views of Technology Use ……………………………………………... 6.3.6 Online Practice ………………………………………………………… 6.4 A Comparison of the Two Families ………………………………………..... 6.5 Conclusions ………………………………………………………………….. Chapter 7: Satellite/Goose Father Cases: English and Education is Top Priority (Less then 10 years of Immigrant Life) ……………………………………………... 7.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………….. 7.2 The An Family (Sangmin and Minji) ………………………………………... 7.2.1 Integrative and Instrumental Attitudes ………………………………… 7.2.1.1 Additive Bilingualism …………………………………………… 7.2.2 Korean Is Our Main Language for Communication …………………... 7.2.2.1 Practicing Korean Language and Culture ……………………….. 7.2.2.2 Ethnic Group Formation (Affirmative Adaptation) ……………... 7.2.3 Social Practice ………………………………………………………..... 7.2.3.1 Watching Korean Dramas is Meaningful but English is Still Important ……………………………………………………………….... 7.2.3.2 Marriage is Their Own Decision ………………………………… 7.2.4 Views of Technology Use ………………………………………….. 7.2.5 Online Practice ……………………………………………………….... 7.2.5.1 Interest in Korean Celebrities …………………………………… 7.2.5.2 Quick and Short Online Communication ………………………... 7.2.5.3 Multi-Tasking ………………………………………………….... 7.2.5.4 Multiple Identities ……………………………………………….. 7.3 The Ko Family (Kǔnil and Kǔnsǒk) ……………………………………….... 7.3.1 Integrative and Instrumental Attitudes .………………………………. 7.3.1.1 Returning to Korea ……………………………………………..... 7.3.2 Korean Needs to Practice ……………………………………………… 7.3.2.1 Wishing for Korean to be Taught in Public School ……………... 7.3.2.2 Socialization through Community Involvement ……………….... 7.3.3 Gap between Korean and Canadian Cultures ………………………….  vii  176 177 179 180 182 182 186 188 190 191 193 194 195 196 197 200 201 202 204 205 205 206 208 210 211 213 215 216 216 219 223 224 224 225 227 228 229 231 232 234 236 237 237  7.3.3.1 Shrugging is Not Korean Culture ……………………………….. 7.3.3.2 I like Macdonalds ………………………………………………... 7.3.3.3 Korean Daughter-in-Law ………………………………………... 7.3.4 Views of Technology Use ……………………………………………... 7.3.4.1 Non-Standard Language ……………………………………….... 7.3.4.2 Language is a System of Choices …………………………….... 7.3.5 Online Practice ……………………………………………………….... 7.3.5.1 Daily Conversation …………………………………………….... 7.3.5.2 Father Is Displayed on The Monitor But It Seems like He Is Upstairs ………………………………………………………………….. 7.3.5.3 Gaming Requires Speedy Typing Skills ……………………….. 7.3.5.4 Language Learning Through Corrections ……………………….. 7.4 A Comparison of the Two Families ………………………………………..... 7.5 Conclusions ………………………………………………………………….. Chapter 8: Conclusions …………………………………………………………….... 8.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………….. 8.2 Summary of Findings ………………………………………………………... 8.2.1 What are Parents’ and Children’s Attitudes towards Heritage Language Maintenance? …………………………………………………... 8.2.2 How are Parents and Their Children Involved in Heritage Language Maintenance and Acquisition? ……………………………………………. 8.2.3 Social Practice ………………………………………………………..... 8.2.4 What are Parents’ and Children’s Attitudes towards Technology Use for Heritage Language Maintenance? ………………………………… 8.2.5 How Do Parents and Children Use the Technology as a Means of Language Acquisition and Maintenance? …………………………………. 8.3 Limitations …………………………………………………………………... 8.4. Implications ………………………………………………………………..... 8.4.1 Implications for Researchers: HL Maintenance as a Social Practice …. 8.4.2 Implications for Educators …………………………………………….. 8.4.2.1 Teachers in Weekend Heritage Schools ……………………….... 8.4.2.2 Teachers of Korean as a Second Language ……………………... 8.4.3 Implications for Immigrant Parents ………………………………….... 8.4.4 Implication for Policy Makers ……………………………………….... 8.5 Reflections on the Study ……………………………………………………..  238 240 242 243 244 244 245 245 247 249 251 253 256 257 257 257 258 262 266 268 269 271 273 273 275 275 277 279 280 281  References ………………………………………………………………………….... 286 Appendices …………………………………………………………………………... Appendix A: Questionnaire ……………………………………………………... Appendix B: Self-Reports of Language Proficiency Questionnaire …………….. Appendix C: Sample Interview Questions (For Children) ……………………… Appendix D: Sample Interview Questions (For Parents) ……………………….. Appendix E: Transcription Convention …………………………………………. Appendix F: UBC Research Ethics Board Certificate of Approval ……………..  viii  313 313 316 318 319 320 321  LIST OF TABLES 1.1 1.2 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4.10 4.11 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 5.10 5.11 5.12 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9 6.10 6.11 7.1 7.2  South Korean Immigrants to Canada, 1997-2006 …………………………… South Korean Immigrants to BC, 1990-2004 ……………………………….. Scope of Case Study ………………………………………………………… Participants’ Profiles ………………………………………………………… Children’s Self-Reports of Language Proficiency…………………………… Summary of Database ……………………………………………………….. Social Practice Theory ………………………………………………………. Data Collection Methods ……………………………………………………. The Yus’ General Reflections ……………………………………………….. The Yus’ Specific Reflections ………………………………………………. The Yus’ Social Practice 1 …………………………………………………... The Yus’ Social Practice 2 …………………………………………………... The Yu Children’s Reflections on Technology Use ………………………… The Paks’ General Reflections ………………………………………………. The Paks’ Specific Reflections ……………………………………………… The Paks’ Social Practice 1 …………………………………………………. The Paks’ Social Practice 2 …………………………………………………. Factors Influencing Code-switching ………………………………………... Sharon’s Reflections on Technology Use …………………………………… The Songs’ General Reflections …………………………………………….. The Songs’ Specific Reflections …………………………………………….. The Songs’ Social Practice 1 ………………………………………………... The Songs’ Social Practice 2 ………………………………………………... The Songs’ Reflections on Technology Use ………………………………… The Hong Parents’ General Reflections …………………………………….. The Hongs’ Specific Reflections ……………………………………………. Children’s Transformed General Reflections ……………………………….. The Hongs’ Social Practice 1 ……………………………………………….. The Hongs’ Social Practice 2 ……………………………………………….. The Hong Parents’ Reflections on Technology Use ………………………… The Hong Children’s Reflections on Technology Use ……………………… The Chos’ General Reflections ……………………………………………… The Chos’ Specific Reflections ……………………………………………... Cultural Practice ……………………………………………………………... Support for Job and Career ………….………………………………………. The Chos’ Reflections on Technology Use ...……………………………….. The Kims’ General Reflections ……………………………………………... Changed Views of HL Maintenance ………………………………………… Actions for Acculturation and Assimilation ………………………………… Learning Korean …………………………………………………………….. Korean Culture and Academics ……………………………………………... Tim’s Views of Technology Use ……………………………………………. The Ans’ General Reflections ………………………………………………. The Ans’ Specific Reflections ……………………………………………….  ix  4 5 63 65 67 70 72 72 80 86 93 94 98 107 112 116 118 119 124 133 136 143 144 145 150 151 154 156 157 159 160 172 174 176 178 180 189 191 192 197 199 201 209 212  7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 7.8 7.9 7.10 7.11 7.12 8.1 8.2  The Ans’ Social Practice 1 …………………………………………………... The Ans’ Social Practice 2 …………………………………………………... The Ans’ Reflections on Technology Use …………………………………... The Ko Parents’ General Reflections ……………………………………….. The Ko Children’s General Reflections …………………………………….. The Kos’ Specific Reflections ………………………………………………. The Kos’ Social Practice 1 …………………………………………………... The Kos’ Social Practice 2 …………………………………………………... The Kos’ Social Practice 3 …………………………………………………... The Kos’ Views of Technology Use ………………………………................ Summary of Language and Culture Practices in the Present Research ……... Summary of Investment for HL ……………………………………………...  x  219 222 223 232 234 235 239 241 242 243 264 265  LIST OF FIGURES 1.1 1.2 3.1 4.1 5.1 6.1 7.1 8.1  Increase of Korean Immigrant to BC, 1991-2000 …………………………... Top 10 Non-English Mother Tongues of BC Population …………………… Sample Genogram …………………………………………………………… A Comparison of Emotional Relationships …………………………………. A Comparison of Emotional Relationships …………………………………. A Comparison of Emotional Relationships …………………………………. A Comparison of Emotional Relationships …………………………………. Participants’ Attitudes towards HL Maintenance ……………………………  xi  5 6 73 129 166 203 255 262  LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ACTFL  American Council in the Teaching of Foreign Languages  BC  British Columbia  BCSAKS  B.C. Society for the Advancement of Korean Studies  C³  Corean Canadian Coactive Society  CALL  Integrative-Computer Assisted Language Learning  CARLA  Center for Advanced Research on Language Acquisition  CMC  Computer-Mediated Communicaton  ESL  English as a Second Language  FOB  Fresh Off the Boat  GVRD  Greater Vancouver Regional District  HL  Heritage Language  IMEs  Microsoft Global Input Method Editors  IMF  International Monetary Fund  IRCs  Internet Relay Channels  IRP  Integrated Resource Package  KSL  Korean as a Second Language  LCTLs  Less Commonly Taught Languages  MOOs  Multiple-user Object Oriented Domains  MSN  MicroSoft Network  SLA  Second Language Acquisition  TRP  Teacher Resource Package  UBC  The University of British Columbia  VLN  Vancouver Learning Network  xii  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This has been a long and arduous journey. In the end, it all paid off, but sometimes I felt like giving up. Sometimes I felt like it was too hard. But there were always people to get me through; there were always people that were there for me. I could not have done it without them all. First off, I would like to recognize the eight families that participated in this study. The whole thesis was contingent on their support and participation. All their time and help is greatly appreciated. Next, I thank my supervisor, Dr. Stephen Carey, for always being on my side during this odyssey of mine. Ever since I started my Masters degree, he has always held me up and been a fountain of encouragement and confidence. His immense caring and mentoring allowed me to stand here. Looking back, I see not just my own footsteps in the sand, but also those of Dr. Carey, who was always there to lead me in the right direction. Thirdly, I have nothing but gratitude towards Dr. Ross King for his unceasing devotion and undying support to my endeavors. I always knew I could turn to his expertise and guidance, which was monumentally beneficial to me. Like a bridge cannot exist without the support of its beams, my academic persona could not have been without his support. Next up, I send my thanks to Dr. Bernard Mohan. He has inspired me like no one else can. I would find that after his classes, while taking the bus home, I would be moved almost to the point of tears, and that his inspiration has been a huge part of this thesis. He helped me to discover new possibilities and recognize the importance of filling the gap between theory and practice. In addition, I would like to thank the external examiner, Dr. Young-mee Yu Cho, university examiners, Drs. Thomas J. Sork and Ken Reeder, and chair, Dr. Ken Bryant. Their time in reading the thesis, and their critical comments, suggestions, questions are much appreciated. Going back to my first step into the academic world, I cannot forget my previous supervisor, Dr. Hyon-Sook Shin, whose support enabled me to pursue this academic journey as my career. Also, I always remember Dr. Hoo Jee Lee, who showed me immense care and kindness.  xiii  To my colleagues and friends at UBC, I owe my gratitude. In particular, I would like to thank Dr. Tammy Slater for all her guidance and friendship over these many years. When I first started out, she was like a mentor to me. Now she is also a great friend of mine. She also gave me helpful feedback on my thesis. Also, I send kudos to Eunsung and Jennifer, who both also gave me much beneficial feedback. I would also like to extend my gratitude to my colleagues at the Office of Learning Technology of UBC. Their thoughtful consideration and encouragement from true colleagueship sustained my spirit. I must also thank my family. As I mentioned above, there will always be hard times. For instance, during the time I was working on this thesis, my older brother, who loved me dearly, passed away. Luckily for me, I had many wonderful people around me, giving me energy and motivation. My mother and sisters were the main sources that pulled me through even though I was dragged down by depression and misery. My mother always trusts my potential and has been the foundation of my confidence. I would also like to thank my beloved children Julie and Alvin. They were what really motivated me to follow through with this process. Wanting to make them proud really made the difference, and they were very supportive of my cause. They are my hopes and dreams, and I hope I am setting a fine example for them. Next, I thank my husband. He put up with all my crankiness, complaints, and hectic schedule. Somehow he still found it in himself to love me and encourage me. I am thankful to have such a beautiful family. Thanks to all the support that I received, I completed my journey, all the way to the end, but I know this is just another starting point for a new journey.  xiv  DEDICATION  To Parents, Children, Educators, Researchers, and Policy Makers interested and involved in the acquisition and maintenance of Heritage Language  xv  Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1  Background 1 Heritage language 2 (HL) is the language associated with one’s immigration  history and cultural background. The heritage language can be transmitted from one generation to the next but it may or may not be spoken in the home depending on learners’ integrative and instrumental motivation (Gardner and Lambert, 1972; see 2.2.3 for the definitions). Research has examined the maintenance and loss of HLs and their relation to positive (Cummins, 1989) and negative consequences (Kouritzin 1997, 1999). In Canada, bilingualism tends to be seen as additive, whereby the native language is secure and the second language serves as a source of enrichment (Lambert, 1975 3). Canada is a culturally diverse country with a wide variety of languages, religions, and ethnicities which are maintained by its people. Canadian government policies have encouraged the maintenance of cultural heritages, especially since the late 1960s. The primary goal of HL programs in Canada is to promote students’ proficiency in the heritage language (Cummins, 1993). Research has documented the extensive social, psychological, and cognitive benefits of developing balanced bilinguals (Bialystok, 2001; Hakuta, 1987; Lambert, 1975). Moreover, several studies have reported evidence that bilingualism promotes an analytic orientation to linguistic and perceptual structures  1  The Romanization systems used to render Korean are Yale and McCune Reischauer. I use McCune Reischauer to render the names of participants and informants and the Yale transcription system for utterances in Korean. Some proper nouns like Park Jung-hee are rendered as they appear in publications. 2 The term heritage language is employed to refer to both language and culture due to their inseparability. Because language is the most important component of a culture, the word heritage language is associated with its culture. 3 “Additive” bilingualism is a term coined by Lambert (1975) whereby a child learns to speak a second language fluently while retaining the first, while “subtractive” bilingualism is when the first language is not mastered and the second language competes with or displaces the first language.  1  (Cummins & Mulcahy, 1978; Cummins & Swain, 1986). However, in most cases, immigrants in North America show a pattern of losing their HL completely by the third generation (Fishman, 1985; Krashen, 1996; Veltman, 1983; Wong Fillmore, 1991) even though many researchers address HL learners’ positive attitudes towards the HL rooted in intrinsic and extrinsic motivation (Beaudrie & Ducar, 2005) toward their languages. With specific reference to Canada, the number of Korean immigrants has shown a gradual increase since the 1960s. While the importance of English is soaring in Korea 4 and with economic relations between Canada and Korea increasing, the number of Korean immigrants arriving in Canada has risen in recent years, and this has been particularly noticeable in the province of British Columbia (BC). Along with this, HL maintenance has arisen as an important issue for Korean immigrants. Children’s maintenance of the HL functions not only as a medium of successful communication within the home, but also as a potential for long-term social and economic benefits (Yang, 2003). Thus, parents pay great attention to language maintenance, and research on Korean HL is in high demand. However, despite their urgency, studies of the HL issues in Korean language education are still in their infancy. Most researchers to date seem to have overgeneralized and uncritically accepted the overt ideals which Korean immigrant parents and children espouse towards Korean language maintenance. Little research has been done on parents’ and children’s actual involvement in the children’s language maintenance. Thus, the purpose of this research is to examine children’s actual behavior towards HL maintenance in relation to the attitudes that Korean immigrant parents and  4  Korea is defined as the Republic of Korea (ROK) or South Korea.  2  children express; more simply put, this study is a first step in examining what Korean immigrants say about HL maintenance and what they actually do about it. 1.2  Korean Immigration to Canada  1.2.1  The History of Korean Immigration to Canada The history of Korean immigration to Canada is relatively short compared to  other Asian ethnic groups such as Chinese and Japanese immigrants. The first wave of Korean Canadians in the mid-1960s was comprised of war brides of Canadian serviceman and war orphans adopted by Canadian families (Song, 1997). According to J. Kim (1984), the Korean immigrants who first entered Canada were Korean Christians who had intense personal contacts with Canadian missionaries. The vast majority of Korean immigrants came after Canada liberalized its immigration regulations in the mid1960s and changed its immigration policy from virtually prohibiting Korean immigration to allowing a selection of those with high educational attainments and professional skills (U. Kim, 1986; Lee & Lehmann, 1986). The early contacts between Canadian missionaries and their Korean flock was the major point of encounter for an increasing flow of Korean Christian immigration to Canada. There were approximately seventy Korean immigrants in Canada in 1966 (J. Kim, 1984). Canadian immigration statistics recorded only 17,689 Korean immigrants during the period from 1965 to 1977, a figure much smaller than the 120,000 Korean immigrants who arrived in the US during the same period (Lee & Lehmann, 1986). However, the number of immigrants grew steadily, and Canadian immigration increased to 25,635 in 1984 (Lee & Lehmann, 1986). Presently, Korea is one of the top ten sources of immigration for Canada, ranking fifth  3  with 9,608 immigrants in 2001, and eighth in 2006 (Citizenship & Immigration Canada, 2006; see Table 1.1). Table 1.1: South Korean Immigrants to Canada, 1997-2006  Many Koreans came to Canada hoping to carve out a ‘better life’ (U. Kim, 1986). According to numerous news reports, Canada has in recent years been the most popular destination for Koreans considering emigration. With the influx of ‘globalization’ discourse into Korea (see King, 2007b), a good command of English has come to symbolize global citizenship. A good command of English is becoming a key factor in getting a job for Korean university students, all of whom already experienced the economic crisis in Korea in 1997 and remember the financial humiliation from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The fact that English is one of the official languages of Canada is seen as an attractive benefit for many Koreans considering emigration. It seems that the imminent need to master English brought home through the experience of the IMF crisis in 1997 may have led to the rapid increase in numbers of immigrants to Canada in 2001, with 9,608 immigrants. Above all, the advocacy of multiculturalism makes Canada a unique place in which immigrants’ language and identity can be preserved without the imposition of assimilation by the mainstream host culture.  4  1.2.2  Demographic Characteristics of Korean Immigrants in British Columbia There were about thirty Korean families in BC in 1965 (Lee & Lehmann, 1986),  the majority of whom were students. Now some 40,000 Korean immigrants live in BC. In 2004, 5,337 immigrated to Canada but almost half of them—2,272 people—settled in BC, as shown in Table 1.2. Table 1.2: South Korean Immigrants to BC, 1990-2004 5 South  1990  1992  1994  1996  1998  2000  2002  2004  Korea  442  668  915  1,098  2,167  2,167  2,345  2,272  The rapid increase of Korean immigrants to BC from the end of 1990s can be seen in Figure 1.1. Figure 1.1: Increase of Korean Immigrants to BC, 1991-2000 6  According to the report about mother tongue and home language by BC Stats in 2002, the radically increased numbers of Korean immigrants to BC has made Korean the tenth ranked (28,105 immigrants) non-English mother tongue of the BC population. 5  The information was obtained from the Asia Pacific Trade Council. For details, visit http://www.asiapacifictradecouncil.ca/pdf/s_korea.pdf 6 Figure 1.1 is cited from BC Stats: http://www.bcstats.gov.bc.ca/pubs/immig/imm012sf.pdf  5  Figure 1.2: Top 10 Non-English Mother Tongues of B.C Population 7  The majority of recent immigrants is quite different from the first Korean immigrants who came to Canada 40 years ago in terms of their economic and educational backgrounds. Whereas previous immigrant generations labored hard to establish their families in a new country, most recent Korean immigrants are already well educated and financially affluent when they arrive in Canada. Their major concerns are their children’s education and well-being in Canada. There are three criteria favored by Immigration Canada for Koreans considering immigration to Canada: skilled workers, entrepreneurs (business), and investors. The most recent immigrants from Korea were admitted under the skilled worker or business classes (BC Stats, 2001). Downtown Vancouver’s Robson Street and the Korean shopping area along North Road on the border between Burnaby and Coquitlam are the central locations where Koreans are easily found. In particular, North Road is known for Korean businesses, where permanent residents, temporary residents with study and work permits, and tourists flock to shop. Since the advent of the six-month visa waiver system between 7  Figure 1.2 is cited from BC Stats: http://www.bcstats.gov.bc.ca/pubs/immig/imm023sf.pdf  6  Korea and Canada in 2004, there has been a rapid increase in the number of short-term visitors from Korea. In particular, ever since the Korean government in May, 2006, began allowing individuals to buy overseas real estate worth up to US$1 million for investment purposes, many wealthy Koreans have targeted Canada in order to increase the flow of dollars out of Korea. Vancouver has been the favorite Canadian destination. With the increased numbers of Koreans in BC, Korean pride and identity started becoming a focus among the young generation of Koreans. In 2003, Corean Canadian Coactive Society (C3) 8 was launched to build bridges between the Korean and Canadian communities. This association, consisting of mostly young ‘1.5 and 2nd –generation 9, Koreans, marked the 40th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Korea and Canada, and celebrated the 30th anniversary of the Korean language school (Vancouver’s first Korean school was established in 1973). C3’s active role in defining a Korean-Canadian identity can be found in the roots of Camp Korea. Camp Korea provides young Koreans in the Lower Mainland with a Korean cultural experience during summer vacation. With Korean pride rising due to the high proportion of business immigrants and highly skilled workers and the growing economic relationship between Korea and BC, Korean immigrants’ attitudes and practices towards HL maintenance have been changing. These issues will be discussed in detail in Chapters 4, 5, 6, and 7.  8  More than 170 articles relevant to the Korean community in BC are archived in the C3 website (http://www.c3society.com). 9 Second generation refers to those who were born in their immigrant country; 1.5-generation refers to immigrants who come to a new country before completing high school (Hurh, 1998).  7  1.3  Significance of the Study Information on Korean immigrants’ language maintenance is very limited.  However, the growth in Canada of Korean immigrants has been dramatic. The most recent Korean immigrants aim to ensure that their offspring maintain their HL whereas in the past, many Korean immigrants gave absolute priority to mastering English and acculturating into mainstream Canadian culture. Moreover, Korean economic growth has helped Korean immigrants understand that their HL plays an important role in their careers. In particular, the advent of technology has turned Korea increasingly into one of the most ‘wired’ countries in the world, and turned Koreans around the globe into some of the most technology-savvy consumers; Internet use has had a profound effect on, and in many ways has radically changed, immigrant lifestyles and patterns, especially among diaspora Koreans. Compared to the past, when technology was not as prevalent as it is now, immigrant life in a new country no longer seems to be lonely and isolated. Before the advent of the Internet, it was believed that immigration meant a radical and permanent separation from one’s own culture due to the distance and remoteness from the home country. This distance from the home country used to thwart the maintenance of heritage languages, cultures, and identities. However, Korean immigrants no longer sweep aside their nostalgia towards their home country. They use the Internet to stay in contact, make friends, enjoy entertainment, and learn language. They enjoy and live in a new cultural richness made possible by infinite possibilities of cyber-travel to Korea that helps form, restore, and reconstruct their newly presented cultural authenticity. It is commonplace now to say that the Internet  8  is in our daily life. In other words, “the pervasive, real-world Internet does not function on its own, but is embedded in the real-life things that people do” (Wellman & Haythornthwaite, 2002, p.7). This is particularly true for Korean society, both within South Korea and in Korea immigrant society in North America. In this socio-cultural context, it is very timely that we relate the use of technology to Korean immigrants efforts in language and culture maintenance. The significance of this research can therefore be viewed in terms of both its theoretical contribution to the fields of HL and its practical contribution to Korean immigrant families, Korean language educators, and policy makers. Many researchers claim that home and ethnic community play a pivotal role in children’s language maintenance, but children’s actual day-to-day language practice has rarely been examined. This study, which views the use of technology as a means of language and culture maintenance from the perspective of social practice, will contribute to language educators and immigrant families in finding effective and dynamic ways of learning language and culture, and constructing identity. 1.4  Organization of the Dissertation This dissertation consists of eight chapters. Chapter 2 provides a review of  related literature on HL and cultural maintenance as well as on the role of technology and the advent of the Internet, in particular. In Chapter 3 the focus turns to a discussion of the research design and methodology used in the thesis. This chapter establishes a basis for using the qualitative approach, particularly the functional paradigm, and discusses data collection and data analysis. Chapter 4 attempts to answer the research questions for the first paired case, Chapter 5 focuses on the second paired case, Chapter 6 examines the  9  third paired case, and Chapter 7 centers on the fourth paired case. For the analyses in Chapters 4, 5, 6, and 7, interviews with parents and children, observations of family conversations, and online conversation logs from the participants’ email, Cyworld 10, and Instant Messenger are used. Chapter 8 summarizes the research findings and opens a discussion, addressing limitations of the study. It also offers directions for future research and presents the ways in which the findings may help educators, teachers, policy makers, and immigrant families to understand the complexity of Korean children’s HL and cultural maintenance. The chapter ends with my own reflections on my personal experiences of pursuing this research.  10  Cyworld, a popular web-based community portal, uses the kinship term so called “Ilchon.” According to the INSIDE Joongang Daily, Cyworld in Korea has 17 million members as of April, 2006.  10  Chapter 2 Literature Review 2.1  Introduction In this chapter, I will present a review of relevant literature which focuses mainly  on heritage language and technologies, particularly computer-mediated communication (CMC). This study deals primarily with parents’ and children’s theories and practices for HL acquisition and maintenance. The participants’ technology use, which is part of their language practice, is also examined. A literature review about HL comes first, followed by one for technology issues. 2.2  Heritage Language Education The issue of heritage language acquisition and maintenance has been documented  from numerous perspectives: ethnicity (Fishman, 1977, 1985); identity (Fishman, 1989; Giles & Johnson, 1981; Hogg, Terry, & White, 1995; Tajfel, 1972; Turner, 1975; Turner & Brown, 1978); language ideology (González, 2003; Jeon, 2001, 2005; King, 1997; Woodlard, 1998); attitudes towards HL (Guardado, 2002; Lao, 2004; Li, 1999; Park & Sarkar, 2007); parental involvement (Kondo-Brown, 1997; M. Lee, 2000; Shin, 2005); community involvement (Ochs & Shieffelin, 1984); and bilingualism policy (Carey, 1984; Cummins, 2003; Duff, 2007). HL learners’ bilingual abilities are also examined through functions of code-switching: social functions (Gumperz, 1982; Heller, 1988) and discourse functions (Nishimura, 1997; Poplack, 1980; Romaine, 1995). Within the diverse body of literature, a common interest emerges in improving the quality of language acquisition and maintenance from researchers, educators, parents, and policymakers. Although comprehensive studies dealing with and working on heritage language acquisition and maintenance have been carried out in North America for many 11  years, numerous immigrants still suffer from the loss of their heritage language. The loss of the shared language between parents and children in turn influences their relationships. The relationship between parents and children plays an important role in fashioning a family’s life in a new land. Fundamental resources for heritage language acquisition and maintenance start in the home. Therefore, it is important to examine and understand the role and function of family for HL acquisition and maintenance. Unfortunately, among the numerous research studies on HL maintenance, studies looking at Korean immigrants have been few and far between; however, recently some young scholars have turned their research energies to Korean HL issues, and this has become an increasingly active field. Most of the research relevant to Korean immigrants is being done in the US. Few studies have focused on Canada even though multiculturalism and bilingualism are salient issues in Canada. As the size of the Korean immigrant population is growing rapidly in both the US and Canada, there is high demand for this field of research. Thus, it is high time for researchers and educators to pay close attention to Korean HL education here in Canada because 1.5- and 2ndgeneration Korean immigrants will soon be playing important roles in our multicultural society and will offer immense potential and resources. Even if theory can be derived from different places, practice should be founded upon actual performance in specific educational contexts. For a number of reasons, HL education policy and practice in the Canadian context is different from that of the US. Canadian political, social, and educational initiatives and Canada’s official policy of bilingualism and multiculturalism have emphasized the value of having speakers learn and retain their heritage languages (Duff, 2007). First, I turn to a definition of heritage language.  12  2.2.1  Definitions of Heritage Language The myriad definitions of heritage language need to be discussed in order to  understand how the definition is used in this thesis. The term heritage language is complex, having been defined differently by different researchers (e.g., Cummins, 1983; Fishman, 1991; Krashen, 1998; Valdés, 2000). Such definitions, however, seem to be mainly concerned with language maintenance in the direction “from home-andcommunity into the school rather than the school into the home” (Fishman, 1980, p.169). The widely varying terms (e.g., first language, L1, ancestral language, ethnic language, non-official language, community language, native language, mother tongue, less commonly taught language, etc.) are primarily concerned with languages used by immigrants and First Nations peoples. Thus, it can be understood that HL refers to a language which can be transmitted from one generation to the next but which may or may not be spoken in the home or in ethnic communities; such an understanding is in line with that of Fishman (2001). Research in HL maintenance, language shift, and language loss challenges the assumption that a native language is inevitably replaced by the dominant language of English within two or three generations. Maria (2004), proposes three factors which help to define the definition of heritage language learners: 1) membership in an HL community; 2) personal connection through family background; and 3) linguistic proficiency. The first considers that heritage language learners are individuals who are members of a community with linguistic roots in a language other than English. Their “being associated with an HL community, rather than proficiency in the HL per se, is the determinant of HL learners status”(p. 3). Many Korean immigrants fit this category. The second factor indicates that the learners are “not  13  active members of a community that is affiliated with an HL” but they “study the HL in an effort to connect with their family or ethnic background”(p. 3). Thus, these learners have a more remote connection to the HL and HC than with the first group. The third factor considers the practical considerations of learners’ linguistic proficiency rather than family or personal connections to the HL. Valdés (2000) defines a heritage language learner as “someone who has been ‘raised in a home where a non-English language is spoken’ and ‘who speaks or merely understands the heritage language, and who is to some degree bilingual in English and the heritage language’” (p. 1). The importance of a linguistic proficiency-based definition of heritage language learners can be found in the basis for placement and curriculum development. Due to the difference in language abilities between HL learners and non-HL learners, the development of different curriculum is needed for learners who start with different linguistic proficiency. Details about curriculum issues for HL learners will be discussed later (in 2.2.6.2). According to Kagan (2005), heritage language learners need to be understood as a group with a distinct proficiency profile and thus 1) cannot be dismissed as native speakers who need no instructions, 2) do not need to be placed in beginning language classes, 3) can be tracked and placed according to their background, and 4) need a curriculum with a structure and a set of materials that differ considerably from those intended for foreign language students (p. 215). Fishman (2001) has an inclusive definition of heritage languages as being languages other than English that have “a particular family relevance to the learners” (p. 81). He then proceeds to characterize indigenous, colonial, and immigrant heritage languages, describing the restrictive and permissive sentiments of different historical  14  periods in the US. His inclusive definition emphasizing intergenerational transmission seems to be generally accepted by researchers. Wang and Green (2001) astutely propose combining Valdés’ and Fishman’s definitions of heritage language speakers to create an inclusive three-pronged categorization scheme: “students who are new arrivals or migrants; foreign-born students who arrived at a young age but have been in US schools for several years; and US-born students of immigrant or indigenous ancestry” (p. 170). Cummins (1983) defines heritage language as the community ethnocultural language which is not necessarily the child’s first-learned language (or even used in the home). These descriptions connect the HL to one’s ethnicity and its language. H. Kim (2003) adopts a definition “largely based on ethnolinguistic affiliation” in her study (p. 2). The broad and complex characteristics of defining HL are rooted in “the association one establishes between one’s identity and ancestral language” (Kondo-Brown, 2003, p. 2). Thus, it is natural to relate the HL to a home context, which is different from a classroom setting. The difference between heritage language and foreign language acquisition is that “heritage language acquisition begins in the home, as opposed to foreign language acquisition which, at least initially, usually begins in a classroom setting” (UCLA Steering Committee, 2000, p. 339). HL is also closely related to another term, Less Commonly Taught Languages (LCTLs). Following the classification of the LCTL project funded through the US National Language Resource Center at the University of Minnesota, Less Commonly Taught Languages (LCTLs) are defined as all world languages except English, French, German, and Spanish. LCTLs are sub-classified into four groups according to the  15  characteristics and concerns shared by each group (Brecht & Walton 1994, as cited in Janus, 1998, p. 165-6). The groups are as follows: 1) The principal less commonly taught languages (Arabic, Chinese, Japanese, and Russian): These are generally available at colleges and universities, but their difficulty makes it virtually impossible for students to reach a functional ability solely on the basis of academic programs in this country. 2) The much less commonly taught languages (Armenian, Czech, Hausa, Hebrew, Hindi, Indonesian, Korean, Thai, and Turkish): These consist of approximately thirty non-European, non-North American languages. 3) The least commonly taught languages: These are in a marginal position in the US educational system, and are offered at one or two institutions on an ondemand basis. 4) The rarely (or never) taught languages: Many other of the world’s thousands of languages that can be viewed as critical to US national needs are rarely or never taught in the US. According to the survey conducted by the Center for Advanced Research on Language Acquisition (CARLA) at the University of Minnesota, “heritage is the primary reason their students enrolled in LCTLs. This response included first or second generation Americans who wanted to solidify ties to their culture and talk to parents and grandparents, and also those whose ancestry is more distant but who are interested in discovering more about their roots or ethnicity” (Janus, 1998, p.167). It is noted that there have been substantial populations of heritage language students whose ancestral languages often fall into the LCTL category. Many of these students, and the communities they represent, are demanding that they receive instruction in the languages of their forebears (Campbell, 1998). The survey also revealed that investment for their future career, and personal affiliation such as a romantic relationship with a native speaker of the target language, were important motivations. To sum up, the term LCTL can convey the meaning of HL due to the commonalities in students’ learning motivation.  16  Another interesting conceptualization in defining HL is the term “imagined community” coined by Anderson (1991). As Wenger (1998) suggested, the notion of imagined community involves some degree of fantasy, idealization, stereotyping, and reification. HL is certainly associated with both affiliation to one’s family ancestry and engagement in a community, but individual social practice at home and in the target HL community is not always tangible. Kramsch (2002) reexamined the concept of community, arguing that the term itself has come under scrutiny with increased globalization and migration. She classifies communities into lived communities, remembered communities, and imagined communities: Speakers carry in their heads and hearts a notion of who they are, have been or want to become, the communities to which they belong or strive to belong, the memories of their own experiences and the memories they have inherited from their ancestors, as well as those they project onto their futures or would rather forget. (p. 9) Thus, when we define HL, we need to discuss the complex nature of HL in light of the larger historical and subjective dimensions of experience. According to the Oxford Dictionary 11, “heritage,” which originated from the old French word heriter ‘inherit’ is 1) property that is or may be inherited; an inheritance; 2) valued things such as historic buildings that have been passed down from previous generations; 3) before another noun relating to things of historic or cultural value that are worthy of preservation. Based on these various meanings in discussing the definition of HL, I can fashion my own definition of HL based on common points shared among most researchers. HL is the language which is shared for the preservation of ancestral cultural values with not only a tangible and accessible community (e.g., home, Heritage School, and heritage community) members but also imagined community members who are 11  The definitions were downloaded from http://www.askofxford.com.  17  beyond one’s current temporal and spatial limits. In this study, the term HL encompasses heritage culture because one cannot be acquired without the other. Language and culture are intricately intertwined with each other. In other words, HL acquisition and maintenance includes heritage cultural acquisition and maintenance. 2.2.2  Identity, Ethnicity, and Language Ideology ‘Identity’ is a highly complex and diverse term used in various fields. Definitions  of identity vary depending on the underlying theory embodied by researchers. Among the various conceptualizations of identity, I will briefly go over three: social identity, ethnic identity, and cultural identity. In fact, these concepts have some overlap because of the difficulty of clear-cut boundaries. They are interrelated with each other. First of all, whereas identity refers to individual instinctive attributes, social identity explains “group processes and intergroup relation” (Hogg, Terry, & White, 1995, p. 255). Social identity was defined by social psychologist Tajfel (1972) as “the individual’s knowledge that he belongs to certain social groups together with some emotional and value significance to him of his group membership” (p. 292). The term ‘social identity theory’ was coined by Turner and Brown (1978) to synthesize the various psychological ideas proposed by Tajfel. Ethnic identity is part of social identity (Fishman, 1989, 1999; Giles, 1973; Oakes, 2001). Fishman (1999) stated that “language interweaves the individual’s personal identity with his or her collective ethnic identity” (p. 143). He further explained that language is a symbol of ethnic identity if the language is used within a family that is ethnically distinctive from the surrounding community. The linkage between language and ethnic identity has been examined through how identity is formed, presented, and maintained. Giles and Johnson (1987) introduced an ethnolinguistic identity theory which  18  was developed on the basis of Tajfel’s (1974). The theory suggests that individuals value their language when they: 1) identify themselves strongly as members of a group; 2) make social comparisons with the outgroup and strive for a better and more stable status; 3) perceive their own group’s vitality to be high; 4) perceive their ingroup boundaries to be closed; and 5) identify strongly with few other social categories. As another concept, ‘cultural identity’ is well described by Hall (1990). He defined identity as being constituted, invented, and transformed. He looked at cultural identity as “a matter of ‘becoming’ as well as of ‘being’” (p. 225). M-J. Park (2005) examined how the cultural identity of young Korean-Canadians forms and transforms over time. Young Korean Canadians experience formative processes within three stages: disruption and rupture between cultures, border-crossing and re-configuring of cultural boundaries, and reconstructing their cultural identity as Korean-Canadian. In defining ethnicity, many different criteria are adopted. Due to the ambiguity of ethnicity’s characteristics (Ross, 1979), self-identification and identification by others (Barth, 1969) are boundaries which make ethnic units distinguishable. As another categorization, internal (members’ beliefs, expectations, and aspirations with respect to their group membership) and external (e.g., skin color or fluency in the ethnic language) criteria for group membership are used to clarify ethnicity (Breakwell, 1979). In the clarification of the subjectivity and objectivity of ethnicity, language has been emphasized as symbolizing ethnic identity. Fishman, a scholar renowned since the 1960s in the field of language and ethnicity, has defined three dimensions to language and ethnicity: ethnic being (paternity), ethnic doing (patrimony), and ethnic knowing (phenomenology).  19  Ethnic being is a putative ethnic essence that is intergenerationally continued among “one’s own kind” … Language is part of the authentic “doing” constellation and the authentic “knowing” constellation that are assumed to be dimensions of ethnicity. Ethnic doing and knowing are more mutable. (Fishman, 1985, p. 7) The paternity dimension of ethnicity deals with questions of “how ethnicity collectivities come into being and how individuals get to be members of these collectivities” (Fishman, 1977, p. 20). The next dimension referred to as “ethnic doing” is the patrimony dimension of ethnicity, which is related to questions of “how ethnic collectivities behave and to what their members do in order to express their membership” (p. 20). Ethnic Phenomenology is concerned with “meanings that [an actor] attaches to his descentrelated being and behaving” (p. 23). Fishman (1977) claimed that language is the ultimate symbol of ethnicity by employing all three dimensions: “language is the recorder of paternity, the expresser of patrimony and the carrier of phenomenology” (p. 25). Language is frequently used to rouse the ethnic self-consciousness of group members (Giles & Johnson, 1981; Ross, 1979). In discussing of the role of language in ethnicity, Lewis (1979) suggested there are primary (economic, demographic, and physical) and secondary (ideological, educational, and religious) factors. In recent years, there has been a conceptual move across a variety of fields; from the perspective of identity as fixed, essential, and pre-given to one of identity as contradictory, fragmented, and changing in identification. In particular, the widespread shift to poststructuralist discourse rejects the essentialist notion of identity as a fixed, unitary, and authentic core that remains hidden to one’s consciousness. Instead, emphasis is placed on the process of identity construction, which is spun and interwoven through and by multiple layers.  20  Ideologies of language are intimately connected with cultural ideologies and histories of given language communities (Campbell & Christian, 2003). Woolard (1998) pointed out that “ideologies of language are not about language alone. Rather, they envision and enact ties of language to identity, to aesthetics, to morality, and to epistemology” (p. 3). From these definitions, language ideology can be synthesized and interpreted as a foundation and source of constructing and forming the identity of a person and his/her community, but it is not static. Silverstein (1979) defined language ideologies as “sets of beliefs about language articulated by users as a rationalization or justification of perceived structure and use” (p. 173). In his definition of language ideology, not only did Silverstein indicate linguistic structure, but he also included language choice or preference of a certain language variety over other varieties. Another shared meaning is that ideology implicates power, the exercise of power, and the reproduction of dominant/subordinate relations (González, 2003). Thus, King (1997) emphasized an understanding of first generation immigrants’ language ideology. The first generation immigrants maintain their national ideology, and their national ideology affects their children’s language education. Jeon (2001, 2005) described her teaching journey toward a better understanding of the conflict between her Korean-American students’ language ideologies and her own. Her research sheds light on the theory and practice of language ideologies through Korean-American students’ learning of Korean and their attitudes towards Korean-English two-way immersion programs. She documented discrepancies in parents’ and children’s attitudes towards bilingualism and in children’s overt and covert ideologies of Korean. These discrepancies in parents’ beliefs about Korean language education for their children and their actual behaviors toward  21  bilingualism are also found in other studies (e.g., J-S. Lee, 2004). Korean parents’ subtractive view of bilingualism seems to be rooted in Korean nationalist ideologies. Their belief that the Korean language and culture belong exclusively to Korean people connotes that they put their national pride into language at a sentimental level. However, the low level of investment they place in their children’s bilingualism at a practical level is evidence that Korean first-generation parents place high expectations on institutionalized learning, ignoring the importance of parents’ roles in their HL education. 2.2.3  Integrative and Instrumental Attitudes 12 In a social-cultural approach, attitudes play an important role in language learning  and maintenance because attitudes “provide a potent reason why some people learn a second language and retain that language” (Baker & Johns, 1998, p. 652). To understand attitudes in language learning, it is necessary to understand Gardner and Lambert’s (1959, 1972) work on motivation. They defined two motivations: integrative and instrumental. Integrative motivation is “a desire to be like representative members of the ‘other’ language community, and to become associated, at least vicariously, with the other community” (Gardner & Lambert, 1972, p. 14). McDonough (1981) distinguished the integrative motivation into “assimilative,” which is a strong motivation, and “affiliative,” which is weak yet positive motivation for learning. Instrumental motivation is a “desire to gain social recognition or economic advantage through knowledge of a foreign language” (Gardner & Lambert, 1972, p. 14). Integrative motivation thus means willingness to be associated with the culture of the target language, while instrumental motivation treats the target language as an instrument for personal fulfillment or rewards. The two 12  The distinction between integrative and instrumental attitudes has been discussed by Gardner & Lambert (1972) as an important factor in predicting the success of second language learning. I borrowed these terms to describe attitudes in HL acquisition and maintenance.  22  motivational concepts were introduced to the Second Language Acquisition (SLA) field in discussing the relationship between motivation and learning a second language. It is known that depending on the type and degree of motivation and attitude, language learning is affected. To understand motivation deeply, it is necessary to understand intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation is about task performance for its own sake, whereas extrinsic motivation focuses on task completion for external rewards (Deci & Ryan, 1985). The latest work done by Jin Sook Lee and Hae-Young Kim (2007) well demonstrates the instrumental and integrative motivations of learning Korean as a HL, and the participants’ attitudes towards their HL. Given the fact that HL acquisition and maintenance is very situational and individual, different motivations and attitudes are expected in different families. 2.2.4  Bilingualism Just as with HL, the term “bilingualism” has not been used in a consistent way  among researchers and theoreticians. Heritage language education “overlaps two traditionally separate fields, bilingual education and foreign language education” (Wang & Green, 2001, p. 170). Roberts (1995) classified the various types of bilingual education programs into three categories: transitional models (exited or mainstreamed into regular English only classes); maintenance models (long-term developmental programs); and enrichment models (two-way or dual-language). Generally speaking, bilingual education was looked upon negatively until the 1960s, but recent research has indicated many positive and advantageous aspects of bilingualism. Bilingual students show better academic performance (see Garcia & August, 1988; Sohn & Merrill, 2007; Willig, 1985). Fluency in a heritage language has also been positively related to psychological  23  well-being (including self-esteem), more ambitious plans for the future, and selfconfidence (Huang, 1995; Garcia, 1985), and positive socio-psychological attitudes towards the speakers’ ethnicity and multiculturalism (Oketani, 1997). From society’s point of view, bilingual and multilingual abilities will become increasingly important for diverse societies that emphasize that “linguistic resources are economic resources” (Cummins & Danesi, 1990). Within the influx of globalization, languages are a special kind of economic resource (Coulmas, 1992; de Swaan, 2001) because language can serve as symbolic power (Bourdieu, 1991). The US and Canada have different attitudes and policies governing HL education. To discuss this issue, the distinction between “transitional” and “enrichment” programs in HL education must be addressed. Transitional programs involve the use of children’s home language as a temporary bridge to help them keep up with academic content. On the other hand, enrichment programs involve the use of the minority language on a longer term basis in order to develop bilingual skills. In the US, bilingual education is aimed at smoothly shifting the minority language to English in order for second language speakers to become full members of society as soon as possible. In Canada, language policy and perspectives towards heritage language education are different. HLs are encouraged more and maintained more in Canada. For example, the purpose of heritage language education in Ontario, Canada, is to promote the values of one’s inherited language and culture so as to promote communication between parents and children as well as between the family and the community. The Ontario heritage language program and French immersion programs in general all qualify as enrichment programs.  24  The literature on sociolinguistics makes an important distinction between “additive” bilingualism, a term coined by Lambert (1990) whereby a child learns to speak a second language fluently while retaining the first, and “subtractive” bilingualism, whereby one language is dominant and the other is rapidly lost. Positive cognitive and educational effects are associated with additive bilingualism, but not with the subtractive form (Cummins, 1979; Hakuta, 1986). Cummins (1993) emphasized the importance of development of first language proficiency, arguing that: attainment of a high level of bilingual proficiency appears to depend on the extent to which the first language is developed. Thus, it is extremely important for parents to reinforce the first language in the home if minority children are to develop an additive form of bilingualism. (p. 17) It is important to note the parents’ role in their children’s additive bilingualism. An important question is how parents should help their children attain and retain their HL. Dong-Jae Lee (2000) and Miseon Lee (2000), in Studies on Korean in Community Schools, published through the auspices of the NFLRC in Hawaii, discuss the parents’ role and the indispensability of home education for HL education, respectively. Interestingly, Dong-Jae Lee proposed four ways in which parents can create learning environments for their children’s HL education: speaking to children in Korean, speaking to adults in Korean in the presence of their children, using mass media, and watching Korean videos. However, his recommendations were not supported by empirical research. More empirical studies are necessary to reflect the diverse practices pursued at home for Korean HL education. Looking back on the history of bilingualism, the American style of bilingualism has been unstable and transitional. The roots of this unstable bilingual policy can be found in political regimentation. As the US is a country “lacking centuries-old traditions  25  and culture and receiving simultaneously millions of foreigners from the most diverse lands, language homogeneity came to be seen as the bedrock of nationhood and collective identity” (Portes, 1990, p. 184). During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, pressures against bilingualism had two distinct strands. The first was due to the political variant represented by Roosevelt—one that saw the continuing use of foreign languages as somehow anti-American. The second was a trend in scientific and educational literature to attempt to demonstrate the intellectual limitations associated with a lack of English fluency. This negative view dominated academic circles until the early 1960s, and still has strong currency in mainstream American political culture. Thus, it seems true that bilingualism in America has been represented negatively, emphasizing that “the primary goal of bilingual education has been proficiency in English, not bilingualism” (Wang & Green, 2001, p. 171). However, German sociolinguist Heinz Kloss (1998) took a somewhat different approach to the history of bilingualism in the US. In The American Bilingual Tradition he presented a continuous bilingual tradition in the US since colonial times. He refuted the supposedly monolingual origins of the nation. He defined two types of language rights: promotion-oriented rights and toleration-oriented rights. Promotion-oriented rights entail the promotion of a minority language by federal, state, or municipal authorities in legislative, administrative, and educational institutions. Toleration-oriented rights involve non-interference by federal, state, and municipal governments with efforts on the part of minorities to make use of ethnic languages in private domains—for example, newspapers, religious practices, secular associations, and private schools. He argued that national minorities have historically enjoyed both promotion-oriented and toleration-oriented  26  rights in the US and offered detailed accounts and histories of particular US language policies. Kloss unearthed facts about the history of language policy in the US that demonstrate that the country has been multilingual from its inception and throughout its history. This book is an eye-opener to the detailed language policies enforced by the US. Its arguments have forced scholars to reexamine the history of bilingualism in the US. As for the alleged negative aspects of bilingualism, methodological flaws have been found in much of the fundamental research. An influential study by Peal and Lambert (1962) contradicted prior research conducted over four decades. In this study, the bilingual group performed significantly better than the monolinguals on a wide range of verbal and nonverbal IQ tests. Since then, a positive association with bilingualism has been thoroughly investigated in Canada. Many Canadians associate bilingualism with the Official Languages Act, implemented in 1969 by then Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau. The relationship between two divided national communities, English and French, seemed to be reconciled through a partnership of equals, in the form of bilingualism. Many positive associations have been reported between bilingualism and both general intellectual skills and divergent thinking (Genesee, Tucker, & Lambert, 1978). Moreover, several studies have reported evidence that bilingualism promotes an analytic orientation to linguistic and perceptual structures (Cummins & Mulcahy, 1978). In conclusion, bilingualism is inseparable from HL education. There seems to be no doubt that there are positive aspects of bilingualism in HL policy. An opinion poll 13 conducted in October and November 2006 found that 81 percent supported the idea that Canada is a bilingual country. However, 56 percent said that Canadians are not bilingual, 13  The lasted update was downloaded on Feb. 4, 2007 from http://www.cbc.ca/canada/story/2007/02/04/bilingualism-poll.html  27  and 76 percent said that there is a lack of interest in learning the other language. Despite finding reasons not to learn French or English, 80 percent said that they believed that being bilingual could help them find a job. The paradoxical contrast between federal bilingualism-related policies and actual practices (Duff, 2007) suggests that we need to rethink bilingualism and practices. 2.2.5  Code-switching One frequent bilingual activity is code-switching. Code-switching is defined as  the use of more than one language in a single communication exchange. In most multiethnic communities, code-switching is a discourse behavior. In discussions of codeswitching, the distinction between code-switching and borrowing has been an issue due to the unclear boundaries between them. According to Poplack (1993), borrowing is the adaptation of lexical material to the patterns of the recipient language; code-switching is the juxtaposition of sentence fragments formed according to the internal syntactic rules of two distinct systems. Some other researchers base the distinction on the degree of integration of the borrowed items in the base language (Romaine, 1995) or on the length of the fragments that shift from the language being used (Grosjean, 1982). Extensive research has shown the communicative value of code-switching (Gumperz, 1982; Milroy & Muysken, 1995; Shin & Milroy, 2000; Shin, 2005; Zentella, 1997). Because Korean and English are lexically, morphologically, and grammatically distinct, code-switching between Korean and English may differ from code-switching between two more similar sets of language systems such as English and French. Kang (2003) explored the role of code-switching as a means of contextualizing social hierarchies and of negotiating conflict within the constraints of social hierarchy. For  28  conflict avoidance (Choi, 1997; Koo, 1992; M-R. Park, 1990; H-M. Sohn, 1981), codeswitching is delicately taken into account because of ‘indexicality’ (Ochs, 1992; Silverstein, 1998), whereby linguistic practices and socio-cultural identities are inextricably interwoven. In her theory of indexicality, Ochs states that many linguistic features are associated with “index[ing] social meanings (e.g., stances, social acts, social activities)” (p. 340). In other words, indexicality is defined as a property of speech through which particular stances or acts constitute cultural contexts such as social identities. Therefore, indexicality involves the creation of semiotic links between linguistic forms and social meanings (Ochs, 1992; Silverstein, 1998) in line with language as social semiotic (Halliday, 1978) in which language is interpreted within a sociocultural context. Although code-switching behavior cannot be adequately understood without the linkage between micro- and macro-analysis of code-switching behavior, this study focused on macro-analysis of code-switching, which is closely linked to larger social context rather than to linguistic syntactic structures. 2.2.6  Korean Language Education Some of the participants in this study learned Korean through formal and/or  informal learning contexts such as Korean weekend schools and post-secondary Korean programs. Korean weekend schools have provided second-generation Korean children with a major learning context. However, their response to the learning experience varies depending on their own motivation for learning Korean, their parents’ support, and the learning context (e.g., teachers’ teaching methods and learning materials). An institutionalized formal learning environment has both positive and negative aspects  29  depending on an individual’s motivation. It is obvious, however, that these settings provide a more complex learning context than the context at home. Even though the primary setting of this research is the homes of Korean immigrants, it is still important to understand what kinds of language learning environments are available in the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD). 2.2.6.1 Korean Language Education in BC Korean language learning in institutionalized learning environments can be classified into two streams: accredited programs and non-accredited programs. 2.2.6.1.1 Accredited Programs For Korean accredited programs, Korean program for university students at the University of British Columbia (UBC) and the BCSAKS-led Korean language program for high school students as a second language are the most representative programs in the Canadian province of British Columbia. 1)  UBC’s Korean Studies 14 Offerings for University Students UBC is the only post-secondary educational institution in BC teaching Korean  language and culture. The department of Asian Studies at UBC began offering an integrated program of courses in the study of Korean language and culture in 1993 with the appointment of Dr. Donald Baker. When Dr. Ross King filled the position for Korean language and literature in Korean studies in the same department, UBC started offering a wide range of Korean language and literature programs. Through the appointments of Dr. Bruce Fulton in Korean literature and Ms. Insun Lee to a new Korean language Instructorship, UBC’s Korean program expanded the size and content of its programs. The Korean language program has about 80 to 100 enrollments every year from beginner 14  Visit the website for details: http://www.asia.ubc.ca/.  30  to advanced classes. One unique feature of this Korean language program is that it has insisted on a two-track system by splitting the language learners into heritage and non-heritage learners. Due to the influence of the Korean Wave 15, the body of nonheritage Korean learners has shown steady growth since 2003. 2)  BCSAKS 16 Korean Language Program for High School Students One Korean community organization by the name of BCSAKS (the BC Society  for the Advancement of Korean Studies), led by Dr. Sungsoo Lee, a professor emeritus from the UBC Faculty of Education, promotes Korean language teaching in the public school system and has developed a Korean Integrated Resource Package (IRP) 17. As a result of their efforts, Korean as a second language was introduced by the Delta school board in 2005. However, due to low enrollments, the Korean language has thus far not been offered during regular day-time class hours, and is offered instead on Saturdays or after school in certain schools as of February, 2008. Each class size has between 10 and 16 students with no separation of heritage and non-heritage learners. Due to the dearth of textbooks for teaching Korean as a second language in BC, Korean teachers use the Korean Teacher Resources Package (TRP) and supplementary resources prepared individually. Online courses for grades 9 to 11 are also offered through Vancouver Learning Network 18 (VLN). In the online courses as of the January term, 2008, grade 9 (32 students) has mostly non-heritage students, while grade 11 (16 students) consists of mostly HL learners.  15  Korean Wave which is called ‘hanlyu’ in Korean is the explosive new popularity of Korean pop culture in East and Southeast Asia since the mid- and late 1990s. 16 Visit the website for details: http://www.bcsaks.com/. 17 IRP provides basic information that teachers require in order to implement the curriculum for the BC Ministry of Education. 18 For more details, visit the website: http://vln.vsb.bc.ca.  31  2.2.6.1.2 Non-accredited Programs Saturday language school has been a traditional space in which heritage language learners can learn their heritage language, even though there is substantial evidence, both anecdotal and from research, suggesting that learners usually complain about the lack of resources and the traditional teaching methods. I will discuss five representative Korean Saturday schools in the metropolitan area of Vancouver (Vancouver Korean School, Vancouver Christian Korean School, Fraser Valley Korean School, St. Andrew Kim Parish (Kim Dae Kǒn Catholic) Korean School, and the Seugwangsa Buddhist Korean School). Although some protestant Christian churches run their own Korean language programs for immigrant families, I chose these five schools because of their higher student enrollment and longer service in the Korean community. The information about the Saturday schools will be discussed in terms of the number of years of operation. 1)  Vancouver Korean School The Vancouver Korean School was established in 1973 by Pyǒng Byǒng Pan  (United Church minister), Sǒngun Cho (the seventh president of the Korean Community Association), and Pyǒngun Choe (Consul-General of the ROK at the time). The president of the Korean community association also supported the Korean program until the Korean Language School separated from the Korean community association in 1979. The Vancouver Korean School has been called by its present name since 1981. The School developed its own textbook series, and the majority of the teachers have previous teaching experience in Korea. The Vancouver Korean School has played a crucial role by providing a relatively large program for the Korean community. Thus, the school has been a cornerstone for second-generation Korean Canadians for more than 30 years.  32  The school has an average of 200 students enrolled every year. The school opened a branch in 2006 in Coquitlam where the largest Korean immigrant population exists. 2)  Vancouver Christian Korean School The Christian Korean School was set up in 2001 by Yǒngchǒl, a Protestant  minister, and Yangkyun Sin, one of the Vancouver Korean School’s executive members. The spirit of the school is in line with Protestant Christianity, but the school is open to everyone who wants to learn Korean. The school has also had about 200 students every year. 3)  Fraser Valley Korean School 19 The Fraser Valley Korean School was opened in 1994 by Cheulseung No. The  School has Friday evening classes at 9 pm and Saturday morning classes at 10 am. The faculty consist of a principal, two senior teachers, fifteen teachers, and five extracurricular teachers. The class time is composed of three hours of class time and one hour of extra-curricular activities such as Korean traditional games. Most teachers have teaching experience or attended teacher training programs in Korea. One unique feature is that the school website provides the students with access to the discussion forum and homework section so that they can continue practicing Korean reading and writing during the weekdays. 4)  St. Andrew Kim Parish (Kim Dae Kǒn Catholic) Korean School 20 The school was established in 1999 inside the Kim Dae Kǒn Catholic Korean  Church in Surrey. There are eight levels taught by twelve teachers who mostly used to work as teachers in Korea. Religious content is not included in the Korean language  19 20  Visit the website for details: http://www.fvks.ca/ Visit the website for details: http://www.daegunschool.com  33  program. The School uses textbooks published by the Overseas Korean Foundation in Seoul. This school also provides a discussion forum through the school website so that students can practice their Korean reading and writing. 5)  Seugwangsa Buddhism Korean School 21 The Seugwangsa Buddhism Korean School opened in 2005. There are five  classes with four to ten students each. The teaching staff consists of five teachers and seven volunteer assistant teachers. The teachers have previous teaching experience in Korea. A unique characteristic of this program is the assistant teachers’ one-on-one interaction with students. The Korean program emphasizes not only students’ Korean language learning but also their cultural practice through extra activities such as pottery making, painting, Samul Nori 22, and camp. They currently use textbooks purchased from the Korean consulate but are in the process of developing their own textbooks. 6)  UBC’s Faculty of Continuing Education 23 UBC’s Korean language program in continuing education started in September  2006. Each term consists of ten weeks. There are between ten and thirteen students per class. The content focuses on the practical use of Korean in situations such as introducing oneself, going shopping, and ordering in a Korean restaurant. It is oriented so that grammar learning can be solidified through various activities. A standard textbook is not used but rather various grammar parts and activities are prepared by the instructor. Learners are overwhelmingly non-heritage adult learners.  21  Visit the website for details: http://www.seokwangsa.ca/. Samul Nori is a combination of the Korean words Samul (four things) and Nori (play). The ‘four things’ are Korean percussion instruments. The information was downloaded from http://www.hampton.va.us/parks/icf/pdf/korean_samulnor_info.pdf.. 23 Visit the website for details: http://www.cstudies.ubc.ca/ 22  34  No institutionalized learning environment can ignore the issue of curriculum because curriculum involves the integration of the entire notion of learning. In the next section, curriculum issues related to Korean teaching and learning as a HL will be discussed. 2.2.6.2 Curriculum Issues Since enrollment in Korean university courses began to increase in the 1980s in North America, heritage and non-heritage language issues in Korean language teaching have gained considerable attention among Korean language teachers. The overwhelming majority of learners in North American Korean language classrooms are HL learners, necessitating a different curriculum than for non-heritage learners. S-O. Sohn (1995) suggested a two-track system to meet the needs of heritage learners and reported on the successful implementation of a new two-track system in the UCLA Korean program. Sohn’s two-track solution is ideal, but is feasible only within cities such as Los Angeles where a large Korean population resides. According to S-O. Sohn (1997), even at UCLA, the two-track system is used only in the first two years of Korean classes due to insufficient enrollments in the advanced classes, in which all students are merged regardless whether they are heritage or non-heritage learners. Thus, the problem of how to effectively teach heritage and non-heritage learners still remains in many Korean programs that suffer from the lack of funding and low enrollments typical of most university programs. King (1998a) echoed the need for separate tracks but presents a critique of S-O. Sohn’s (1995) lack of curricular differentiation, pointing out that merely creating separate sections within the same course does not solve the problem. He emphasized running  35  through at least three years of undergraduate curriculum in a separate track. His article influenced a series of publications that invoke the significance of a two-track system for HL and non-HL learners (relayed discussions followed his paper in studies by C-B. Lee, Ree, and You in the community of American Association of Teachers of Korean). C-B. Lee (2000) stressed developing innovative teaching methods and new teaching materials instead of insisting on the ideal and expensive two-track programs. He argued for two different approaches in grammar teaching: deductive methods for nonheritage learners and inductive methods for heritage learners. He also put enormous emphasis on a very strict and effective placement test so as to offer a wider range of content-based or skill-featuring courses in Korean language teaching. As a result of his experiences in the difficulty of screening students’ proficiency levels, he urged the development of a Korean placement test based on the authoritative guidelines from the American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages (ACTFL) (Kondo-Brown, 2003). He offered a practical alternative for HL education, but his approach (deductive vs. inductive) still sounds rather too hypothetical and theoretical, and he also failed to provide actual and detailed examinations explaining specific linguistic features that differ between HL and non-HL learners. More empirical research needs to be done to explain why and how HL and non-HL learners acquire linguistic features differently if a concrete pedagogical plan is to be successfully developed. Serious discussions of heritage vs. non-heritage learners are on-going and appear repeatedly in other literature. Ree (1998) proposed a resource-sharing approach to overcome the barriers of teaching students with different backgrounds in the same  36  classroom within existing systems. Ree claimed that if a classroom atmosphere is created in which the heritage learners’ fluency in listening and speaking can scaffold non-heritage students’ learning, then heritage learners will no longer be bored with the slow pace in the Korean classroom. However, certain concerns still need to be carefully addressed, although his efforts to find a feasible and economical alternative can be easily understood. What if the heritage learners complain that they are being used or even exploited for non-heritage students’ learning? To make Ree’s idea workable, a wellprepared plan and detailed syllabi are inevitably needed. However, he did not go into further details in his paper. Recent work done by Andrew Byon at SUNY Albani (Byon, 2007) recommends various instructional models such as process-driven culture learning and culture portfolios projects for teaching cultural content, and language socialization for teaching Korean honorifics patterns. Through the process-driven culture learning, the students increase their cross-cultural awareness. They “acknowledge the need to have open attitudes when learning new cultures” (p. 84). As another cultural learning activity, the culture portfolio project (Byon, 2007) was employed with the students who took the introductory Korean culture course. The 27 non-heritage students developed their own project hypothesis, and in order to affirm or disprove their hypotheses, they collected data through library research, online research, and/or informal interviews with Korean native speakers. It is reported that this project expanded the students’ understanding of the target culture and their stereotypes were reshaped over the semester. Another of Byon’s instructional suggestions can be found in his illustration of teacher-student interactions (Byon, 2004, 2006). Through socialization between teacher and student, “students are  37  gradually socialized into the hierarchical sociocultural norm of Korean” (Byon, 2007, p. 284). The socializing effects help the students realize the Korean honorific patterns. Reviewing what has been done with heritage language issues in Korean language teaching, Clare You (2001), long-time coordinator of the large Korean language program at the University of California-Berkeley, discussed curriculum, text materials, and instructor training. In the discussion of curriculum, she suggested a one-skill-persemester approach rather than focusing on the development of all four skills (or five including culture) so that HL students can concentrate intensively on one skill at a time without having to worry about other skills. She also suggested a student-initiated curriculum comprised of small groups based on their interests. She claimed that both heritage and non-heritage learners will aspire to learn if they choose their own learning goals. But for successful implementation, very careful planning and detailed organization of the content and methodology are imperative, as she mentioned. The most impressive comment in the paper is the description of a good language teacher. She argued against our assumption that linguists automatically make good language teachers, which is also stressed in King (1998a). Her description follows: A good language teacher knows how to teach and what to teach; the knowledge and experience of teaching a language are more important than knowing how the deep structure of grammar or complex phonological rules presume to operate in our subconscious minds….We need Korean language teachers with various backgrounds, as in any field where the center of focus is people, especially teaching heritage learners because their interests go beyond language learning. (p. 283) As seen in the discussions above, there are no perfect solutions to the problem of teaching HL, and all solutions require adequate support from inside and outside  38  universities. Above all, an immense contribution by Korean language educators is still required to generate ideas that can work. As in You’s definition of a good language teacher above, the role of HL educators needs to be carefully considered. However, the discussion or research directions regarding HL education should first be centered on a detailed and in-depth analysis of learners’ characteristics, motivation, attitudes, and familial relationships. For this, it is necessary to analyze the theory and practice of parents and children towards learning Korean. Only then can we develop different curricula for the different HL learners accordingly. In the next sections, a literature review on CMC will follow. CMC is one of the most salient issues in discussing language and culture learning among various technologies. Relevant issues related to CMC will also be discussed. 2.3  Computer-mediated Communication (CMC) The term CMC encompasses various technologies such as email, email listservs,  electronic bulletin boards, chatrooms, internet relay channels (IRCs), and multiple-user object oriented domains (MOOs). A growing literature defines the term in various senses. It was used for the first time in Hilts and Turoff (1978), but the definition was limited to computer conferencing. The definition, however, has evolved and broadened to include both synchronous (real time) and asynchronous (different time interval) communication. With synchronous communication, all participants are online simultaneously and read and respond to one another immediately, whereas with asynchronous communication, participants need not be online simultaneously and can read and respond at different times. Some researchers (e.g., Kock, 2001; Shirani, Tafti, & Affisco, 1999) found  39  differences between synchronous and asynchronous CMC. They argued that asynchronous communication has the advantage of a deeper analysis of problems, while synchronous communication has increased quantity of ideas. Multifaceted CMC has been illuminated from various aspects. CMC is, in essence, a socially produced space (Chayko, 2002; Jones, 1995; Soja, 1989). The now pervasive word cyberspace was coined for the first time in a work of fiction by William Gibson (1984). The term underlines the lack of physical presence. Along with Soja’s notes, Jones (1995) defined the notion of space in detail: “CMC gives us a tool with which to use space for communication” (p.16). His detailed description of the new forms of community brought about by CMC uses a new term, ‘cybersociety’, in which “the notion of community depends on CMC and on the ability to share thoughts and information instantaneously across vast distances” (p. 2): CMC is not just a tool; it is at once technology, medium, and engine of social relations. It not only structures social relations, it is the space within which the relations occur and the tool that individuals use to enter that space. It is more than the context within which social relations occur for it is commented on and imaginatively constructed by symbolic processes initiated and maintained by individuals and groups. (Jones, 1995, p.16) The concept of community is very important in the discussion of CMC and will be discussed and described in detail later in this chapter. Chayko (2002), in her book, Connecting, delineated the concept of space/place as sociomental space. Sociomental space is a grand mental field in which an infinite number of collective mental maps are formed and intersect. It is the space in which we can say that connections and bonds form; where we can feel close to others who are physically distant…. It is the arena in which people mentally ‘come together’. (p. 37)  40  She argued that a space must be considered a social approximation. In short, it is important to understand space as a socially constructed space in which people are mentally oriented to actively engage in constructing communication. CMC is a text-based, computer-mediated, online human interaction that involves communicating with one or more computer users (Warschauer, 1997). Most software used for CMC relies exclusively on text (Jones, 1995). Detailed linguistic analyses of textual characteristics of CMC (Herring, 1996; Yates, 1996; Collot & Belmore, 1996) have drawn much interest because such research is essential for CMC to be successfully implemented in real classrooms. Generally, CMC is regarded as written conversation (Herring, 1996). Yates (1996) found that CMC is much closer to writing than to speech in range of vocabulary and lexical density, and Sproull and Kiesler (1986) reported that CMC is less powerful than face-to-face communication. Shank (1993) looked at the nature of the message and postulated that it is neither oral nor written communication. All in all, it used to be believed that CMC was inherently text-natured. One of the salient issues among the growing body of literature is learner identity and the creation of community among online learners (Bitterman, 2000; Palloff & Pratt, 1999; Ruhleder, 1999; Stacey, 1999). Such studies regard learning as a complex social activity. Three interesting issues draw close attention to a new understanding of CMC: identity, community, and social presence. These will be discussed in the following sections. 2.3.1  Identity In the mechanical age, technology was viewed as instrumental. Users were  figured as already-formed subjects who approach it, rather than contingent subjects who are approached and altered by it. However, this view has been radically challenged in  41  recent years due to the appearance of a new medium, the Internet. In this new era, users’ identity is considered to be fluid rather than static (Nakamura, 2002; Castells, 1997; Turkle, 1995). Castells (1997), in The Power of Identity, argued that “identity must be distinguished from what, traditionally, sociologists have called roles, and role-sets” (p. 6), because the roles are defined by norms structured by the institutions and organizations of society. He argued that “all identities are constructed” (p. 7) from a sociological perspective. He proposed three different types of identity construction: 1) legitimizing identity, introduced by the dominant institutions of society; 2) resistance identity, generated by those actors that are in positions/conditions devalued and/or stigmatized by the logic of domination; 3) project identity which builds a new identity that redefines participants’ positions in society and, by so doing, seeks the transformation of overall social structure (p. 8). These three identity constructions are closely related to the power relationships in which people are socially situated. The power relationships draw our attention to ethnicity, which has been a source of discrimination. Ethnicity is a significant feature of identity which commonly consists of cultural aspects such as nation, religion, and gender because “ethnicity has been a fundamental source of meaning and recognition throughout human history” (Castells, 1997, p. 53). However, according to Castells’ argument, identity is constructed through new processes of constructing new cultural codes out of historical materials as shown in the three different types of identity construction processes. In line with Castells, Nakamura (2002) celebrated “fluid identities”; she coined the term “identity tourism,” which means “acquiring the ability to carve out new, less  42  oppressive norms, and gaining the capacity to ‘acknowledge diversity’ in ever more effective ways” (p.13). She viewed the activity of surfing as associated with tourism. Cyberspace is a place “where travel and mobility are featured attractions,” where travel “is inherently recreational, exotic, and exciting” (p. 40). Similarly, Turkle (1995) makes the point that people can see themselves as many selves by engaging in endless role-playing games. The self is prepared to play out all its fantasies, living life as a play of fiction. Multiplicity and fluidness of identity in living with technology makes our life a symbolic arena in which simulation and reality merge and become indistinguishable. Whereas identity was in the past defined as unitary and solid, now “a more fluid sense of self allows for a greater capacity for acknowledging diversity…” (p. 261). Baym (1995, 1998) also made the point that multiple identities are formed due to anonymous CMC interaction because “anonymous users can switch genders, appearance, and countless other usually integral aspects of the public self and people can also take on multiple identities” (Baym, 1995, p. 154). To summarize, identity in the technology era is constantly constructed through taking on multiple roles. Beyond geographical and physical attributes, we, while living in global networks, should add another layer of identity construction to become multiple selves in a dynamic society. 2.3.2  Community Community is defined as “a group of individuals who belong to a social unit such  as students in a class” (Picciano, 2002, p. 22). The term “community” has in the past referred to a place-based connotation. Whereas the traditional concept considers classrooms as a community-making arena, modern society is often not geographically  43  based but relationship-based (Garton, Haythornthwaite & Wellman, 1997). The literature reveals various views towards agency in the creation of community (Cecez-Kecmanovic & Webb, 2000; Kowach & Schwier, 1997; Wilson, 2001) and of learner identity; the creation of community among online learners (Bitterman, 2000; Stacey, 1999) reflects an understanding of learning as a complex social activity. Community is interpreted as a sense of bond, tie, inclusion, or connection with others (Chayko, 2002; Haythornthwaite, 2002). Chayko (2002) introduced the term ‘resonance’, “a concept rooted in the Pythagorean principle that ‘like is known by like’” (p. 66). Resonance refers to the “sympathetic” vibration of a sound wave as it strikes a body that vibrates in response at the same frequency. The concept is illustrated in the “chemical bonds that form between atoms[;] there must be some similarity in ‘social atoms’ for there to be a possibility of a bond” (p.67). The proliferation of terms such as communities of learners, discourse communities, learning communities, knowledge-building communities, school communities, and communities of practice still needs to be studied for a better understanding of what constitutes community. The significance of the constructivists’ point of view to CMC is in the collaboration and interaction of the learning process. Several social and cognitive psychologists define learning as a social activity. Well-known socio-psychologists such as Dewey, Piaget, Bruner, Vygotsky, Lave, and Wenger emphasize that learning is constructed as a result of interaction and shared efforts to make sense of new information. It is believed that learning may best be achieved through the social construction of knowledge in a “community of practice.” A community of practice is “a set of relations among persons, activity, and world, over time and in relation with other tangential and  44  overlapping communities of practice” (Lave & Wenger, 1991, p. 98). Lave and Wenger view the acquisition of knowledge as a social process in which people participate in communal learning to become a full practitioner. In other words, learning involves participation in a community of practice. Therefore, this view maintains that learning is inseparable from doing. The growing literature discussing CMC, therefore, has spawned various terms such as virtual or online community, emphasizing online social practice. Early users of computer networks created virtual communities, using the term popularized by Howard Rheingold (1993, 2000), and these communities were sources of values that patterned behavior and social organization. Many researchers “emphasize the extreme diversity of virtual communities” (Castells, 2001, p. 54). Furthermore, online communities could be likened to Anderson’s (1991) concept of “imagined communities,” in which the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion. In short, CMC technologies allows people to construct a constant rearranging of existing knowledge to produce new and more complex mental structures through the constant interaction among participants. 2.3.3 Social Presence Social presence is a concept central to learning and requires not only community, with its constituent participation and interaction, but also collaboration, a form of participation that is closely connected to constructivist learning principles. A sense of awareness that creates a feeling of ‘who I am and who others are’ is called a sense of  45  presence. Presence is an important concept in understanding online or virtual communities. Heeter (1992) offered three kinds of presence in terms of personal awareness: personal, social, and an environment of interaction. Personal presence increases the more one discloses personal information; the more others reciprocate, and the more that individuals know about each other, the more likely they are to establish trust, seek support, and thus find satisfaction. The second concept, social presence, comes from the theory of Short, Williams, and Christie (1976). They used social presence to describe the ability of a communications medium to give a teammate the feeling of the presence of the other teammates for direct communication and interaction. The development of social presence and a sense of online community are key to promoting collaborative learning and knowledge building (Gunawardena, 1995). A strong sense of social presence allows a strong tie within the community. Haythornthwaite (2002) discussed strong and weak ties. She concluded from a social network perspective that weakly tied pairs are likely to constrain their interactions to class-mandated media, while strongly tied pairs find many ways to communicate, but also need many ways to communicate. Chayko (2002) proposed that another term, engagement, is critical to the development of connectedness at a distance. Within Heeter’s (1992) third component of presence, the environment of interaction is also a focus of reciprocal awareness. The technology of communication has created a new social situation: cyberspace. Interaction mediates for the participants in that space by creating interface. According to Garrison and Anderson (2003), the formation of community requires a sense of social presence among participants. To support critical thinking in  46  learning communities using text-based CMC, Garrison, Anderson, and Archer’s (2000) model presents the learning experience in terms of three “presence” components: cognitive presence, teaching presence, and social presence. Rourke, Anderson, Garrison and Archer (2001) further explicated the social presence component of this model and developed the coding template to assess social presence in computer conferencing. In this research, the template they developed was refined and used as a framework or tool to capture social presence elements among participants in an online learning context. Social presence is defined as “the ability of learners to project themselves socially and affectively into a community of enquiry” (Rourke, Anderson, Garrison & Archer, 1999, p. 50). In this sense, learners’ perception of social presence plays an important role in the community. Tu (2001) examined Chinese students’ perceptions of social presence in three systems: email, bulletin board, and real-time chat. The level of social presence varied by “how users perceive and utilize CMC systems” (p. 58). Therefore, the degree of social presence can be altered and cultivated with different strategies and different participants. Garrison and Archer (2000) labeled the entirety of the learning process, including cognitive presence, teaching presence and social presence, as a “community of enquiry.” 2.3.4  Language Education Modern technology and language education have been hand in hand for a few  decades. The Internet today has created important changes in “the way we communicate and how we access, produce, and distribute information and knowledge” (Luke, 2000, p. 70). From traditional behaviorism-driven language labs proliferating in the 60s or 70s, to the Internet’s significant growth since the 90s, technology has dramatically altered the  47  ways language learners learn and use the target language. Despite many challenges in the use of technology in language classrooms, such as lack of technical equipment and budgetary considerations, lack of computer literacy, unbalanced course content and time frames, plagiarism, and so on, there are still several advantages provided by the Internet to language learners. This section reviews literature on the main issues of language learning and CMC. 2.3.4.1 Second Language Acquisition In the 1980s, computer conferencing began to be used in academia and the business world, both in its asynchronous form and its synchronous form. Since then, as described earlier, social scientists have examined the psychological and sociological impacts of these new forms of communication. In the late 1980s, second and foreign language teachers began to integrate electronic communication into language teaching. Innumerable studies have been dedicated to the impact of electronic communication on general language development. The great enthusiasm for the potential of CMC technologies for language learning has elicited extensive interest from students of second language acquisition. At the beginning, the main interest was to see how CMC facilitates language acquisition in general by focusing on second language learners’ writing performance within text-based interaction (e.g., Cummins & Sayers, 1995; St. John & Cash, 1995). However, the research spectrum has evolved and broadened into more complex language learning processes. Integrative-computer assisted language learning (CALL) allows language learners to interact and negotiate meaning and authentic discourse via multimedia and the Internet. Among various aspects of CALL, CMC has become  48  prevalent and is deemed to bring the greatest impact on language learning (Warschauer, 1996). CMC is emerging as a blend of print text, sound, and graphic imagery. There are many advantages that online learning or CMC provides to learners that the regular second language classroom does not. Online learning is more democratic since it provides more time and space for students to reflect and respond to issues raised in the classroom or found in their textbooks. Second language learners in particular need that extra time and opportunity to process their ideas and realize them through writing (Carey, 1999, 2001a, 2001b). Due to the many advantages of CMC discussed above, researchers have shown extensive interest in CMC technologies in the last few years. Research interests have evolved from the effectiveness of using CMC technologies in a language classroom of varied socio-cultural settings to more complex language learning processes. CMC contributes to the improvement of learner involvement and the promotion of equal and democratic participation (Kern, 1995; Warschauer, 1996; Carey, 1999, 2002), a greater sense of community among participants (Baym, 1995; Murray, 2000), and greater intercultural communication competence (Barsharina, 2004; L. Lee, 1998; MüllerHartmann, 2000; Kramsch & Thorne, 2002; O’Dowd, 2003). Research on online discussion in general has focused on the impact of CMC on learning outcomes (Harasim, 1990; Hiltz & Wellman, 1997), critical thinking skills (Burge, 1994), social relationships (Day, Crump & Rickly, 1996; Hiltz & Wellman, 1997), and academic language development (Luo, 2005). Among numerous studies regarding language learning with CMC, Warschauer has made a significant contribution in this field by conducting empirical research in the second language classroom. Warschauer (1996) suggested that  49  electronic discussions may create opportunities for more equal participation in the classroom. His research foci were extended to broader terrains emphasizing social and cultural interaction in language learning. In the last decade, Second Language Acquisition (SLA) research has been devoted to the significance of interaction for language development (e.g., Gass, 1995, 1997; Larsen-Freeman & Long, 1991; Long, 1991, 1996; Pica, 1994, 2000). One of the important issues in interactions seems to be the “focus on error correction” (Doughty & Long, 2003; Long, 1996). Many have been dedicated to the impact of electronic communication on a language learner’s writing performance due to its text-based nature via CMC technologies. As an asynchronous communication tool, email has been used as the most popular tool for communicative interaction because it is quick and easy to use for language teachers and students. Such interactive language learning experiences via CMC are congruent with discourse-based second language acquisition theories which emphasize the role of communicative interaction (Pica, 1987). To summarize, CMC provides second language learners with multiple advantages in developing their target languages. Extensive interaction taking place in an online environment promotes language learning. 2.3.4.2 Electronic Literacy Whereas traditional definitions of literacy focused on reading and writing, the definition of literacy today is more complex. In the 19th century, literacy was viewed as knowledge of literature and attention to rhetorical appropriateness. Today, social, economic, and technological transformations have aligned to bring about major changes in literacy practices (Warschauer, 2003). The process of becoming literate today involves more than learning how to use language effectively; rather, the process amplifies and  50  changes both the cognitive and the linguistic functioning of the individual in society. Technological revolutions entail rapid and far-reaching social change that is the inevitable result of the introduction of a major new technology. ‘Electronic literacy’, a concept that emerged in the 1980s, affects literacy practices and communities. Electronic literacy is actually an umbrella term that “encompasses several other generic literacies of the information era, including computer literacy, information literacy, multimedia literacy, and computer-mediated communication literacy” (Warschuer, 2003, p.111). Literacy in an electronic medium is not tied to text; it may include images, sounds, and actions. Cope and Kalantzis (2000) emphasized the notion that the students of today and tomorrow cannot be merely literate, but must be multiliterate. By being multiliterate, they can understand many modes of text from a variety of communication and information networks, and work cooperatively with others in a multicultural environment. Within the field of literacy studies, several researchers working from a more anthropological perspective have demonstrated that literacy is a socio-cultural phenomenon that reflects a community's values. For example, the Internet is used largely for communication through email, newsgroups, bulletin boards, and Instant Messaging, all of which are modeled on existing forms of communication in some way. The computer is not just a “computing” machine, but a communication vehicle that connects people. Lanham (1993), Bolter (1991), and Landow (1992) celebrated new electronic literacies, claiming that they represent much fuller and richer ways to present and access information. In their view, “hypertext facilitates a critical and dynamic approach to  51  literacy that is an extension of the best traditions of the print world” (Warschauer, 1999, p.11). All in all, our traditional concept of literacy has changed as new technologies changed our life patterns. Thus, there is a need to understand the dynamic characteristics that technology entails in the discussion of literacy. 2.3.5  Social Software: Web 2.0 In this study, for language practice online, most data presented in the following  chapters come from the participants’ email and instant messenger logs. In addition, some of the participants use Cyworld and social blogs as their preferred means of communicating and sharing with others. The latter platform provides users with a more dynamic and interactive relationship. According to Michael Stephens’ definition in his ALA techSource Blog 24, Web 2.0 is the next incarnation of the World Wide Web, where digital tools allow users to create, change, and publish dynamic content of all kinds. We will all be publishers and creators of our own information and entertainment channels with these applications. Unlike the original web (Web 1.0) where exchange and interaction was rudimentary (Johnson, 2005), Web 2.0 aims to enhance collaboration and sharing between users. Compared with Web1.0, Web 2.0 has several concepts that are prominent: openness, connectedness, participation, and ease of use. Due to Web 2.0’s efficiency and reusability, the difference between Web 1.0 and 2.0 is compared to the difference between a desert and a rain forest, where “the nutrient cycles in rain forest ecosystems are so tight that the soil is usually very poor for farming, so all the available energy has been captured on the way down to the earth” (Johnson, 2005, p. 2). Stephen (2006) viewed 24  “Web 2.0 for Librarians” can be downloaded from www.techsource.ala.org/blog/2005/09/web-20-forlibrarians.html.  52  …Web 2.0 as a set of ever-evolving tools that can benefit online users. With these tools, users can converse across blogs, wikis, and at photo-sharing sites, such as Flickr, via comments or through online discussions. With these tools, folks having similar and dissimilar viewpoints can make a connection. With these tools, collaboration is possible despite the barriers of distance and time. (p. 6) 2.3.6  Role of Technology in Maintaining Heritage Language Warschauer (1999) demonstrated the significance of technology use in language  maintenance. He shed light on the relation between new technologies and language revitalization in his research on Hawaiian language revitalization. The students in his study commented that “a new way of writing, culturally appropriate education, social identity and investment, technology literacies, and language revitalization were not isolated themes of the course” (p. 124). Warschauer revealed that “the goal of Hawaiian educators in supporting technology has been to promote the notion of Hawaiian as a language of the present and future, not just the past” (p. 123). The use of technology helped give the Hawaiian language students a sense of the future of the language. Nancy Hornberger (1997) contended that “language revitalization is not about bringing a language back, it’s about bringing it forward” (cited in Warschauer, 1999, p. 123). New technologies may be a new and powerful force for preserving and shaping the identity of cultural minorities. Significant attention is being paid to the role of technology in language maintenance and revitalization due to the nature of CMC, which enables people to be bonded, tied, included, or connected with others. Computers make a real connection “from here to the outside world” (Warschauer, 1999, p. 121).  53  2.3.7  Why is Technology Meaningful for Koreans? According to comScore Newworks 25, the online population in Korea is ranked  sixth in the world, after the US, China, Japan, Germany, and the United Kingdom. In addition, Korea is ranked third after Israel and Finland in average hours spent online per visitor as a measure of engagement. Korea has high broadband penetration and Koreans enjoy a wide variety of online activities. Their lives are becoming more convenient, costeffective, global, and technology dependent. Even the development of the Internet technology has changed “the whole political dynamic in South Korea to an extent that the outside world has not yet grasped” (Guardian, 2003). An article entitled “World’s first Internet president logs on” in the daily Internet newspaper introduces the power of Netizens revealed in the Korean presidential election. Mr. Roh Moo-hyun, a candidate in tune with the Internet, was elected president with the support of the younger generation who gained most of its information from the Internet. It was an unprecedented victory of the voice of the younger generation in this new way. With the world’s highest penetration of high-speed and mobile Internet services, Korea is at the cutting edge of technology; technology is transforming the South Korean political system, making it more open and democratic. As evidence of technological advancement in Korea, the World Competitiveness Report of 2002 of the Institute of Management Development places Korea tenth in the world in scientific and technological competitiveness using indicators such as investment, number of researchers, and degree of the protection of intellectual property rights (Y-B. Chae, 2002). Another advance and change in life in Korea can be related to the number of 25  The article was downloaded from http://www.comscore.com/press/release.asp?press=849. The estimate of global online audience size is 694 million worldwide, age 15+, as of March 2006.  54  the Internet users (24,645,000, age + 15, as of March 2006). The Internet has already become an essential tool in Koreans’ lives. Advanced technology also impacts the lives of Korean immigrants in Canada. Unlike the first immigrant generation that suffered from total detachment from their home country, current immigrants have constant and tangible access to Korean culture and language via the Internet if they desire. Thus, a match between technology and language maintenance seems to be powerful and meaningful to Korean immigrants. 2.4  Research Questions In this chapter, I have reviewed the relevant literature on HL maintenance and  CMC technologies for language learning. From the HL literature review, it is clear that the existing literature still fails to provide comprehensive examinations of parents’ involvement in their children’s HL acquisition and maintenance, even though the significance of the parental role is repeatedly discussed in many studies. Thus, in my work, I examine the parents’ and children’s attitudes and actual parental involvement in their children’s HL acquisition and maintenance. Furthermore, I reviewed current literature on language learning through online communication because of Korea’s extensive use of the Internet and the potential functions of CMC in HL learning. Technology use for a variety of purposes has become prevalent among Korean immigrants. Their use of technology, particularly online communication, provides ample resources and practices for learning HL language and culture. This leads to the following two sets of research questions:  55  1)  What are parents’ and children’s attitudes towards heritage language maintenance? How are parents and their children involved in heritage language acquisition and maintenance?  2)  What are parents’ and children’s attitudes towards technology 26 use for heritage language maintenance? How do parents and their children use the technology as a means of language acquisition and maintenance?  26  I use the terms “technology use,” “Internet use,” and “computer use” interchangeably because the word technology is perceived to be closely tied to computers and the Internet.  56  Chapter 3 Methodology 3.1  Introduction In this chapter, I will discuss the research methodology employed in the study.  In Section 3.2, I will state some assumptions which influenced my approach to the study. In Sections 3.3, 3.4, and 3.5, I will discuss matters of research design, data analysis, and research trustworthiness. As a final step, I will summarize the approach taken. 3.2  Assumptions of This Study The following stories are true. The names are fictitious, but the people and places  are real. The stories provide a glimpse of the life of immigrant families in metropolitan areas in and around Vancouver, Canada. This area has been growing in numbers of Korean immigrants. I was inclined to believe that the lives of immigrants are more complex than meets the eye in how these people maintain their heritage language and culture. That complexity is due, at least in part, to their very diverse backgrounds, and the distinct ways in which these immigrants adapt to their new environment. This study employs qualitative approaches. Qualitative approaches are characterized by a greater attention to process. They emphasize perceptions and their meanings, and how these emerge and change. Direct, qualitative verbal reports are preferred. Qualitative analyses also prefer an inductive approach starting with observation and allowing grounded theory to emerge. According to Cresswell (1998, p. 17), “in a qualitative study, the research question often starts with a ‘how’ or a ‘what’ so that initial forays into the topic describe what is going on,” whereas quantitative questions ask ‘why’ and look for a comparison of groups, a relationship between variables, or cause and effect. Guba and Lincoln (1994) illustrated contrasts in the 57  ontology (beliefs about the nature of reality) between qualitative and quantitative methodologists. Qualitative methodologists take a naturalistic view of research and believe that there are multiple constructed realities, while quantitative methodologists are in line with the positivist’s assumption that there is a single reality. The qualitative exploration of this study is defined within the constructivist and holistic paradigm. I combine two definitions in the literature for the methodological philosophy of the study: Denzin and Lincoln’s (1994) and Creswell’s (1998). Denzin and Lincoln’s (1994) definition is grounded in an “interpretive, naturalistic approach” based on multiple sources of information and narrative approaches: Qualitative research is multimethod in focus, involving an interpretive, naturalistic approach to its subject matter. This means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of or interpret phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them. Qualitative research involves the studied use and collection of a variety of empirical materials—case study, personal experience, introspective, life story, interview, observational, historical, interactional, and visual texts—that describe routine and problematic moments and meaning in individuals’ lives. (p. 2) Creswell’s (1998) definition emphasizes a “complex, holistic picture.” He stated that “a complex narrative takes the reader into the multiple dimensions of a problem or issue and displays it in all of its complexity” (p.15). This study investigates parents’ and children’s involvement in maintaining their Korean language as a HL. I did not intend to study the causal relationships between different methods of learning Korean as a HL and learning outcomes. Rather, the study is designed to provide in-depth descriptions and analyses of the processes of language socialization in children’s practices in maintaining Korean as a HL. These analyses address the situational, contextual, or ecological relationships within these social practices. The parents’ and children’s efforts, beliefs, attitudes, and ideologies about  58  Korean, English, multiculturalism, and bilingualism are investigated through a thick description of social practices which take place in the participants’ natural settings: family language socialization and online language practice. Thus, I have chosen a qualitative approach for this study to interpret and portray events and people in their natural settings by observing, interpreting, analyzing, and consequently bringing meaning to parents’ and children’s experiences of Korean language and culture maintenance. Language plays an important role in constructing meaning in the present study because the study examines parents’ and children’s social practices in maintaining their HL and culture in various contexts, from the micro- to macro-level. I take a functional perspective on language for the data analysis. According to functional linguists, language is a social semiotic and a resource for making meaning (Eggins, 1994; Halliday, 1985; Halliday & Martin, 1993). Language constructs socio-cultural activity. Maintaining a heritage language is a form of symbolic socio-cultural stance rather than a mere medium of communication. A unit of cultural meaning is usually constructed and nurtured through discourse. Within discourse, one can distinguish between discourses of action and discourses of reflection. The discourse of reflection can be further classified into two types: general reflection and specific reflection (Mohan, Liang, Low, & Kanada, 1997). A detailed discussion of the discourse analysis of a social practice will be offered later. To summarize, this study is an exploratory qualitative contextual investigation of social practices of maintaining Korean as a HL in natural contexts. Within the constructivist and holistic paradigm of qualitative inquiry through multiple methods, this study explores the theory/practice dynamic of maintaining a HL. In the process, language is considered a social semiotic and a resource for making meaning.  59  3.3  Research Design As described earlier, this study employs qualitative research methodology. Guba  and Lincoln’s (1994) means of assessing the quality of a study include techniques such as prolonged engagement in the field and the triangulation of data sources, and multiple methods, and investigators to establish credibility. Denzin (1978) advocates a multimethod design using the mathematical term “triangulation.” The term originates from geometry, in which two points and their angles are used to determine the distance to a third point. This approach to geometric analysis is applied similarly to study social phenomena by converging data sources. Denzin recommends the following types of triangulation: • • • •  Data triangulation Investigator triangulation Theory triangulation Methodological triangulation  This research design aims to triangulate using the four categories discussed above. I will use diverse data sources such as the following: • • • •  Questionnaires completed by children and parents Observations of home language socialization and online language socialization (face-to-face/online) Individual interviews with children and parents Other relevant documents such as event cards, school records issued from weekend heritage language schools, and so on  This research was designed for a PhD dissertation; thus, professors who have different methodological orientations have provided me with guidance and advice to avoid pitfalls that novice researchers are likely to face when attempting investigator triangulation. For theory triangulation, I use Mohan’s (1986) synthesized social practice theory to categorize action and reflection discourse. Discourse analysis rooted in Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) is also  60  employed. Although this study mainly employs qualitative approaches emphasizing thorough descriptions to study children’s involvement in the maintenance of Korean as a HL, questionnaires focusing on the collection of general data such as basic demographic information from the participants were conducted before the interviews. A variety of different sources gained through different methods increase the complexity of the study. These different methods create a more accurate view of the issues identified and mutually support and validate each other, permitting methodological triangulation. For the overall process of conducting this study, I followed the general stages of qualitative approach (Creswell, 1998) as follows: Identifying problems  Reviewing information  Collecting data  Analyzing data  Drawing conclusions  The first step was to identify problems by obtaining related knowledge for the research under consideration. Reviewing the available literature was required to gather information about how others have approached or dealt with similar issues. At the data collection stage, a good research design must avoid haphazard or ad hoc approaches. To analyze data, digital technology such as audio data made it possible to create, process, and analyze data in new ways. The conclusions were based on the data and the analysis. The purpose of this research is to understand how parents support their children’s language maintenance and how children practice their language learning and maintenance in various contexts. Different theories and practices, from formal and informal learning and socialization, will be identified on a match or mismatch continuum between parents and children through an analysis of their action and reflection discourses. Thus, the objective of this study’s analysis is to examine parents’ and children’s theory and practice  61  of language acquisition and maintenance in their daily life. In defining the key concepts of match and mismatch, I abide by the following guidelines: If participants act based on their attitudes and words, and this leads to HL maintenance, that would qualify as a matched case. A mismatched case is when the attitudes and words do not appear to match the result. 3.3.1  Case Study This study can be defined as a case study; however, this “case study is not a  methodological choice but a choice of what is to be studied” (Stake, 2000, p. 435). Stake (1995) considers “the case” an object of study. The rationale for choosing a case study for this research is the intensive approach to research that the case study offers. My approach is qualitative. I pay attention to Stake’s (1995) naturalistic, holistic, ethnographic, phenomenological, and biographic research approach. Stake explains that a case study is the study of the particularity and complexity of a single case. Given the fact that heritage language and culture maintenance varies depending on an immigrant’s social, economic, and political ideologies, the study cannot aim at a clear cut generalization; rather, the complex and dynamic factors and practices of language and culture maintenance are emphasized. From this perspective, a case study is a well-suited conceptual structure for this situational qualitative study. This study focuses on the case of HL and culture maintenance in Korean immigrants in the GVRD in British Columbia, Canada. Within the study, there are four cases: ‘Native’, Family Invitation, Investment, and Satellite/‘Father Goose ’. Each case consists of two families. The two families are compared and contrasted with each other. Furthermore, comparative analysis will be  62  made among the four cases. The case study’s structure is summarized in the following table: Table 3.1: Scope of Case Study  3.3.2  Participants 27 and Setting I recruited eight families based on the number of years resident in Canada. The  main criterion for selecting the eight families was that each had to have at least one child who was a 1.5- or 2nd generation Korean residing in Canada who had experience learning Korean in formal or informal settings. In addition, at least one child had to have experience using CMC tools as a way of learning and practicing the Korean language and culture. The main family members had to reside in the GVRD. The eight families were divided into four cases in pairs (30+ years, 20+ years, 10+ years, and less than 10 years of residence). The main reason I selected these four cases according to their residence periods in Canada is that the first wave of Korean immigration into Canada started during the late 60s and early 70s. The participants were recruited through purposeful and snowball sampling techniques (Patton, 1987), using referrals and distribution lists from Korean language  27  The names of the participants are pseudonyms. Each chapter is introduced by the family name, followed by the children’s first names in parenthesis.  63  programs, churches, community members, and my personal networks. Purposeful sampling is “selecting information-rich cases for study in-depth” (Patton, 1990, p. 169). An account of the participants’ backgrounds and special characteristics is summarized in Table 3.2.  64  Table 3.2: Participants’ Profiles  Native Case 1  Native Case 2  Family Invitation Case 1  Family Invitation Case 2  Investment Case 1  Investment Case 2  Participant/Age  Gender  Place of birth  Mr. Yu (62) Mrs. Yu (55) Kijǒng (29) Kiǔn (27) Mr. Pak (59) Mrs. Pak (54) Sharon (30) Brian (32) Linsey (27) William (32) Mr. Song (49) Mrs. Song (47) Yujin (20) Yulim (14) Mr. Hong (47) Mrs. Hong (46) Jack (23) Julie (18) Mr. Cho (49) Mrs. Cho (49) Jiye (24) Jiwǒn (21) Mr. Kim (50) Mrs. Kim (48) Ashley (21) Tim (19)  M F F F M F F M F M M F M M M F M F M F F M M F F M  Korea Korea Canada Canada Korea Korea Canada Canada Canada Canada Korea Korea Canada Canada Korea Korea Korea Canada Korea Korea  Korea Korea Korea Korea  Length of residence in Canada 32 years  34 years  Residence  Present occupation  Home language  Montreal -> White Rock > Vancouver  Sandwich shop (owner)  K K P/K; S/K,E P/K; S/E K; E K P/K, S/E E P/K,E; S/E  Germany -> Winnipeg -> Alberta -> Langley  20 years  Montreal -> Surrey  23 years  Montreal -> Surrey  13 years  Washington, US -> Korea -> Burnaby  11 years  North Vancouver -> West Vancouver  65  Teacher Pharmacy student Grocery shop (owner) Property coordinator Counselor Preparing for law school Company employee Educational counselor Housewife University student High school student Insurance company (owner) College student High school student Minister Housewife College student High school student Businessman Housewife University student High school student  K K P/K, S/E P/K, S/E K; E K; E P/KE, S/E P/EK, S/E K K P/K, S/K P/K, S/K K K P/EK, S/E P/EK, S/E  Satellite/Father Goose Case 1  Satellite/Father Goose Case 2  Participant/Age  Gender  Place of birth  Length of residence in Canada 4 years  Residence  Present occupation  Home language  Mr. An (48) Mrs. An (47) Sangmin (19) Minji (16) Mr. Ko (43)  M F M F M  Korea Korea Korea Korea Korea  Langley  4 years  Coquitlam  Businessman Housewife University student High school student Businessman  K K P/K, S/K P/K, S/K K  Mrs. Ko (41)  F  Korea  Housewife  K  Kǔnil (15) Kǔnsǒk (11)  M M  Korea Korea  High school student Middle school student  P/K, S/E P/K, S/E  Gender: F = Female, M = Male Home language: K = Korean, E = English, P/K = Korean with Parents, S/K = Korean with Siblings, P/E = English with Parents, S/E = English with Siblings  66  Table 3.3: Children’s Self-Reports of Language Proficiency 28 Speaking  Listening  Reading  Writing  Names Very poor  Excellent  Very poor  Excellent  √  Kijǒng  √  √ √  √  √  Yujin  √  √  Yulim  √  √  Excellent  √  √ √  √  Linsey  Very poor  √  √ √  Sharon  Excellent  √  √  Kiǔn  Very poor  √ √  √ √  Jack  √  Julie  √  Jiye  √  √  √  √  Jiwǒn  √  √  √  √  Ashley  √  Tim  √  √  √  √  √ √  √  √  √  √  √  √  √  √  Sangmin  √  √  √  Minji  √  √  √  Kǔnil  √  √  √  √ √ √  √ √ √ √ Kǔnsǒk Note: Among the four skills, listening received the highest mean score (4.4), followed by speaking (4.2), reading (3.8), and writing (3.3).  Table 3.3 shows the participants’ proficiency levels in Korean based on a selfassessed scale. Even though there has been an issue about the validity of using selfassessment (Kondo Brown, 2003, 2005, 2006), HL proficiency levels cannot be evaluated accurately using foreign language proficiency tests because of the various and complex factors involved in measuring proficiency. Considering the purpose of this study, the participants’ perceptions about their language proficiency are important because the children’s attitudes and motivation towards learning Korean are closely related to their language use. Thus, using self-assessment to measure language proficiency is useful in 28  The self-assessed scale consists of 1-5, with very poor, poor, average, good, and excellent. The results came from the questionnaires attached to the appendix (see Appendix B).  67  this study. Table 3.3 reveals that the children regard receptive skills (listening and reading) as easier than productive skills (speaking and writing). Also they consider that listening and speaking are easier than reading and writing; writing is the most difficult. This study uses interviews and observations carried out at the participants’ homes, workplaces, and coffee shops/restaurants, from recorded conversation logs, and from online conversation logs. The different data are mainly related to the children’s practice of Korean language and culture. 3.3.3  The Researcher’s Role When I embarked on this research project, I was interested in understanding how  a HL and culture is maintained and how parents and children play a role in this HL and culture maintenance. Furthermore, I wanted to explore how the ubiquitous Internet use of Korean immigrants influences heritage language and culture maintenance in Korean immigrant communities. My own experience as a first-generation Korean immigrant mother struggling with my children’s HL and culture maintenance was the main motivation for pursuing this study. At the time of data collection, I was introduced to families both in my capacity as a researcher and as a mother concerned about her children’s Korean language and culture maintenance. Being in a situation similar to that of my research participants, I was able to make them feel relaxed and trusting. Because of the local community newspapers, some families already knew about my career experiences in which I had worked as a language instructor for HL education at UBC and as a Korean language curriculum developer for the community-driven BCSAKS project. My publicized education and career helped to establish me as a non-threatening, empathic, peripheral member (Merriam, 1998) of the  68  Korean community. While collecting the data, I was even sometimes asked for advice regarding matters concerning the participants’ children’s future education and careers. In other words, my researcher’s role in the study is inextricably tied up with my role in the Korean community as an educator and as a mother who is concerned about the same issues as the participants. My multiple roles in the Korean community garnered more credibility and trust from the participants than would have been the case had I played a single role considered as an ‘outsider’ of the community. Because of my insider’s perspective, my observations were rich, and their confirmability was enhanced through the trust established with the study’s participants. 3.3.4  Data Collection Procedures This study uses a qualitative research approach to examine the complex and  dynamic nature of language and culture maintenance. Questionnaires were used to gather general and basic demographic information. Interviews, family conversation logs, documents, and observations were designed to collect the data. Interviews averaged an hour in length and were conducted in the participants’ language of choice. Notes were made immediately after the interviews, during transcription, and appended to the transcripts. The interview questions attempted to reveal how the participants viewed the role of the HL and culture in their personal, social, career, and educational lives, as well as intergenerational differences in expectations, attitudes, and ideologies between the parents and their children. Furthermore, I also focused on the role of technology in HL and culture maintenance. I also used relevant documents to provide “another perspective on the phenomenon, elaborating its complexity” (Marshall & Rossman, 1995, p. 95). In this study, the participants’ diaries, documents about their family history, and materials  69  about the children’s experience of learning and practicing Korean contributed significantly to the complexity of the various contexts. The data were collected for one year, from December 2004 to November 2005, at participants’ homes and from online interactions which mainly occurred through email, Cyworld, communication games and Instant Messenger. Each interview and family conversation log was audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, and later translated into English in cases where the participants chose to be interviewed in Korean. The translations were verified by a second person who is bilingual in English and Korean. In selecting the eight families, I aimed to maximize variations in age, gender, educational level, educational background, locations of residence in GVRD, years of residence in Canada, experience. The following table summarizes the database. Table 3.4: Summary of Database Methods Questionnaires Individual interviews Family interaction observations Online interaction observations Documents  Data A questionnaire about general information conducted at the beginning of the data collection Interviews with 32 individuals (approx. 70 hours) Field notes and audio-recorded conversations (40 hours) Field notes about online conversations (approx. 80 hours) Children’s diaries, birthday cards, records from Korean Heritage School, photos  In short, this study employs multiple methodology strategies in its data collection. As described earlier, for reliable research results, data from various sources examined through multiple lenses are required.  70  3.4  Data Analysis of the Study Data were generated using the qualitative methods of inquiry discussed earlier  and were composed of questionnaires, observations, individual interviews, and other relevant documents. Thirty-two people (four people in each family), were involved in the study. The data included 70 hours of audio-recorded individual interviews, 40 hours of observations of family interaction, and 80 hours of observation in online interaction. The study focuses on participants’ reflection discourse and action discourse. This study is a qualitative case study investigating parents’ and children’s attitudes and involvement in HL acquisition and maintenance. The data analysis will be presented through two lenses: social practice theory and genogram. Social practice theory will demonstrate the participants’ theory and practice vis à vis HL acquisition and maintenance. The genogram (see 3.4.2) will show the participants’ familial relationships. For this study, I chose several methods of analysis to gain a deeper understanding and to garner various perspectives about the issues that the research questions ask. 3.4.1  Social Practice Theory This study mainly follows Mohan’s Social Practice Theory (Mohan, 1986).  Mohan synthesized the qualitative methodology traditions of Spradley (1980) and Halliday’s systemic functional linguistics (Halliday, 1999) for a discourse approach to the study of social practices. A social practice is a unit of culture which involves cultural knowledge and cultural action (Spradley, 1980). From a systemic functional discourse point of view, an activity or social practice is a semiotic unit of “field” (Martin, 1992, p. 292). A social practice is a unit which combines a discourse of reflection and a discourse of action. A discourse of reflection talks about social practice; a discourse of action  71  enacts what is going on in the social practice (Halliday & Matthiessen, 1999). In this study, HL and culture maintenance is viewed as a social practice in which the participants are engaged. The match or mismatch between theory and practice in each family’s social practice is examined. The model for the data analysis is provided in Table 3.5 below. Table 3.5: Social Practice Theory Social Practice (Mohan, 1986) Theory  Qualitative Methods Interview  Discourse  Practice  Observation  Action  Reflection  Spradley (1980) Cultural knowledge Cultural behavior/action  Halliday (1999) Context of culture Context of situation  In this study, action discourse includes what the participants say as they participate as ‘doers’ in family conversations and online interactions, and reflection discourse includes their specific reflections about such interactions and their general reflections about HL and culture maintenance and the Internet use, which came out mainly in the interviews. Here is a snapshot of social practice as conceived for the purposes of this study: Table 3.6: Data Collection Methods Social Practice Theory  Qualitative Methods Reflection: General  Discourse Interview Interview  Practice  Reflection: Specific (Reflection on Action) Action  Conversation Online logs  3.4.2 Genogram The genogram was chosen to depict detailed and complex relationships among individuals. HL and culture maintenance is closely related to relationships within the  72  family and between community members. A genogram helps to provide an in-depth analysis of how individuals are related to each other. Here is a sample genogram: Figure 3.1: Sample Genogram 29  Shown in this example, a genogram is defined as a pictorial display of family relationships and medical history—it shows “a graphic depiction of how different family members are biologically and legally related to one another from one generation to the next. This map is a construction of figures representing people and lines delineating their relationships” (McGoldrick & Gerson, 1985, p. 9). Genograms were first developed in clinical settings in a book titled Genograms in family assessment in 1985. Genograms are now used by many groups of people in genealogy, medicine, psychiatry, psychology, social work, education, and other fields. In the current study, genograms are constructed to show the relations between language practice at home and family relationships to help understand findings relevant to the research questions. The genograms will be made based upon the interviews with the participants and my observations through meeting the participants. The relationships 29  This sample is adapted from http://www.genopro.com/genogram/.  73  between family members were defined by my natural judgement, based on vocabulary they used in the interviews describing the relationships. To be more specific, if they were ‘close’, they had no issues in communication and could talk to each other about almost anything, and had a cultural understanding of each other. A ‘harmonious’ relationship meant the two were on good terms and could co-exist, but their cultural understanding was not fully shared. If a relationship was ‘distant/poor’, it meant that the two would initiate basic conversations, but would not be able to have in-depth talks. I defined a relationship as ‘indifferent/apathetic’ if the two people no longer held interest in maintaining the shared language. A relationship in ‘discord/conflict’ was one in which the members had a hard time bearing each other, and was generally negative. To be ‘cutoff/estranged’ is to take it to the next level, and no longer talk to each other. In this study, data about family immigration history and interactions with family and community members are important because language learning is achieved through socially situated interactions with others. In this sense, applying the genogram will increase the in-depth analysis of individual relations and language and culture practice. Genograms will be presented in the comparison section of each case. 3.5  Data Presentation The data analysis is organized by the length of residence in Canada. The eight  families are divided into four pair cases (30+ years, 20+ years, 10+ years, and less than 10 years residence). I will present the families in turn, starting with the family of longest residence. The names of the four case-types reflect the perceptions of other Korean immigrants in the BC Korean community. For example, the first case families are called “Native,” satirizing their out-of-date lifestyle compared to the contemporary Korean  74  culture practiced by the most recent immigrants, due to the long-term residence of the ‘Natives’ in Canada. Hence, the two families are classified as Case 1: Native group. The sub-title, ‘Canada is a Paradise’, reflects this group’s main motivation for immigration— they wanted to build a paradise life in Canada, free from the poverty and dictatorship that Korea was experiencing at the time of their emigration. This approach is applied to all four cases. Here are the titles of each case pair: 1. Native Cases: Canada is a Paradise (over 30 years) 2. Family Invitation Cases: Curiosity about Immigrant Life (over 20 years) 3. Investment Cases: Life is Short but there’s a Lot of Work to Do (over 10 years) 4. Satellite/Father Goose Cases: English and Education are Top Priority (within 10 years) The focus is on comparing and contrasting the four cases’ social practices of HL maintenance. In addition, within each case the two families are compared and contrasted to identify matches or mismatches in parents, and children’s theory and practice. General information about each family comes first and their social practice follows. I associate each family name with the family’s last name and use the children’s fictional Korean or English names depending on the parents’ preference. Each case will be described in the relevant chapter. 3.6  Trustworthiness of the Study For accuracy and truthfulness of qualitative research findings, reliability and  validity should be discussed. Various perspectives exist on the importance of verification in qualitative research, its definition, and procedures for establishing it (Cresswell, 1998).  75  Lincoln and Guba (1985) use various terms: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability. This study uses six techniques presented in Cresswell (1998, pp. 201-203): 1) prolonged engagement and persistent observation in the field, which includes building trust with participants, learning the culture, and checking for misinformation that stems from misinterpretation; 2) triangulation, which means the use of multiple and different sources, methods, investigations, and theories to provide corroborating evidence; 3) peer review or debriefing, in which colleagues offer critiques within study groups and at conferences; 4) clarifying research bias that can result from past experiences, biases, prejudices, and orientations that have likely shaped the interpretation and approach to the study; 5) member checks whereby the research participants review data analyses and interpretations to judge their accuracy and credibility; and 6) rich, thick descriptions which allow the current research to be applied to new contexts. In Cresswell (1998), it is recommended that qualitative researchers engage in at least two of these techniques in any given study. To increase the credibility of the analysis, I have centered particularly on being sensitive to my personal bias and subjectivity and their effect on the data. Thus, in the research procedures, I have focused on theoretical sensitivity (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Theoretical sensitivity comes from a number of sources: literature, professional experience, personal experience, and analytic process. Familiarity with the literature, including readings on theory, research, and documents of various kinds, helped me to sensitize the research inquiries to the subject of the study. My professional experience was another source of sensitivity because “the more professional experience, the richer  76  the knowledge base and insight available to draw upon in the research” (p. 42). The same interest in children’s HL and culture maintenance in my own personal life perhaps made me more sensitive than other researchers who are outsiders to the community regarding the significance of the research inquiries and the experiences shared by all participants. The conceptual sense helped me respond trustfully to the participants when they shared their experiences. To improve my analytic process, I repeatedly looked at the data, gave meaning to words, and looked for situations which explained different cases. Repeated iterations of this process increased insight and recognition of the parameters of my interpretation, and furthermore, I was able to probe to obtain detailed meanings. 3.7  Summary This chapter has discussed the research methodology in this study. The present  study involves multiple case studies of Korean immigrant families exploring their HL and cultural theory and practices through multiple lenses. Due to the complex and dynamic nature of language and culture maintenance, various methods and concepts have been applied for data collection and interpretation. Social practice is the central concept in understanding the theory and practice of HL and culture in the present study. Social practice not only serves as the unit of analysis, but is used as the research model in question. In addition, the genogram is chosen as a way of representing general information about relationships among individuals.  77  Chapter 4 Native Cases: Canada is a Paradise (Over 30 years of Immigrant Life) 4.1.  Introduction In this chapter I present the Yu and the Pak families. The two families have lived  in Canada for over thirty years and immigrated to Canada because they desired democracy and a better country to live in. They had regarded Canada as a paradise where they could enjoy their social life without worrying about financial issues. However, once they arrived, they realized there was a huge gap between what they had wished for and real life. Due to their long residence in Canada, they are often nostalgic about their home country, Korea, regardless of how often they visit Korea or the tangibility of their contacts with Korean culture. 4.2  The Yu Family (Kijǒng and Kiǔn) Mr. and Mrs. Yu came to Canada to seek a better life at a time when Korea was  suffering financially and socially under the dictatorial Park Jung-hee regime in the 1960s. They did not like the constraints that were placed on people within the socio-political context and chose to move to a more prosperous and democratic country. However, their memories about the past in Korea were always good because of reminiscences of times spent with their extended family members and their lifestyle living in a rural area. Mr. and Mrs. Yu, who regard family values as the most important factor in sustaining a successful immigrant life, opined that only through a shared language can parents and children maintain a strong bond. In addition, they believe that a shared Korean language plays a pivotal role in the construction of a positive identity as a Korean. Mr. Yu’s strong attachment to the value of family stems from memories of his life back in Korea. He reflected on many eventful days while living in a large family. 78  Their children, Kijǒng and Kiǔn were born in Ontario in 1979 and 1981, respectively. The family moved to White Rock, BC, in the early 1980s. The children were raised and educated in predominantly Caucasian environments. However, they do not have any negative memories about being marginalized as a visual minority. Kijǒng and Kiǔn have very positive attitudes towards Korean language maintenance. They appreciate their parents’ support and investment in helping them attain fluency in Korean. They believe that their comprehensive understanding of Korean culture and their fluent Korean could not have been acquired without their parents’ immense support. Kijǒng is proud of being Korean and being able to carry on her heritage. Likewise, Kiǔn emphasized that the Korean language is the language that constructs her identity. This family has great pride in being Korean. Both parents and children have made a great effort to retain their heritage. Not only did the parents teach their children Korean at home, but they also encouraged their children to enroll in institutionalized language and culture programs. Their positive attitudes toward language maintenance drove their children to practice their Korean on a daily basis. The parents’ investment in their children’s HL maintenance and further acquisition turned out to be rewarding and contributed to their children’s identity and academic success. 4.2.1  Integrative Attitude Through reflections on the Yu family’s perceptions about HL and culture, the  family members’ positive attitudes about their language and culture were revealed. Their positive attitudes lie in their integrative motivation towards HL and culture. These participants reveal that HL acquisition and maintenance are important because they  79  provide a marker of identity (Korean roots), successful communication, a Korean as marriage partner, and nostalgia about Korea. Table 4.1: The Yus’ General Reflections 30 Views  Parents’ Comments  Children’s Comments  A marker of identity/Korean roots  Korean is very important because they face Canadian culture as soon as they walk out the door. … The Korean language is their roots. Having pride as a Korean is their roots. If they lost Korean, they would feel ashamed. (Mrs. Yu)  I would describe myself as a Korean Canadian. I put Korean first because although I was born in Canada, I am still a visible minority and both my parents are full Korean. My Korean language marks me as a Korean. (Kijǒng)  Successful communication  Successful communication is very important. How miserable would immigrant life be if parents’ communication with their children was blocked due to language issues? If we cannot communicate even with our children, with whom can we talk? How miserable would our immigrant life be? For this reason, our children’s Korean is important. (Mr. Yu)  30  I consider language to be one of the major defining factors of an identity. My Korean represents my aspiration to be Korean and for my roots. (Kiǔn) I consider the Korean language not only to be important but also useful in that I will be able to speak, read, and write in Korean. This way, I am able to communicate more comprehensively and more meaningfully with my parents and other Korean-only-speaking family members. (Kiǔn) My Korean helps me to understand the meaning of filial piety towards my parents. I think without a thorough understanding of the value of filial piety, it is hard to communicate with Korean parents successfully. (Kijǒng)  I use the font, Regular Times New Roman, for the Korean discourse that I translated into English. Italics is for English discourse, as spoken by the participants. Bold & Underline is emphasis for discussion. Translation of Korean language utterances into English will be added in (text), additional comments will be added and obvious typos will be corrected in ((text)), and romanization of Korean language utterances in [text]. Chat and email logs have been kept intact and unedited.  80  Views  Parents’ Comments  Children’s Comments  Korean as a marriage partner  I want them to get married to Koreans. Needless to say, communication will break down unless a shared language is being used. Marriage is another means of connecting two families. The same ethnicity and language is important for the next generations. (Mrs. Yu)  I think the Korean language is important because a Korean as my marriage partner is preferred… because my parents are Korean. Also marriage is part of a family engagement. (Kijǒng)  A family who has a similar background is preferred because marriage is not a simple personal union. It is important to both families. Thus, the Korean language is regarded as one of the most important factors when a marriage partner is decided upon. (Mr. Yu) Nostalgia about Korea  Deep inside, I always want to go back to Korea sometime in the future. My language and my country is always there, which cannot be uprooted. As long as I speak Korean and eat Korean food, my heart is still there in my home country. This is why keeping my own language is important. (Mr. Yu)  The desire for my husband to be Korean is not necessarily for myself, but more for my parents. I know that it would be easier for them to have a close relationship with my husband if he were Korean. Also, I know that in Korean customs, marriage is not only about two people becoming one family, but also two families becoming one. Because of this, I would want to marry a Korean partner so that it would be easier for our families to relate to and communicate with each other. (Kiǔn) Even though I was born in Canada, my Korean sometimes gives me a feeling that I would want to go back in time to the place where my parents lived and experience the culture in that time and place. (Kijǒng)  4.2.1.1 Indexicality and Identity When I interviewed Kijǒng’s parents, they mostly called their children by their Korean names (Kijǒng and Kiǔn, instead of their English names, Jenny and Mira, respectively). They also explained to me in detail what the Korean names meant. The children’s Korean names seem to function as an index to their identity, whether they are Korean or Canadian. The names symbolize who they are. Because of this indexicality (Ochs, 1992; Silverstein, 1998), the parents’ name-calling reveals that the parents perceive their children’s identity as Korean or else that they try to claim and reinforce  81  that the children are their Korean names. The children also revealed different perceptions when called by their Korean names as opposed to their English names: “When I use Korean, my attitudes tend to be more humble and polite” (Kijǒng). The father, Mr. Yu, shared his different feelings when using the children’s Korean and English names: We call them Kijǒng (Jenny’s Korean name) and Kiǔn (Mira’s Korean name) at home. The Jung means “honest” for Kijǒng. I have a different feeling when I use their Korean names and English names. I want them to grow up and become leaders, who make meaningful contributions to this society. In other words, I want them to be trustworthy, respectful, and honest people, just like their names represent. Therefore, we call them by their Korean names at home. I think the Korean names give me a more connected feeling to them. (interview with Mr. Yu) Kijeung’s indexical shift—from “English name” to “Korean name”—leads to changes in her physical attitudes to being more humble and polite. Also shown in Mr. Yu’s interview, the contextual relationship (aspects of the situation; Silverstein, 1998) between his children’s English and Korean names offers Mr. Yu a different degree of closeness because the children’s Korean names represent their Korean identities and make the family more connected. 4.2.1.2 Filial Piety Kijǒng was well aware of a sense of filial piety 31, something which most Korean parents expect their children to cultivate. As shown in Table 4.1, Kijǒng thinks that Korean cultural values can be understood more thoroughly when Korean language fluency is achieved. Throughout the interviews, the parents emphasized the value of family and Korean culture. The children appreciated their mother’s staying at home as a housewife because they know that in most immigrant families, both the father and the mother must work together to survive. The children knew that their parents’ aim was not  31  Filial piety is regarded as an important value in Korean culture. It emphasizes children’s respect and care for parents.  82  financial affluence but the children’s educational success and family values. Therefore, the traditional Korean cultural value of filial pity has naturally been cultivated through various interactions with their parents in their shared language, Korean. In Kijǒng and Kiǔn’s description about a marriage partner, they reflect a deep understanding of their parents’ circumstances. Their preference of a Korean as a marriage partner is closely related to their parents’ preference. The parents revealed their content about their children’s polite and obedient behavior and their deep understanding about Korean culture. However, Kijǒng also revealed the overwhelming burden of always having to take her parents’ opinions into consideration. This cultural aspect influenced her as she tried her best to meet their expectations. She commented on a dilemma she encountered when choosing her career path: My mother wanted me to become a doctor but I wanted to be a teacher. I understood why she wanted me to be a doctor but I like to teach and I like kids. I sometimes feel frustrated with my parents’ expectations, even though I appreciate their support. I even felt guilty when my decisions were against their expectations. I believe that this is the Korean way, but I never expressed my disagreement to my parents, because I understand that they are Korean and that they immigrated to Canada. They cannot be Korean-Canadians. (interview with Kijǒng) Also, Kijǒng’s younger sister, Kiǔn, expressed her obedience to her parents: When my parents wanted me to be a doctor or something like that, I was not sure what I really wanted to do at that time. So I followed my parents’ advice. My mom was very happy for me to choose pharmacy. I understand what they want from me and I sometimes feel the need to be obedient to them because I know they sacrificed a lot for us. (interview with Kiǔn) Throughout interviews with the family members, it seems that Kijǒng and Kiǔn’s understanding towards Korean culture and their parents is characterized not so much by full agreement as by an acceptance of having to give up their own voice, something  83  which is possibly due to their deep-rooted appreciation for their parents’ support. The parents’ impositions or expectations of traditional Korean culture seem to be one of the central conflicts between the parents and children. However, Kijǒng and Kiǔn accept the dilemma or internal conflicts caused by the cultural differences, rather than rebelling or standing up against them. The children understand the immigrant context in which there are always conflicts between the parents’ generation and the children’s generation because of the different cultural backgrounds and understandings. 4.2.1.3 Desirability of a Korean as a Marriage Partner A Korean as a marriage partner was preferred by all the family members. According to Mrs. Yu, a shared language and ethnicity are the best way to connect generations because she believes that marriage is a bond between two families. The parental perceptions towards marriage are well reflected in the statements of the children as shown in Table 4.1. The children understand their parents’ opinions concerning their marriage partners and seem to believe that a Korean as a marriage partner is the best choice they can have for a family bond, as revealed in Kiǔn’s interview: “The desire for my husband to be Korean is not necessarily for myself, but more for my parents.” 4.2.1.4 Nostalgia about Korea The interviews with Mr. Yu showed clearly that he missed Korea a lot. His nostalgia is deeply embedded in his immigrant life. However, he does not consider returning to Korea because he longs not for the current modernized Korea, but for the Korea of his past days, in the 1960s. Korea was not heavily industrialized at that time and he enjoyed his pastoral life in a small town. Growing up in a large family, he was always  84  surrounded by family members. Living in a new land without any relatives, he sometimes suffers from loneliness and detachment from his home country. However, he does not intend to go back to Korea for his reminiscence. To him, the Korean language is something that allows him to reminisce about his country, his town, and his family members living in Korea. Mr. Yu’s nostalgic attitude about his home country has influenced his children to some extent; therefore, Kijǒng expressed that she would like to experience the Korean culture in which her father lived. She shared her feelings about her father’s nostalgia about Korea: I am very sympathetic towards my parents. My father often reflects on his life in Korea in 1960s. He always says that the people in that time were very kind and nice. Thus, I sometimes wish I could have that experience because currently Korea is very modernized and industrialized. The Korean language is a symbol of my father’s nostalgic sensitivity. (interview with Kijǒng) Overall, this family has integrative attitudes toward HL and culture and considers the Korean language and culture to be very important. Their positive attitudes stem from their confidence in their identity as Koreans. 4.2.2  A Wide Variety of Language Practices In association with their positive attitudes towards the Korean language and  culture, the parents provided a wide variety of support for their children’s HL acquisition and maintenance. The children’s Korean language learning experience started from their home. The mother started teaching the children the Korean alphabet, and the children’s learning experience extended to bed-time reading and journal writing. Most of all, the family has put a great emphasis on family values. The children actually practiced the Korean language and culture by watching Korean dramas, participating in a Korean church, and attending a Saturday Korean Heritage School. They were also encouraged to take Korean-related courses once they entered university. The children became motivated 85  to learn more about Korean culture through formal instruction. Most of all, the children’s regular and frequent visits to Korea played an important role in improving their Korean. Furthermore, the children’s online conversations through CMC have also contributed to the children’s language and culture practice. Their practices are speaking Korean at home, family literacy practices, emphasis on family values and roots, watching Korean TV dramas, participating in Korean church activities, attending a Saturday Korean Heritage School, taking accredited courses, frequent visits to Korea, and technology use. As for specific reflections on the family’s HL maintenance, the parents provided a wide variety of support such as speaking Korean at home, family literacy practices, emphasis on family value and roots, renting Korean dramas and movies, sending the children to Korea frequently, sending them to a Saturday Korean Heritage School, attending Korean church, and encouraging them to take accredited Korea-related courses. The parental support and efforts for their children’s language and cultural maintenance correlate with the children’s positive attitudes about the Korean language and culture revealed in their general reflections. Table 4.2: The Yus’ Specific Reflections Views  Parents’ Comments  Children’s Comments  Speaking Korean at Home  We didn’t push them to speak Korean all the time at home but they started using Korean with us. We always spoke to them in Korean because it is the only way they can practice Korean. (Mrs. Yu)  It was just natural; we grew up speaking Korean, so when I speak to my parents, I speak to them in Korean but my sister and I speak to each other in English. (Kijǒng)  I talked to them in Korean. I don’t see any problem in our communication. I think speaking Korean at home is the most important practice in an immigrant family. (Mr. Yu)  86  Even though my speaking Korean at home is limited, I tried to speak Korean at home because it is an essential part of my Korean learning. (Kiǔn)  Views  Parents’ Comments  Children’s Comments  Family Literacy  One day, I was very surprised to see the hallway covered with all of the Korean words written by my children. Even though I didn’t like anything messy, I left it as it was. My Korean teaching was like that. I read a lot of Korean stories as bed-time stories. We sometimes played games in Korean and cooked Korean food together. (Mrs. Yu)  I have been maintaining fluency and understanding since I was born. My parents taught me Korean when I was a baby. Most of the learning was done at home from my parents. (Kiǔn)  Emphasis on family value and roots  Understanding family roots is very important. Without an understanding of where they came from, it is hard to appreciate their ancestors. Speaking Korean is one of the ways of appreciating their roots and family values. To us the meaning of family is very special. Family has always been the top priority. We always tried to put great emphasis on the significance of family. We believed the proverb, “The best farming is your children.” (Mr. Yu)  Watching Korean drama  By no means is our language use limited. We use the same expressions for the same purposes all the time. Thus, we rented a lot of Korean dramas because we thought watching TV dramas would help us understand Korean culture as well as provide language practice. (Mrs. Yu)  87  My mom taught me at home. I still remember my mom’s teaching and I remember notebooks in which she used to make me write Korean letters and read me Korean books and my family in Korea would send books that my parents would read in Korean. Most of it was at home from my mom and my dad, my language learning. (Kijǒng) My parents contributed so much to my language and cultural learning. Because they instilled in me, as a child, the importance of knowing the language and culture, as I was growing up there was always a desire for me to know and learn more about my roots. They always taught me about Korean customs and belief systems such as respect for elders, etc. Above all, they put great emphasis on family values and roots. (Kiǔn)  I maintain my fluency mostly by watching various Korean television shows. (Kiǔn) We watched a lot of Korean videos. I think that helped my Korean a lot. I used to watch Korean mini-series and dramas. I used to be addicted to it. If there was something that I didn’t understand, I would ask my parents, and they would explain it to me. (Kijǒng)  Views  Parents’ Comments  Children’s Comments  Participating in Korean church activities  We took them to church so that they could attend the church activities. Our main intention was to get them to intermingle with other Koreans. I think their Korean has improved a lot by being involved in church activities. At the same time, they realized that they are very different from those who recently came to Canada. The Koreans in Korea are very different from the ones in this country, to my mind. (Mr. Yu) We sent them to the Hangul School 33 operated by a church, but they didn’t like it. They learned Korean more from the church activities, not from the Hangul school.  I have been actively engaged in church activities. The experiences were good in terms of learning and improving my Korean and making Korean friends, but I usually hung around with second generation Koreans, not FOBs 32, because the FOBs are very different from those of us who were born and raised here. (Kijǒng)  We encouraged them to take Korean history and culturerelated courses when they got into university. We thought our experience and explanation was not enough. They needed to learn about Korean history as a credit course so that they were able to understand Korean history and culture from an objective point of view. (Mr. Yu)  I took Korean history, not a language course. I was really interested and I wanted to know about my history. My parents talked to me a lot about their childhood in Korea and their history and about Korea’s history and I wanted to learn formally about it because I want to carry on my heritage. I think my pride seems to be constructed by my parents’ influence. Even though I was not that satisfied with the course I took, I certainly learnt something from the course, which is very different from my parents’ stories. (Kijǒng)  Attending a Korean Heritage School  Taking accredited courses  32  Church involvement helped me to practice my Korean. (Kiǔn) I went to the Hangul School. I only went for one year so it was a long time ago and I remember it was so early in the morning and I would always fall asleep. I didn’t like going. It wasn’t fun. I remember crying because I didn’t want to go. Everything was new and different. (Kijǒng)  FOB is an acronym for “fresh off the boat.” It is generally defined as an identity label for recently arrived Asian immigrants who have not yet been acculturated to the American way (see Eble 1996; Jeon, 2001; Kang & Lo, 2004; Reyes, 2007; Talmy, 2004). 33 Here Hangul School is the Korean name for a Korean weekend Heritage School.  88  Views Frequent visits to Korea  Technology use  Parents’ Comments  Children’s Comments  We all went to Korea for the whole summer when they were 10 years old. Since then, we have sent them to Korea by themselves. They got along with other relatives and I think they must have learned a lot from the visits. They learned not only how Korean people behave, such as respecting parents and being modest, but also the contemporary expressions. We realized that their lessons from the visits were much more meaningful than the years they had spent on Korean learning here in Canada. Their Korean became much smoother and more fluent. (Mrs. Yu)  Visting Korea on three separate occasions has helped me immensely to improve my vocabulary and become more confident in my Korean speaking abilities. (Kiǔn)  They seem to use the computer as a way of getting information about Korea. Also they communicated with their relatives in Korea. (Mr. Yu)  My parents sent me to Korea a lot. I went when I was one. And then, my whole family went when I was eleven. And then my mom, my sister, and I went when I was sixteen. And then I went on my own when I was twenty one and nineteen. I went often and I stayed for a long period of time each time whenever we would go. So my Korean really improved after staying there for so long. We were always visiting, traveling, and playing with our cousins. I think that helped— going to Korea and speaking Korean everyday. (Kijǒng) The Internet allowed me to access Korean culture and language practice. MSN connects my relatives in Korea with us here in Canada.I sometimes read Korean news at yahoo.co.kr, KBS website. (Kijǒng)  They know about Korea very well, sometimes more than us, thanks to the computer. (Mrs. Yu)  4.2.2.1 Family Literacy Practices In this family, the parents played a key role in the children’s HL acquisition. The parents’ literacy practices varied from teaching the Korean alphabet to various activities through reading and writing when the children were young. The term “family literacy” was coined by Taylor’s (1983) study, in which the social context of the home as a key factor in young children’s literacy development was examined. According to Thomas (1998), family literacy refers to “the many ways families develop and use literacy skills to accomplish day-to-day tasks and activities” (p. 6).  89  As revealed in the interviews in Table 4.2, Kijǒng and Kiǔn’s Korean language learning started with their parents. Their language learning was composed of not only reading and writing but also various activities such as drawing on the wall for that purpose, playing games in Korean, and cooking Korean food together. Most of all, interactive communication between parents and children through these various activities was the foundation of the HL literacy development. Kijǒng reflected on her bittersweet experience in learning Korean. Her fluent Korean seems to be a reward of her mother’s persistent emphasis on language learning. She reflected on her learning experience: My mom said to me that she taught me Korean by whipping me. I still remember her seriousness about my learning and practicing Korean when I was young. We see the photos in which my first Korean letters were drawn on the wall. My mom took the photo to remember how I learned Korean. (interview with Kijǒng) As many HL researchers suggest, parental involvement is recognized as a vital factor in ensuring children’s HL acquisition. Even though the parents’ beating theme is manifested in the narratives of childhood language learning in the Korean diaspora, it is not always negatively interpreted. In the Korean culture, spanking has been regarded as an effective means of discipline for kids. The proverb, “Spare the rod, spoil the child,” prevails in educating children. Here, Kijǒng’s interview alludes to Mrs. Yu’s seriousness of teaching Korean for her children. 4.2.2.2 The Best Farming is Your Children An old Korean proverb says that “The best farming is your children.” This proverb denotes the importance of bringing up children. In the old days in Korea, farming was regarded as one of the most important industries that enabled Koreans to sustain themselves. Thus, farmers must have cherished their farming products just like their own children, who also require a lot of attention and care for growth. Amongst all the different  90  types of farming, raising children was the most important. Thus, Mrs. Yu decided to stay home as a housewife and, instead of working, she spent more time volunteering for her children’s school. Even though both of the Korean immigrant parents worked hard in terms of financial support at that time, Mr. and Mrs. Yu chose their own way of educating their children. To them, their children’s Korean language fluency and their educational success could not be sacrificed for any financial affluence. The mother’s staying at home provided a lot of communication opportunities between the children and parents; in turn, the children’s fluency in Korean was naturally maintained. At the beginning, honestly speaking, I wanted to make money, too, because I had a dream of buying a beautiful house, having a good car, and so on. However, we saw that many parents regretted their estranged relationship with their children as a result of their hard work which did not allow frequent and in-depth conversation with their children and led to diminished Korean language abilities in their children. Therefore, we decided that one parent would work and the other parent would take good care of the children’s education because the best farming is children. (interview with Mrs. Yu) Through interactive communication with their children, the parents always highlighted the significance of family values and roots. The father’s nostalgia towards the home country was reflected in his positive attitude towards family values and roots. 4.2.2.3 Language and Culture Practice For language and culture practice, Kijǒng and Kiǔn were involved in a variety of activities. They watched videos of Korean dramas and movies, attended a Korean Heritage School, actively participated in a Korean church, made frequent visits to Korea, took accredited courses related to Korean culture and history at university, and used the Internet for Korean language and culture practice. In contrast to their active and positive engagement in language and culture practice, their experience in a weekend Heritage School was negative. As claimed elsewhere in much research (e.g., J-S. Lee, 2002; Shin,  91  2005), the Korean Saturday schools’ old-fashioned teaching methods, boring textbooks, and unqualified teachers disappointed Kijǒng and Kiǔn. Here is Kijǒng’s specific reflection about her learning experience in the Heritage School: I remember crying because I didn’t want to go… The teachers were so strict and easily upset. The textbooks used had a lot of repetitive drills, and the teacher never explained why. What they did was to demand us to just memorize everything. (interview with Kijǒng) 4.2.3  Social Practice Through both general and specific reflections on HL acquisition and maintenance,  the Yu family revealed positive attitudes and practices for language learning. The parents’ consistent efforts for their children’s HL learning resulted in the children’s strong pride as Koreans and their fluent Korean abilities, which provide for successful communication between parents and children. Their actual conversations matched their attitudes towards HL and culture. 4.2.3.1 The ‘Excellence’ of Korean Culture This family always emphasizes the importance of the Korean language and culture and constantly practices traditional Korean cultural values. Their cultural practices in daily life reinforce their pride as Koreans. As shown in Table 4.3, even though they lived in a predominantly Caucasian cultural milieu, Kijǒng proudly presented Korean culture to her classmates. The conversation between the parents and Kijǒng illustrates how everyday conversation between parents and children positively motivates, transmits, and perpetuates the children’s ethnic and cultural identity. This family’s reverence for the Korean language and culture reflected Korean linguistic nationalism, in particular, Korean script nationalism (King, 2007a). Koreans’ confidence in the excellence of their language script is known as “wuswuseng” (p. 221) in Sino-Korean.  92  Their linguistic nationalism is embodied into their Korean national identity. Mr. Yu’s discourse explains exactly how his language ideology is manifested in his national identity. He emphasizes that the pride in being Korean is closely bound up with the superiority of the Korean language. Table 4.3: The Yus’ Social Practice 1 General Reflection To me, Korean is very important because they (the children) face Canadian culture as soon as they go out of their home. The Korean language is their roots. Putting pride in being Korean is their roots. If they ever lose this, they will feel ashamed. (Mrs. Yu)  I am proud of being KoreanCanadian. I love my rich Korean heritage . (Kijǒng)  Specific Reflection I learned about the differences between Canadian culture and Korean culture and even the two countries’ different histories. Thus, I started emphasizing the superiority of Korean history by making comparisons between the two countries. One day, Kijǒng’s teacher told me that Kijǒng was very proud of being Korean. She was happy to introduce Korean history and culture to her classmates. The teacher praised me for educating Kijǒng successfully. We were living in White Rock at that time., so it was hard to see any Asianlooking students around us. The whites were dominant, but Kijǒng didn’t seem to have a sense of inferiority as a Korean. (Mrs. Yu) My mom always told me about the ancient historical artifacts and excellence(wuswuseng) of Korean culture. I have been willing to represent the beauty of Korean culture. (Kijǒng)  Action Mrs. Yu: Eat more. I think Korean food is the best in the world in terms of its delicious taste and nutrition. Kijǒng: Yeah, it is true. Mr. Yu: Food is not the only thing which represents the excellence of Korean culture. The Korean language is scientifically excellent, too. That is why you should be proud of being Korean.  4.2.3.2 Emphasis on Family Values As discussed earlier in 4.2.2, this family puts great emphasis on family values and roots. Thus, the parents always reiterate the importance of family values in their daily conversation. As discussed in section 4.2.1.2, the sense of filial pity is part of this  93  family’s values. Table 4.4 demonstrates the matching relationship between theory and practice in terms of the significance of family values. Table 4.4: The Yus’ Social Practice 2 General Reflection Understanding family roots is very important. Without an understanding of where they came from, it is hard to appreciate their ancestors. Speaking Korean is one way to appreciate their roots and family values. For us, the meaning of family is very special. (Mr. Yu)  Specific Reflection Family has always been the top priority. We always tried to put great emphasis on the significance of family. (Mr. Yu)  I think maintenance of our heritage language is important because it is the language of family. (Kijǒng)  My parents contributed so much to my language and cultural learning. Because they instilled in me, as a child, the importance of knowing the language and culture, as I was growing up there was always a desire for me to know and learn more about my roots. They always taught me about Korean customs and belief systems such as respect for elders, etc. Above all, they put great emphasis on family value and roots. (Kiǔn)  Action Kijǒng: I made the reservation. Mr. Yu: You’re going, too, aren’t you? Kijǒng: I’m not going. Mrs. Yu: Why not? Kijǒng: Why do we have to go? Kiǔn: I agree. Mr. Yu: You should go. Kijǒng: Why should we go? It’s for mom and dad’s anniversary . Mr. Yu: You should go, too, because it’s mom and dad’s anniversary. How could you be here without mom and dad? We are family. Family is important. Why don’t we go together?  4.2.3.3 Communicative Value of Code-switching Even though the overall rate of code-switching in the family’s conversation is a small portion of the total data, it is still meaningful to examine the code switches produced by the participants because the code-switching functions as a specific discourse feature. Kijǒng and Kiǔn strategically choose their utterances to accomplish specific communicative purposes such as drawing their parents’ attention and achieving a smooth  94  flow of discourse. Thus, to this family, code-switching can be interpreted as a resource for successful communication between parents and children. Kijǒng’s code-switching (see Excerpt 1 below) occurs depending on her interlocutors. She uses mostly Korean when she speaks to her parents, but uses English when talking to her younger sister, Kiǔn. Even though she starts with English to deliver her meaning clearly, she switches to Korean immediately to respond to her parents (shown in Conversation 1). As seen in Conversation 3, short conversations sometimes take place in English between the father (Mr. Yu) and the children. The father’s discourse is generally in Korean, but some of his utterances demonstrate code-switching between Korean and English. In contrast, Mrs. Yu rarely uses English in her daily life. The father’s code-switching is related to the following factors: a successful delivery of specific topics, lexical need, and consideration of conversation participants. Within a context surrounded by English speakers, he tries to speak English so as not to leave the English interlocutors out. When he wants to make a point clearly and confirm meanings (Milroy & Wei, 1995), he speaks in English; as he indicated in an interview, “I speak English if necessary, but the main purpose of using English lies in the clarification of my point.” Interestingly, when he uses English, Kijǒng and Kiǔn respond in English, too, as shown the examples above. This is an example of the influence of parents’ language use on their children. Likewise, Kijǒng’s and Kiǔn’s code-switching occurred depending on the participants, topics, and setting and situation (Grosjean, 2001). In general, the children use Korean when they speak to their parents, whereas they mainly use English for the conversations between themselves. However, they code-switch when the code-switching  95  is initiated by their father as shown in Conversations 3 and 4. Conversation 1 is an example of how topic is a factor that causes code-switching. Kijǒng used English to proclaim the reservation to their parents. Her contextualization cue (Gumperz, 1982), “I made the reservation,” provides a means for her to signal her completed task to the parents. For her parents’ wedding anniversary, she wanted to clarify in English. In the interview, she highlighted the importance of code-switching for clarity: I sometimes use English to my parents on purpose, depending on the topic. To avoid any misunderstanding due to my misinterpretation, I’d rather use English as long as the sentences are not that complicated. When topics are straightforward, I use English. I don’t have to make an extra effort to find an exact word for the straightforward words. (interview with Kijǒng) She also reflected on the reason she used English (in Conversation 1). Her main reason was to gain attention from the family. When she wants to gain attention from her parents, she sometimes initiates her utterance in English because she knows that English is burdensome for her parents, and requires extra attention on their part. Thus, she commented that “When I want to discuss a serious issue, I sometimes start in English.” In the Yu family’s conversations, specific code-switching patterns in the parents’ language use are revealed. The code-switches occur when they are required for specific topic delivery (Conversation 1), lexical need (Conversation 2), and a discourse with different interlocutors in different settings (Conversation 5) To conclude, through their general and specific reflections on HL acquisition and maintenance, the Yu family reveals positive attitudes towards HL and culture. In addition, their actual conversations also match their positive attitudes towards HL and culture. The parents’ consistent efforts on behalf of their children’s HL learning have resulted in the  96  children’s strong pride as Koreans and fluent Korean, which has led to successful communication between parents and children. Excerpt 1: “The Yus’ Code-switching” Conversation 1: About Parents’ Anniversary Trip (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9)  Kijǒng: Mr. Yu: Kijǒng: Mrs. Yu: Kijǒng: Kiǔn: Mr. Yu: Kijǒng: Mr. Yu:  I made the reservation. You’re going, too, aren’t you? I’m not going. Why not? Why do we have to go? I agree. You should go. Why should we go? It is an anniversary for mom and dad. You should go, too, because it’s mom and dad’s anniversary. How could you be here without mom and dad? We are family. Family is important. Why don’t we go together?  Conversation 2: At Dinner Time (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)  Kijǒng: Mr. Yu: Kijǒng and Kiǔn: Mrs. Yu: Mr. Yu:  Dad, have this. It’s OK, you eat more. We ate a lot. They put crab and mussel in a big dish and shrimp in a small dish. They ask us whether we eat roasted oysters or raw ones. When we eat raw ones, they just eat them as they are, whereas we eat them with sauce which is called Cho-kochwucang (hot-pepper paste mixed with vinegar) in Korea, made of hot paste, vinegar, and sugar. People in Canada enjoy the smell of food by saying mmm… , while Korean people enjoy it with the taste of sauce which is hot, sour, and sweet.  Conversation 3: About Kiǔn’s Work (1) (2) (3) (4)  Mr. Yu: Kiǔn: Kijǒng: Kiǔn:  (5) (6) (7) (8)  Mrs. Yu: Kiǔn: Kijǒng: Kiǔn:  How many divisions are there in your work? Six. We have six departments. Where did your manager go? He went to the financial department. If we don’t have a manager, a director looks after us. Are you OK? Yeh. Does the director know you? Yes.  97  Conversation 4: About Kiǔn’s Pizza Lunch (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)  Mrs. Yu: Kiǔn: Mrs. Yu: Kijǒng: Mr. Yu: Kiǔn: Mr. Yu: Kiǔn:  Who paid for it? I paid for it myself. Why did you buy it? It was very cheap. In the cafeteria? Yes. Isn’t it one dollar a piece? Yes.  Conversation 5: Greeting toward an English-speaking Visitor (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)  Mrs. Yu: Mr. Yu: Kijǒng: Kiǔn: Kiǔn’s friend: Mr. Yu:  Hi guys, come on in. Come on in. Did you have lunch? You guys, have you had lunch? We have Chinese food. Oh… I’m starving. Hi, how are you? OK, I’ll see you guys later. Why don’t you join us if you haven’t had lunch yet?  In the next section, I will examine Kijǒng and Kiǔn’s online social practice for HL and culture. The family’s general perceptions about, as well as their use of computers for HL acquisition and maintenance will be presented. 4.2.4  Views of Technology Use The children view the computer as generally bringing positive aspects in terms of  HL acquisition and maintenance. The parents do not use the computer, but they never forget to warn their children not to use it too much because of their concern about the children’s health. Kijǒng and Kiǔn think that computers enable them to communicate with Korean relatives and learn Korean language and culture. Table 4.5: The Yu Children’s Reflections on Technology Use Views  Comments  Communicating with Korean relatives  I think the Internet enables me to communicate globally. The Internet gives me a lot of convenience. Whenever my cousin and I are free, we can communicate beyond the time difference. The Internet helps to keep me connected to friends and family all over the world. (Kijǒng) Enjoying Korean Technology has a lot of potential for language and culture learning. The pop culture amazing technology allows me to read about Korean pop culture. (Kiǔn)  98  4.2.5  Online Practice Kijǒng and Kiǔn’s online practices are found mainly in their exchanges with  friends from school and church. Their online communication affords them a sense of community, presentation of identity, and language practice. 4.2.5.1 Virtual Community Community is interpreted as a sense of bond, tie, inclusion, or connection with others (Chayko, 2002; Haythornthwaite, 2002). A sense of community is important in online interaction due to the absence of physical presence. Through the promotion of members’ knowledge and emotional involvement, a virtual community is built. The sense of community maintains a friendship network, regardless of the members’ physical location. Kijǒng maintains her friendships through frequent email correspondence with her church friends. Due to her remoteness from her friends as she pursues her studies, she and her friends update their current events and situations with each other. In Kijǒng’s email correspondence, Emoticons 34 are largely used for the brevity of sentence length and for the conveyance of emotion. A few graphic emoticons such as heart (  ), sad (  ), confused (  ) faces were introduced in Kijǒng’s email  interchanges. As a way of compensating for the lack of intonation and paralinguistic cues in interactive written discourse, Kijǒng uses linguistic devices (such as hmmm…) to create her own voice, gesture, and tone through capitalization, spelling, and punctuation. Kijǒng’s various online language forms support the idea that a sense of bond and connectedness among friends can be cultivated through the ongoing exchange of information and fostering of relations. Even though all the email correspondence (in 34  Emoticons are graphical representations of facial expressions designed to indicate the speaker’s tone and emotional state. (Werry, 1996, p. 63)  99  Excerpt 2) was performed in English, Kijǒng is still strongly connected to her KoreanCanadian friends. Kijǒng reflected on her email correspondence with her friends: We always miss each other but I can hear their voices through their expressive emails. Sometimes I feel more connected with them than our real relationship. We are more expressive in our emails. (email from Kijǒng) Excerpt 2: “Social Interaction with Church Friends” Email Correspondence 1: Kijǒng and Her Church Friend hey Kijǒng! i will pray that you will find a church that will really bless you and one that you will also be a blessing to…. so, what are the interesting things going on in your life? hmmm...i wonder...like curious george. give me a call sometime and give me your number so i can call you, too! talk to you soon! SooJin ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Hey SooJin! HEY!!!! It is so good to hear from you. Sorry, my response is so late. I am right in the middle of exams and papers right now! OMG! It is so stressful! How are you liking work these days? Good? I miss work. I miss the kids! Hmmm...sad! But, I will be back to work soon, probably complaining about it! hee, hee! I miss my house there and my friends. It's cool living at home...but it is an adjustment. So, how are things in the 'boy' department? Anyone? He should be so lucky! You are an amazing girl, SooJin Lim! Don't forget it! Well, I just want to say hello and I miss you! I really do! I miss our talks and just hanging out! Keep in touch and let me know how you are doing! Email Correspondence 2: Kijǒng and Her Church Friends hey Kijǒng! Attached are the photos SooJ mentioned...of them being goofy and doing that sweet cheery clap you do when you get all ecstatic! You should get them to perform it for you live. It's great! :-) ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------hi Kijǒng! i hope you had a great Christmas! glad to know you are enjoying your time there, but not too much to keep you there for very long. we are learning that there really is no other Kijǒng...apparently, jc has been trying to fill in your shoes, mimicking all the Kijǒngisms, much to the distress and amusement of all your fans here. hey, don't we have pics of jc and me trying to look like Kijǒng? yes, i'm guilty of trying, too..we just miss you so much :)  100  … The date with Jack was nice. He's much more understood one to one, considering he's....how do you say, socially retarded. Hee hee. Anyway, I like him as a friend and I really like his character. KIJǑNG, promise you won't tell anyone. This is totally TOP SECRET!! ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Hey Girls! How's it going? I miss you all ! I love you! Vancouver is cool. I forgot how relaxed and slow-paced everything is, but it's good. I just needed to adjust. I heard that TO is really, really hot. What is everyone up too? Soojin, Hey, I realized that I left so much stuff at your house! My lotions, my hair stuff. Sorry! The good news is you can have it all! My final gift to you...used beauty products. I know...I know... no need to thank me!  4.2.5.2 Presentation of Identity Identity is the individual’s internalization to make symbolic identification. In Kiǔn’s chat log below, Kiǔn’s friend calls Kiǔn “Korean Kiǔn,” rather than simply addressing her as Kiǔn. Kiǔn told me that the friend does not associate Korean with her name in face-to-face conversation but always remarks about Kiǔn’s ethnicity on MSN chats. She interpreted his tendency to address her by adding her ethnicity as being related to his desire to build a strong link with her. It seems that he is aware of and praises Kiǔn’s Korean pride as a way of showing his intimacy. Excerpt 3: Who am I? Chat Log: Kiǔn and Her UBC Pharmacy Classmate (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10)  Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend:  (11) (12)  Kiǔn: Friend:  hey geoff.. ru there? why hello there Korean Kiǔn halo.. wut ru doing? awwww...your doggie is so cute i am takng a 5 minbreak keke.. i know.. looking for people to chat with..and then you appeared cute oic~ have u started studying? a lil I HATE LAB!!!! lol you are correct but she will go over all that with you you need not worry she goes over it oic.. ((Oh I see..)) sigh* don’t worry Korean Kiǔn you will be ok she goes over the whole thing with you i guarantee you will be ok  101  4.2.5.3 Language and Culture Practice Kiǔn often visits http://www.soompi.com to enjoy Korean culture. This website 35 provides a variety of sources about Korean popular culture. Kiǔn commented about her linguistic and cultural learning from Korean pop culture as follows: The Soompi website has everything. I can enjoy everything from the website. I realized that so many people who have different ethnic backgrounds visit the website and enjoy Korean culture. The drama and songs are really cool. I become more proud of my Korean identity whenever I enjoy the cool culture. (email from Kiǔn) With the aid of technological advancements such as the Internet in Korea, contemporary Korean entertainment media has been popular all over the world. The linguistically and culturally integrated pop culture propels immigrant offspring to learn the HL and culture and furthermore to reinforce their identity as Korean as shown in Kiǔn’s comment above. Kiǔn’s comment confirms the role of pop culture in language learning and identity formation (Duff, 2001). Excerpt 4: “Culture Learning” Chat Log: Kiǔn and Her Cousin in Korea (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)  Kiǔn: Cousin: Kiǔn: Cousin: Kiǔn:  I read some Korean news from where? soompi how about KBS? soompi is very popular here  Not only does Kiǔn learn about Korean pop culture from websites, she also practices Korean through online communication. Kiǔn’s chat log in Excerpt 5 is a conversation that has taken place between Kiǔn and her church friend, who is a secondgeneration Korean immigrant as well. As shown in the log, even though Kiǔn did not use 35  SOOMPI.com: K-POP for the masses includes Korean music, dance, drama, literature, etc. The SOOMPI website opened in March 27, 1998. SOOMPI is one of the largest communities of Englishspeaking Korean pop fans online.  102  a Korean keyboard, she uses some romanized Korean expressions (e.g., yukshi [yeksi]; dannee [toynney], which mean “of course” and “it is ok,” respectively). In particular, “dannee [toynney]” is a contemporary expression frequently used by young Koreans when they sarcastically reject an unpleasant offer. Kiǔn’s language use in the chat log illuminates how HL can be practiced through online communication. This explains that Kiǔn is well aware of the linguistic conventions in the HL and is ready to attempt to actively produce her HL. Depending on interlocutors who share similar cultural and linguistic background, HL is still exercised with the integration of English. Kiǔn revealed her tendency towards the Korean language use with her Korean church friends: Whenever I chat with my Korean friends, I try to use Korean words as much as I can because we know what they mean and they sound more authentic. I sometimes try to use cool expressions I just learned from my church friends. Even though I don’t have a Korean keyboard, sounding out Korean words on an English keyboard is certainly a good exercise of my Korean. (email from Kiǔn) Excerpt 5: “Language Practice” Chat Log: Kiǔn and Her Church Friend (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15) (16) (17) (18)  Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn: Friend: Kiǔn:  ur day? sucked as usual geez but its over hehehehehe downer hahaha i was juss gonna say yukshi (as is usual) once again how did i know you were gonna say that why sucked well... skool always sucks no? depends i guess especially 4 hrs of straight lecture when u at wcb? ill be there tomorrow morning wed thurs mornings and sum mon fri mornings 4 hours. that's rough. why bother yeah i know........ my sentiments exactly i dn't think i will next tues ;) just visit the lab and concoct a vat of valium or something haha.. don't worree dannee (it is ok) i'll hook u up seriously. i'll put u through school hahahaha yeah.. i've got other offers kekeke...  103  In the following section, I introduce the Pak family and present their home and online social practices for HL and culture maintenance. 4.3  The Pak Family (Sharon and Linsey) Mr. Pak went to Germany in the 1970s and immigrated to Montreal afterwards.  Mr. and Mrs. Pak married in Germany. Their main purpose in immigrating to Canada lay in Mr. Pak’s pessimistic views of the dictatorial regime in South Korea. At that time, many Koreans overseas were opposed to the government. Thus, he did not want to go back to Korea after finishing his work in Germany. Instead, he came to Canada. Even though Mr. Pak acknowledged the importance of his children’s Korean identity to some extent, he did not see any practical necessity or urgency for his children to learn Korean culture and language. Thus, Mr. Pak did not put great esteem on being Korean to his children. Rather, he paid more attention to economic affluence than ethnic identity in a new land. He believed that economic prosperity would make the Korean community stronger and ensure that his children would have a comfortable life. His eagerness and diligence for wealth were revealed when I was invited to his forty-acre farm, located close to an industrial zone. In contrast, Mrs. Pak put more emphasis on Korean identity. She reflected on her efforts to teach the Korean language and culture to her children when they were young, but it seemed useless for them after they grew up because Korean was not regarded as a primary and necessary language at that time in Montreal, where Caucasian culture predominated, unlike Vancouver, where more financially affluent Korean immigrants currently reside. Sharon was born in Montreal, Canada, in 1978. She has one older brother, William, and one younger sister, Linsey. Sharon has an intercultural marriage. Sharon’s  104  husband, Brian, is half Irish and half Japanese. He looks Caucasian in appearance. He was born in Surrey, BC. They met at university, and after graduation they taught English in Korea for four years before they were married. Sharon’s identity is a hybrid between Korean and Canadian cultures. Sharon greatly appreciates Canadian multiculturalism. Brian also appreciates his intercultural marriage. However, Mrs. Pak regrets Sharon’s intercultural marriage because she believes that language is the essential medium for communicating, getting close and building relationships, and Brian’s limited ability in Korean creates distance in their relationship. Sharon’s Korean is very fluent, thanks to her four-year residence in Korea as an ESL teacher. She still keeps in touch through email and Instant Messenger with her former students back in Korea. She appreciates her Korean fluency because she is currently working in the home construction industry. She works as a coordinator selling properties. She has many Korean customers who want to invest in real estate in Vancouver. Her fluent Korean is an asset to any conversation with her parents as well as with her Korean customers. Conversely, Linsey, Sharon’s younger sister, has some communication problems with her parents because Linsey’s Korean is not as fluent as Sharon’s. Mrs. Pak revealed that she does not have any problem communicating with Sharon but she sometimes faces difficulties communicating with Linsey and William. Mrs. Pak calls Sharon whenever she wants to communicate clearly with the other two children. Thus, Mrs. Pak sometimes calls Sharon the “second son.” Mrs. Pak’s indexing of her daughter as her son reveals her gender bias, rooted in her cultural ideology. Her rigid form of Korean patriarchal ideology is embodied into Sharon’s important role in the family. It seems that Mrs. Pak appreciates Sharon’s helping out in the household and thus grants Sharon status as a son. Korean and English  105  are the main languages between the parents and the children, but mostly English is used among the siblings. Even though Mr. Pak’s English is better than Mrs. Pak’s, he also spoke of many difficulties he experienced in communication with his children. He frequently uses English to avoid any confusion because of his two children’s incompatible Korean. His attitude about the communication problem with his children came across as resignation. He expressed his frustration regarding communication with his children several times, saying “Everyone does it like that.” This implies that he believes many immigrant parents get frustrated with their unsuccessful communication with their children, and they eventually abandon their hope for successful communication. His apathy towards the unsuccessful communication with his children gave the impression of an unspoken but inevitable lamentation common to many early immigrants. Parents’ craving for successful communication in their own language with their children disappeared as time passed by and they came to accept unsuccessful communication between parents and children as ‘just the way it is’ among immigrants. 4.3.1  Integrative and Obligatory Attitudes Conversations with the Pak family revealed various attitudes towards HL and  culture. Their attitudes lay in their willingness to be Korean in a multicultural society, the benefits to careers, and the sense of feeling obliged to show race. Mr. Pak’s attitude towards the Korean language is one of obligation or duty: “Koreans should be able to speak Korean because they are Korean” (interview with Mr. Pak). His obligatory attitude is different from Mr. Yu’s (in section 4.2.3.1) because Mr. Pak’s obligation does not seem to be as strongly associated with Korean pride as that expressed about the Korean  106  language and culture by Mr. Yu (in section 4.2.3.1). However, Sharon highlights her pride as a Korean because she understands the benefits of being bilingual. The family members expressed their attitudes towards HL and culture differently. They believe that HL is important because it influences the marking of identity, advocating bilingualism and multiculturalism, having a sense of obligation as a Korean, and choosing a marriage partner. More detailed comments are displayed in Table 4.6. Table 4.6: The Paks’ General Reflections Views  Comments  Marking identity  I believe that my Korean makes me realize who I am. That is why Korean is important to me… My Korean language reinforces my identity. (Sharon) I am Korean-Canadian. My Korean part is important but my identity lies more with my Canadian self due to my lack of Korean fluency. I think the language identifies who you are. (Linsey)  Advocating bilingualism and multiculturalism  Even though my generation didn’t feel proud of being Korean, I want my children to be proud of being Korean. If they cannot speak Korean, who can accept that they are Korean? Their appearance is Korean but their language is English. In that case, they are neither. How shameful would it be if they could not speak Korean! (Mrs. Pak) Canadian multiculturalism is good. The more languages they are fluent in, the more chances they are given (Mr. Pak) I certainly advocate Canada’s multiculturalism. Moreover, my fluent Korean allows me to enjoy this multiculturalism. (Sharon)  Having a sense of obligation  Yes, I think Korean is important to be able to embrace both cultures for a more diverse background. It helps to keep me more culturally aware and open-minded. It is also helpful in terms of communicating with more than one group of people. (Linsey) I think I can admit the importance of Korean for my children to some extent but I didn’t really see any advantages in their speaking Korean. In a multicultural society, it is good to speak many languages. But speaking Korean by Koreans is nothing more than an obligation or a symbol given to Koreans. It is good for Koreans to be able to speak Korean because they are Korean but it is not necessary for them to master Korean as long as they live in Canada. (Mr. Pak)  107  Views  Comments  Choosing a marriage partner  Marriage is not simply an individual bond, but a family-to-family union. That is why I preferred a Korean guy. (Mr. Pak) I strongly believe that language should be considered when choosing a marriage partner because marriage is not an individual event. Communication is important. (Mrs. Pak) My life is my life not my parents’ lives. (Sharon) Preferably not a Korean… language can affect his relationship with my parents, but there are more important issues to be considered for happy marriage. (Linsey)  4.3.1.1 Marking Identity As described in Chapter 2, the definition of identity is closely related to who or what a person is. HL and culture are salient traits in distinguishing one’s identity. Mrs. Pak’s comment is interesting: “Their [her children’s] appearance is Korean but their language is English. In that case, they are neither.” She relates the children’s Asian looks with their language. She emphasized a neither identity in case the children’s language does not match their appearance. Her views on identity are closely related to race. Conversely, Sharon revealed her integrative attitudes towards HL acquisition and maintenance in her belief that her Korean language reinforces her identity as Korean. Moreover, her fluent Korean helps her to enjoy Canada’s multiculturalism more meaningfully. However, Linsey explains that her identity is more Canadian due to her lack of Korean fluency. The comments from the children support the notion that language plays a central role in identity construction—language, identity, and culture are inextricably related (Norton, 2000). 4.3.1.2 Intercultural Marriage The parents’ preference for their children’s marriage partners is Korean because they believe marriage is not an individual event but a family-to-family bond. Here,  108  language plays a vital role in relationship construction because successful conversation can lead to positive family relationships. Therefore, the parents emphasize wanting the same ethnic background in their in-laws. In particular, Mrs. Pak’s response about Sharon’s intermarriage stresses the importance of language for successful communication positively impacting family bonds and relationships. The cultural identity of Mrs. Pak, who has undertaken all sorts of labor-intensive work for her family’s survival, has not changed, even though she has lived in Canada for more than thirty years. Her more than thirty years of residence in Canada have not impacted her cultural understanding of marriage to any significant extent. However, Sharon and Linsey do not place first priority on the Korean language or their parents’ preference in ethnicity when seeking a marriage partner, because, as Sharon mentioned, “her life is her life.” Interestingly, Sharon and Linsey’s reflections about marriage are different from those of Kijǒng and Kiǔn. Even though Kijǒng and Kiǔn did not agree with their parents’ expectations of them in many respects, including the marriage partner issue, they understood their parents’ reasons. They acknowledged the gap between the first generation and second generation of immigrants. However, Sharon and Linsey take a strong stance as Korean-Canadians who can decide for themselves rather than being obedient to their parents. 4.3.1.3 Speaking Korean is Obligatory for Koreans Mr. Pak shows at least the worth of HL maintenance for his children but he shows little or no willingness to appreciate or encourage the maintenance of the HL. His apathy stems from a sense of obligation to speak Korean as a Korean. This is a typical ethnonationalist view of language and race, and his Korean linguistic nationalist language ideology clashes with the language ideology of Sharon, who truly advocates HL  109  maintenance and Canada’s multiculturalism. His obligatory sense refers to much ethnic patriotism which is intertwined with anthropological (language-tribe-race-people; see Gardt, 2000, as cited in King, 2007a) character, nature, or essence with a unique national or ethnic character. As revealed in the previous section (4.3), his pessimistic views about Korea, which were kept in his mind when he left Korea, failed to cultivate his national pride, which “needs language as a resource at both the practical and sentimental levels” (Steinberg, 1987, as cited in King, 1997, p. 109). The first generation of Korean immigrants who emigrated from Korea between the 60s and 70s were not free from a zealous form of government-driven and government-imposed ethnic and linguistic nationalism that is fundamentally hostile to bilingualism. Due to the linguistic victims attacked by Chinese (the continued use of Chinese characters), Japanese (loanwords entailed by half a century of Japanese colonial rule), and English (massive English loan words in contemporary Korean), the ‘national language purification’ (see King, 2007b) has been driven by the Korea government since 1948. The fundamental issue of the ‘purification’ [swunhwa] is in the same vein with ‘one ethnic group speaks one language’, which is fundamentally incompatible with bilingualism and biculturalism. Therefore, to Mr. Pak, Korean is no more than a symbolic vernacular which represents race. In the end, his ethnic nationalism seems to be related to the failure of Linsey’s and William’s HL maintenance. 4.3.2  Sacrificed Language Practice Mrs. Pak helped her children to learn Korean by teaching them how to read and  write the Korean alphabet. However, she paid more attention to the children’s English once they entered school, because Korean did not seem to be important in the Caucasian-  110  dominant culture in Montreal and Alberta in the 1970s. She became worried about her children’s incomprehension of English jokes at school. Thus, she bought the children English joke books as a means of helping her children master English. Furthermore, she worried that her teaching Korean to them might hinder the children from improving their English, so she stopped teaching Korean at home. Her zero-sum view of bilingualism or subtractive bilingualism hindered her children from improving their Korean. Mrs. Pak’s support for her children’s HL acquisition and maintenance (see Table 4.7 below) seemed to end as soon as the children were exposed to mainstream culture with other non-Korean friends. Since then, the three children, William, Sharon, and Linsey were not encouraged to improve their Korean. Besides, their lack of family time due to the parents’ hard work, the father’s desire for his own English improvement, the parents’ detachment from Korea for a long period of time, and low investment for Saturday Korean Heritage School all thwarted the children from learning Korean. However, since moving to Vancouver from Montreal, the parents’ attitudes towards the HL have changed. They became more connected with the Korean immigrant society and more informed about Korea through various channels such as numerous media outlets. Compared to William and Linsey’s low level of Korean, Sharon’s Korean is very fluent. Sharon’s four-year residence in Korea greatly impacted not only her Korean language fluency but also her cultural understanding about Korea. Even though she chose an intercultural marriage, she became more appreciative of her heritage. She still keeps in touch with her Korean students in Korea through online communication, and practices her Korean language and culture. Her fluent Korean allows her to be a mediator in her family whenever successful communication is needed between her parents and siblings.  111  The family’s Korean language practices are affected by family literacy, the father’s desire for his own English improvement, attendance at the weekend Korean Heritage School, watching Korean dramas and movies, visits to Korea, and access to Korean websites and online communication. The Pak family’s specific reflections on HL acquisition and maintenance are summarized in Table 4.7. Table 4.7: The Paks’ Specific Reflections Actions  Parents’ Comments  Children’s Comments  Family literacy  I taught them Korean when they were young, but when they entered school, I emphasized their English learning instead, because they didn’t understand jokes and humor in English. Thus, I bought them cartoons so that they became familiar with English jokes. (Mrs. Pak) I mostly spoke English to my children because their Korean was limited. Our conversation was very limited, like “Did you eat dinner,” or “How was your day,” etc. (Mr. Pak)  My mom taught us Korean alphabets and how to read and write them before I entered school. However, my learning stopped there. (Sharon)  Father’s English improvement  Attending Korean Heritage School  I sent them to Korean weekend schools at the church we attended, but they didn’t like them. Most Korean immigrants attended Korean churches and the churches all had a Korean language program. From middle school, I didn’t see any necessity of sending my kids to a Korean school because there was no place to require Korean at that time. My kids didn’t like the Korean school, so I allowed them to quit. (Mrs. Pak)  112  I speak to my mom in Korean because of her limited English skills. Even though my Korean is limited, speaking Korean to my parents is a major part of my Korean practice, but if I want to speak about very important issues, I speak in English and my sister helps me. (Linsey) After church, I attended weekend school, but my interest wasn’t really in it… I didn’t have many Korean friends at that time. The weekend school wasn’t helpful because it was boring. We talked in English, not in Korean, during the break and even in the class so I didn’t go. (Sharon)  Actions  Parents’ Comments  Children’s Comments  Watching Korean dramas and movies  At first, I started watching Korean dramas by renting the videos to soothe my nostalgia towards Korea, but nowadays I subscribe to the Korean Satellite programs so that my children are exposed to the Korean language and its culture all the time… Korean dramas are amazing. (Mrs. Pak)  I often watch Korean dramas, talk shows, and movies. Even though I sometimes do not understand the language used in the problem, I learn a lot and enjoy them. (Linsey)  Visits to Korea  Access to Korean websites and online communication  I hadn’t visited Korea for more than 20 years… Linsey’s Korean is also better than William’s because she sometimes visited her sister when Sharon was in Korea. I noticed their improved Korean when they came back from Korea. (Mrs. Pak) My children tried to teach me how to use email one day, so I tried a couple of times but it seemed very complicated… They sometimes tell me about the news in Korea when they get information from the Internet. (Mrs. Pak)  Korean soap operas are so good! I love them. I learned Korean a lot from the dramas. I bought a mini-series from Korea as well as from the Richmond night market. I enjoy them a lot. They are very authentic and effective materials to improve my Korean. (Sharon) My residence in Korea for four years definitely boosted my Korean language and understanding of Korean culture. (Sharon) I periodically visit Korea. It helped me learn how Korean people talk and behave. I believe that being in the right culture is the best way. (Linsey) I can still communicate with my students in Korea through email and MSN. I mostly use English and sometimes Korean. Because they (my students) want to practice English, I respond to them in English, too. I use Google and Yahoo to search for some information about Korea. Korea is not that far, because of the Internet, compared to the days when I was young, when the Internet was not prevalent that much. I can visit Korea anytime through the Internet. (Sharon)  4.3.2.1 I Had to Improve My English Being less enthusiastic about his children’s HL maintenance, Mr. Pak revealed ambivalent attitudes towards HL and bilingualism. Paradoxically, his advocacy of multiculturalism and bilingualism and his obligatory sense towards the HL were not practiced in his daily language use with his children. In an interview, he confessed that he usually used English with his children so his children would become real Canadians. He  113  said, “Even though I knew Korean was important I didn’t focus on it because they should be prepared to behave like a Canadian.” He also added, “I thought one could be sacrificed for the other.” His subtractive (zero-sum) view of bilingualism and weak willingness to maintain his children’s HL seem to emanate from his nationalist language ideology as discussed earlier (see section 4.3.1.3). Unlike Mr. Yu (Kijǒng’s father), Mr. Pak never demonstrated Korean pride to his children due to his pessimistic views about Korea, where poverty and dictatorship were pervasive in the 1960s and 70s. His desire to improve his own English through conversation with his children was also one of the main reasons he chose to speak English. To Mr. Pak, who was very interested in financial affluence, English was the one of the biggest barriers he had to overcome to be successful in his business. Therefore, he tried to use English at home as much as he could because he believed that “home language provides the best learning practice,” in order both to improve his English and to help his communication with his children. 4.3.2.2 My Longing for Korea was in My Dream In Mrs. Pak’s specific reflections about HL, she said, “I hadn’t visited Korea for more than 20 years.” Due to the family business, it was hard for her to be away from home. She sometimes wanted to visit Korea but it was always impossible due to the family circumstances and the burdens and responsibilities she had to shoulder. Her dream of enjoying parties every night in a new land gave way to hard and intensive work. Her day started with greetings to her grocery store customers in simple and repetitive English. However, after she moved to Vancouver, she was able to make a couple of trips to Korea thanks to developments in transportation, the closer distance, and a better financial situation. In the interview, she was amused and excited to talk about modern Korean life  114  as shown in Korean dramas, and the utility of these dramas for her children’s Korean language learning. The modern lifestyle in the Korean soap operas she watches is very different from the images in her mind from Korea in the 1960s and 70s. Her nostalgia about Korea has recently intensified due to the influence of Korean dramas. Thus, she expressed her hopes of living the rest of her life mostly in Korea and partly in Canada. She said, “I don’t have to sacrifice my life for family survival anymore.” 4.3.2.3 Living in the Culture It is widely acknowledged that optimal language learning means living in the culture (e.g., Rivers, 1981). Sharon’s case supports this notion. Her lost Korean was regained and her authentic and rich cultural experience in Korea accentuated her pride in being Korean. Her four-year residence in Korea as an ESL teacher completely changed her life. In fact, she wanted to be financially independent from her parents because she needed to save some money for her intercultural marriage with Brian. Under this plan, she chose Korea to make money and to experience Korea, as she had always been curious to know more about it. Through her teaching experience in Korea, her Korean language skills dramatically improved and her fluent Korean language and in-depth cultural understanding gave her a positive Korean identity. Her language skills also play an important role in mediating any conflicts between her parents and siblings. Her Korean language and culture is still maintained through online interaction with her previous students. 4.3.3  Social Practice In this family, multiculturalism is an issue due to Sharon’s intercultural marriage,  something which generates tension in the relationship between the parents and the  115  children, in particular between the mother and the son-in-law. Even though Mrs. Pak has positive perceptions about Canada’s multiculturalism, it seems that the policy is still just a word to her. It is not fully realized or practiced in her life. She still holds traditional Korean views about children’s marriage and career pursuits. 4.3.3.1 What Does Multiculturalism Mean? Unlike Sharon and Brian’s advocacy of multiculturalism and intercultural marriage, Mrs. Pak’s cultural ideology is trapped in the 1960s and 70s in traditional Korea, which does not allow her to accept intercultural marriage. Without a shared language because of her English and Brian’s weak Korean, there is a gap that needs to be overcome in order to fashion a good relationship between the Korean mother-in-law and the Canadian son-in-law. This emphasizes yet again the importance of a shared language in a family’s relationship. Table 4.8: The Paks’ Social Practice 1 General Reflections The more languages they are fluent in, the more chances they are given. Why don’t they take advantage of Canada’s multiculturalism? Understanding different cultures is the culmination of Canada’s multiculturalism. We need to think globally beyond the Korean ways of thinking. (Mr. Pak)  Specific Reflections I honestly wished that Sharon would meet a Korean but we couldn’t help it. Brian is a nice person. I am OK now but I was not happy with her decision at the time …that’s why I preferred a Korean guy. (Mr. Pak) When I see my son-in-law, I only say these words, “Hi” “Bye”. We didn’t want Sharon to get married to him, but she planned it. Everything was planned out by her. Even though others say that a Canadian son-in-law is good because we are living in Canada, they are just saying that. What advantages are there? (Mrs. Pak)  116  Action Conversation 1 Mrs. Pak: I want Linsey and William to meet Korean partners. Mr. Pak: Didn’t you get a lesson from Sharon’s case? We could just be dreaming. Mrs. Pak: What if William and Linsey want to marry non-Koreans? Mr. Pak: It would be good to have different ethnic people, one from China, one from Europe… If they meet Koreans, it couldn’t be better, but we can’t force them to do anything.  General Reflections I certainly advocate Canada’s multiculturalism. Moreover, my fluent Korean allows me to enjoy this multiculturalism. (Sharon) Sharon sometimes talks about Korean filial pity. I understand that. I think multicultural marriage has a lot of advantages when considering my to-be-born children. Even though Korean people stress too much on family relationship, I think it is good. It is a unique culture. (Brian)  Specific Reflections If I had gotten married to a Korean, it would have been much easier to communicate between my husband and my parents, but this is my life not my parents’ lives. I chose Brian because he has been raised in a multicultural background and had a good understanding of Asian culture because his mom is Japanese too. I had a lot of dates with Korean guys but realized that they focus on their own family too much. (Sharon)  Action Conversation 2 Sharon: There are a lot of advantages in multicultural marriage. Brian: Yes, we will have multi-backgrounds, Canadian from us, Korean from your family, Japanese from my mother, Irish from my father. Sharon: Wow, when we have a baby, let’s raise the baby as a linguist.  4.3.3.2 Wishes for a Better Job It is commonplace for immigrant parents to wish for their children to have better careers than their own. Just as was the case with Kijǒng’s parents, Mrs. Pak aspired for her children to have professional careers such as a doctor or lawyer because their children’s professional careers are regarded as a reward and accomplishment for the hard work of the first generation. However, Sharon and Linsey put more emphasis on their own aptitudes and interests for their career development. In Sharon’s comments on her appreciation of the value of the Korean language, it is evident how the mismatch between the father’s and the children’s views of the children’s HL acquisition and maintenance is perceived by the children.  117  Table 4.9: The Paks’ Social Practice 2 General Reflection I hadn’t thought of the benefits of speaking Korean in Canada… but I recently learned that Sharon has pride as a Korean because her fluent Korean seems to be very useful for her job. (Mr. Pak) I don’t want my children to have to work as hard as us. Mrs. Pak)  I only just graduated from university so I’m pretty unsure of what I want to do. My parents don’t know what I have planned either. I don’t think Korean affects my job career. (Linsey)  Specific Reflection Our children didn’t play with their friends after school because they had to help us run the grocery store. However, they didn’t understand our wishes and desires. They don’t understand our longing for a professional job. (Mrs. Pak) We wanted them to be doctors or lawyers. As the first generation of immigrants, getting a professional job has been imprinted in our minds. (Mr. Pak) Obviously my father wanted me to be a lawyer or doctor, of course, and to marry a Korean, but that wasn’t the choice I liked. I chose what I wanted to do. And I told him that I was happy with what I was doing. Even though my father had never centered on the importance of Korean, now my Korean benefits me in many ways. (Sharon)  Action Sharon: I want to be a chef Mrs. Pak: What is a chef? Sharon: A cook. Mrs. Pak: Of course a cook is good but I like a doctor. Sharon: Why not a lawyer? Mrs. Pak: Do you enjoy your job? Sharon: Yeh, pretty much. Mrs. Pak: Are you going to earn $2000 when you sell the two houses? Sharon: Yeh, I had one family look at the house but their finances were not enough to buy one of the houses. Making money is hard but it is OK. Mrs. Pak: That is the reason you should have had a professional job such as a doctor or a lawyer. Sharon: No worries, mom. I am going to meet the McDonald’s owner.  4.3.3.3 Extensive Code-switching for Successful Communication Sharon’s discourse manifests frequent code-switching. Whenever any communication problem occurs, Sharon rectifies the problem by restating the phrase in Korean to help her parents to understand correctly. Sharon code-switches to facilitate communication with her mother. Sharon confessed in an interview that miscommunication occurs often because of her lack of understanding of subtle Korean expressions and of her parents’ lack of English fluency. Mrs. Pak also said that she is sometimes uncertain about what her children say in English; she just tries to grasp the  118  rough idea and sometimes asks Sharon to translate it into Korean to clarify the nature of the conversation. Therefore, code-switching seems to function as a way of facilitating the flow of communication. Sharon expressed her feelings about her parents’ imperfect English usage as follows: I feel somewhat embarrassed that my parents have gotten into the habit of not being conscious about their vocabulary. Sometimes, I give them the literal translation in Korean to what they just said in English so that they can recognize how embarrassing their last comment/remark was. When they actualize what they just said, they can attach the connotations it has to the phrase said. (email from Sharon) Table 4.10 explains the factors influencing code-switching in the Pak family’s conversations. Table 4.10: Factors Influencing Code-switching Code-switching in Discourse  Factors • Lexical need • Rapport  • Clarity of meaning through reiteration/translation • Authenticity/consideration  • English improvement  Sharon: I want to be a chef. Mrs. Pak: What is a chef? Sharon: Hmmm… in Korean… a cook Mrs. Pak: Yes, everything is so cheap. Sharon: Everything is cheaper. Mrs. Pak: Everything is so cheap in Korea. Mrs. Pak: She has three buildings! Sharon: No, her parents have three buildings but she has two houses. Mrs. Pak: Younger brother-nun Africa Katdamay? (The younger brother went to Africa, didn’t he?) Sharon: Everyone wondered what happened to him. Brian’s younger brother, Liam, is kind of Paramdungi (a playboy). He has no job but she has two houses. Her parents are very rich, they have three buildings. She owns her house. That’s why Liam likes her. Even though she is too old, she is very nice, kind of very Sunjin (pure or naive). Sharon: Where did they meet? Mrs. Pak: At the alumni meeting. Sharon: School reunion? Mrs. Pak: Yes. Sharon: Canadians have a reunion every ten years. How often do they meet in Korea? Mrs. Pak: Classmates meet once a year.  119  Code-switching in Discourse  Factors • Participants in conversation  • Better expression of emotion/conflict avoidance  Mr. Pak: Investment is not easy. Brian: Yeah, I know. Sharon: So are they reliable people? Mr. Pak: Of course, we will hire an account and a lawyer, too. Everything will be clearly spelled out. Saskatchewan will go through an economic boom and the business will go smoothly. Mrs. Pak: Drinks are here. Mrs. Pak: In Korean culture, children are obedient to their parents, but in Canadian culture, children do in their own way. This is why I sometimes become depressed. Sharon: Why are you depressed? Mrs. Pak: Mijin-a ((Sharon’s Korean name)), mom came here a long time ago, thus I am more comfortable with my old style. I expect more politeness from my children.  As shown in the exchanges above, code-switching owes to various factors: lexical needs, rapport, clarity of meaning, authenticity, English improvement, participants in consideration, and better expression of emotion. First, lexical need is one of the issues raised most frequently by bilinguals. To avoid any efforts to find the equivalent Korean word for ‘chef’, Sharon directly used the English word chef instead of translating it into Korean. This confirms that single lexical items from one language inserted into the discourse of another comprise the greatest portion of any bilingual corpus (Poplack & Meechan, 1998). Second, rapport can be established between the speaker and the interlocutor when the interlocutor responds with a similar switch. As noted in the table, the mother switched her Korean word for ‘cheap’ to English when showing her agreement. The reiterated word seems to construct a strong rapport between Sharon and her mother and forms the basis for their intimate relationship. Third, when Mrs. Pak did not understand the information accurately, Sharon translated the information into Korean. In this case, code-switching functions to clarify  120  meaning. Code-switching may be viewed as an extension of language rather than interference, depending on the situation and context in which it occurs. From the example above, it may be concluded that code-switching is not language interference, because it supplements discourse among immigrant families. Sharon’s code-switching clarifies the misleading information about her husband’s relatives. Fourth, code-switching delivers more authentic meaning to bilingual discourse which entails subtle and different nuances in two different languages. Sharon used Korean words for “playboy” and “pure” to deliver more authentic Korean meaning to her mother. The Korean words convey nuances of meaning and personal intention (Trudgill, 2000). In a follow-up interview, Sharon said that the Korean word for ‘playboy’ seemed to fit more in the context. She defined the Korean playboy, “paramdungi [Palamtwungi]”. Fifth, her parents’ English improvement or maintenance is one of the reasons Sharon sometimes uses English on purpose. Even though she was aware of the Korean word for alumni meeting, she reconfirmed the meaning by restating with the English word so that the mother could enlarge her English vocabulary. In a follow-up interview, she expressed her unconscious consideration about her parents’ English. She wanted to help her parents learn English through conversation with her. Sharon reflected on her code-switching as follows: It is just a habit that we have always done our entire lives. My sister does the same thing as well. I also think it is a subconscious act as well because I don't want my parents to lose their English, so the broken up conversation switches reassure me that I am not enabling them to forget English! I use the same amount of English and Korean with my father. Linsey speaks more English than me but she certainly incorporates Korean phrases when she can. (email from Sharon) That the father’s English is better than the mother’s may be one of the factors which influences the father’s frequent use of English. Mr. Pak also claimed that his main  121  motivation in using English lay in his desire for English improvement through conversation with his children. Sixth, the intercultural marriage affects family language use because the parents try to speak English as much as they can, at least in the presence of their Canadian sonin-law, as demonstrated in the table. Seventh, code-switching is used for better expression of emotion when appealing, upset, tired, or distracted in some manner. Therefore, it sometimes functions as a means of conflict control or negotiating conflict (Kang, 2003). In particular, using the HL in a bilingual situation embeds an intention of expressing the speaker’s feelings. Research has shown that the speaker’s preferred language for expression of strong emotion is often the speaker’s first language (Pavlenko, 2002, 2004) because the first language delivers a more vivid and intense feeling (Schrauf, 2000). Mrs. Pak’s feelings of regret about her children’s lack of politeness to their parents are embedded in her uttering of Sharon’s Korean name, “Mijin.” Sharon did not pick up on the mother’s despair and thus Mrs. Pak became emotional and appealed to Sharon by calling her by her Korean name to make her understand the Korean cultural norms about ideal attitudes to parents. Her cultural norms of politeness require children’s obedience to parents. Overall, code-switching is a communicative strategy to transfer the intended meaning (Chung, 2006). The switch of languages during a conversation was not disruptive to the Pak family; rather, the switches provided various opportunities for clarity, authenticity, consideration, language development, and better expression of emotion.  122  In the next section, I discuss the Pak family members’ online social practice for HL and culture and elucidate the family’s general attitudes about technology use for HL maintenance. 4.3.4  Views of Technology Use From the interviews, the parents did not provide detailed insights because their  technology use for HL and culture was in fact minimal. Mrs. Pak once tried to use email to contact her relatives in Korea but she gave up on remembering all the complex processes. Also, due to her busy work at the grocery store, it was hard for her to find time to use email. She prefers to use the immediacy of the telephone whenever she has time. In the next section, I show one of her rare email exchanges with Sharon. Likewise, Mr. Pak does not use the computer frequently but he had some experience using a computer for the purchase of bonds and securities to make money. However, it did not last long because his interest turned to property from floating assets. Of all the family members, Sharon uses the computer most extensively. Sharon provided positive attitudes towards technology use for HL and culture practice. She endorsed the computer as a tool of communication. She described her constant contact with her Korean students in Korea through email and instant messenger. She has been keeping in touch with them even though they are physically remote from each other. Through constant email and instant messenger exchanges, the relations between Sharon and her students have been fostered rather than being cut off due to physical separation. Thus, Sharon regards technology use as a way of maintaining her relationship with students in Korea and practicing Korean language and culture.  123  Table 4.11: Sharon’s Reflections on Technology Use Views  Comments  Maintaining relationship Practicing language and culture  I think communication is the most advantageous in using the computer. Online communication allows peopleto be globally connected. Regardless of the physical presence, online communication enables one to maintain one’s social network. (Sharon) Using email and MSN offers me chances to read Korean. Also they help me to learn Korean culture too through the frequent interchanges. (Sharon)  Sharon added this about her present relations with her students: I didn’t imagine my on-going relation with my previous students like this for such a long time. Even though my teaching terminated three years ago, I am still sharing and talking with my students. They share their daily lives, future plans, pleasure, sadness… with me. If I had taught them ten years ago, I couldn’t have been connected with them. Their emails still vividly remind me of the hakwon (private institute), the road in Kwangju, etc. (interview with Sharon) 4.3.5  Online Practice Sharon’s online communication shows how Sharon supports her family and  maintains her network from a distance with those who are in Korea. 4.3.5.1 Supporting the Family Sharon’s first email correspondence was conducted with her elder brother. Even though William is the eldest son in the family, he does not seem to play a leadership role in helping the parents. Because of his Korean language limitations, Sharon always takes the responsibility for building a bridge between her parents and her siblings. The email exchange was carried out in the middle of arrangements for work at the grocery store before Sharon, Linsey, and her mother left for Korea. The email exchange demonstrates Sharon’s role in the family as a mediator and supporter for her parents even though she is not the stereotype of an obedient Korean daughter (recall her unilateral decisions concerning intercultural marriage and her job). Her role is reminiscent of Brian’s comments in the interview about Sharon’s role in her family. Brian mentioned that 124  Sharon shows filial piety towards her parents. Her time and devotion for her parents’ store seem to lie in her deep understanding of Korean culture, where self-sacrifice for parents is regarded as a virtue in a Confucian society. Therefore, her mother, Mrs. Pak, has relied on Sharon so much that she calls Sharon a second son, as shown in the second email correspondence. Excerpt 6: “Family Support Needed” Email Correspondence 1: Sharon with William Brother: OK...i'll see if i can get this friday off but I definitely work this coming saturday what time? ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Hey William, The tickets that mom had initially reserved for Brian, Linsey, and I were accidentally sold. So we are tentatively booked for to leave on the 3rd of November which is this Friday coming up. If so, is it possible for you to work in the store while dad drops us off? I guess you would be working but let me know. Also, if this works out, dad really needs you to work on the 4th -next Saturday- as that is the day that mom arrives and there is no one else to work the store. We need your help. Talk to you later, Sharon Email Correspondence 2: Sharon and Mrs. Pak oo ri second son (my second son). what cha doin' now? so, how'sa your cold? keekim yak mokgo (take the cough drop), neocitrin hago (and take Neocitrin), don't go outside...too windy, ok? when you go to school make sure that you pack a lunch and don't eat past nine-thirty at night so you won't gain weight. OK?!! i miss you so much, second son.(mom is crazy) 36 you not here, i always going costco, hy louie with Linsey and you know Linsey...so much history (mom is crazy) 37. always talking you, you know? ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Hi mom, I will visit you this weekend and we can talk then. I love you mom. Sharon  4.3.5.2 Maintaining a Social Network In the email exchange with her student, Sharon used Korean expressions on an English keyboard to express the happiness that her marriage has brought her. Moreover,  36 37  This parenthesis is part of the original text. This parenthesis is part of the original text.  125  her Korean language and cultural practice is clearly exemplified in her correspondence with her relative. First of all, in Email Correspondence 1 (see Excerpt 7 below), Sharon practices her Korean [hengbok heyo], which means ‘happy’ in Korean, with the English keyboard. Also in Email Correspondence 2, she addresses her relative using Korean. She addressed Justin with “Ahnyoung Justin-ah,” which is equivalent to “Hi, Justin.” The suffix, “-ah (a in Yale Romanization) or -ya,” is the Plain Style vocative particle in Korean, similar to “Hey” in English. Her reminiscences about Korea are evident from her desire to eat Korean sweet red bean. Moreover, her Korean identity is found at the end of email where her Korean name, Mijin, is used. Her Korean identity is also shown in her full name, “Sharon Mijin Pak,” for her published book. Sharon shared her reasons for using her full name: I wanted to reveal my identity in my full name because the book is about three Korean families. I dealt with family issues such as obligations and expectations around family. When I was young, I used to use only my first and last name, Sharon Pak, but I want to reveal my ethnicity and background in my full name. (interview with Sharon) Excerpt 7: “Maintaining Relationships” Email Correspondence 1: Sharon and Her Former Korean Student: Dear Sharon teacher Hello! I'm Sharon. sorry for not e-mail you. I was busy with my school test. I wanted to g to your wedding but....... sorry and I miss you a lot. We are going to an Australia for learning english^^ When I learn English I'll wrote an e-mail for you. I LOVE you!!! ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Hi Jin, Thanks for the updates. The wedding celemony went well thanks to your concerns and bless. I am really hengbok heyo (happy). Let me know when you come back from Austalia then I will see how your English has improved. Email Correspondence 2: Sharon and Her Cousin in Korea: Ahnyong Justin-ah! (Hi Justin) How are you? Wow...so delighted to receive your e-mail! Your job in Kyong-gi do sounds good and it is keeping you busy which is good…  126  I also have some good news...when I was in Korea I wrote a book. It is a fiction novel. Anyways, it is being published and it will be available in bookstores in about a month or so. I am really excited about it. The New York Times Newspaper is going to do a book review on my book next month, or the month after. The title of my book is called: "Beneath the Sun" and it is under my full name: "Sharon Mijin Pak." I haven't told my parents or family about it. When it comes out, I am going to take them for dinner and give it to them as a present. I dedicated the book to them. I can't wait to see their faces! I have been really missing Korea a lot these days! I really miss the students, the city, and the food, food, and did I say food? I was thinking about coming to Korea in the fall for a visit and if I do I hope to have the chance to see you as well. Are you living by yourself? Where in Kyonggi-do are you? Do you miss Gwangju? How is your family? Tell your mother she is a great cook... Do you know what I have been dreaming about these days? Chap-sal doughnuts with the path (sweet red bean) inside. They look like balls and they are so delicious! Anyways, if you see one while you are walking by Paris Baguette or some other bakery...can you go inside, buy one, and slowly eat it while thinking about me? Then you can say that I enjoyed the doughnut myself! And no calories for me! Puuuhahahaha! This is a picture of me at my company Christmas Party a few months ago... Stay happy and healthy...and talk to you soon! Mijin ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Hey! Noonim ((when calling an older sister)). I read your news very well. The news are really fun on me… I am willling to buy your book. doughnut forget it. you mustn't have it. I know Timholton in canada that is best I guess. Anyhow I am really thanksful read your mail. talk later! Justin PS Korian costume you wear nice fitting and beautiful on you.  It is evident that Sharon effectively uses online communication as a means of practicing Korean language and culture. 4.4  A Comparison of the Two Families The two families first immigrated to Eastern Canada (Toronto and Montreal) in  the 1970s because they thought more jobs were available in those areas, and later immigrated to Vancouver, in the late 1980s. Their motivations for immigration also sound similar. Both families’ fathers wanted to escape from the dictatorial regime in  127  Korea and thus decided to come to Canada. However, their expectations about their lives in the new land were unrealistic. For example, Mrs. Pak prepared ten party outfits because she was told that there were parties every night in Canada. She had believed that Canada was a paradise and Canadians enjoyed parties without doing any hard work. Her real life in Canada, however, was sustained through immense hard work. Her original job was as a nurse, but she changed jobs to support her family business, a grocery store, and has been burdened by managing the grocery store for many years. Meanwhile, it did not take long for Mrs. Yu, who had been a teacher in Korea, to realize the gap between her fantastic expectations about Canada and reality. She decided to center on her children’s education by staying home as a housewife instead of making money outside the home because she knew that there was a limit to what she could do, due to language barriers. The fathers’ attitudes toward and support for their children’s Korean and Korean cultural maintenance are different. Mr. Yu places more value on family bonds and maintenance of the Korean language and cultural understanding, whereas Mr. Pak put more emphasis on financial affluence. Mr. Yu’s children (Kijǒng and Kiǔn) appreciated their parents’ support for their Korean fluency and identity as Koreans, while Mr. Pak’s children (Sharon and Linsey) put more emphasis on the multicultural aspects of their upbringing, rather than focusing just on being Korean. Sharon’s fluent Korean was gained through her four-year residence in Korea, rather than through any family-based encouragement or support. The two families’ parental support and enthusiasm about the Korean language and cultural maintenance are different. Whereas Mrs. Yu encouraged her daughter to take any Korean culture-related courses even at university, Mrs. Pak gave up teaching Korean to her children once they entered elementary school.  128  Through these two families, it can be seen that parental attitudes/support and their children’s language and culture maintenance are inextricably related. Kijǒng’s parents provided their children with more support for HL and culture maintenance than did Sharon’s parents. In the Yu family conversations, more Korean was used between parents and children, whereas more frequent code-switching occurred in the Pak family’s conversations. The following Figure 4.1 shows how language is imbricated in the relationship between parents and children. The emotional relationships between parents and children will also be displayed through the genograms in Figure 4.1. Figure 4.1: A Comparison of Emotional Relationships KEY (modified for purposes) Close Harmonious Distant / Poor Indifferent / Apathetic Discord / Conflict Cutoff / Estranged  The Yu Family  The Pak Family  Montreal -> Whiterock -> Vancouver  Germany -> Winnipeg -> Alberta -> Langley  Korea  Korea  Korea  Korea  62  55  59  54  Yu (Mr.)  Yu (Mrs.)  Pak (Mr. )  Pak (Mrs. )  Canada  Canada  29  27  Kijǒng Yu  Canada  Kiǔn Yu  Canada  Canada  32  30  Canada  27  William Pak  Sharon Pak  32  Linsey Pak  Brian Scott  These effectively display the role of language in a family relationship. In the Yu family, as revealed in their interviews, the relationship between parents and children  129  seem very close because their shared language helps them to understand each other. Conversely, the Pak family members have various emotions due to conflicts arising from the lack of a common language. Due to unsuccessful communication, Mrs. Pak failed to establish a close relationship with her son, William, while Sharon has a close relationship with her parents. 4.5.  Conclusions It is clear that parental support and language use have greatly influenced the  children’s language and culture maintenance. In fact, their parents’ support mirrors their language ideologies. For example, the Yu parents’ language ideology stems from their pride in the ‘superiority’ [wuswuseng] of the Korean script. The parents’ linguistic nationalism is closely related to their ethnic nationalism. Their positive attitudes towards the linguistic and ethnic nationalism greatly influenced his children’s HL maintenance. On the other hand, the Pak’s ethno-nationalist view of language and race, “one ethnic group speaks one language” did not help his children to maintain their HL successfully. The desire to teach her children Korean in their daily lives demonstrated by Kijǒng’s mother reflects the importance of the parental role in children’s HL maintenance. But besides the parental role, Sharon (in section 4.3.4) demonstrates how she uses technology for her Korean language and culture practices. The role of technology should also be carefully considered in HL acquisition and maintenance.  130  Chapter 5 Invitation Cases: Curiosity about Immigrant Life (Over 20 years of Immigrant Life)  5.1  Introduction This chapter introduces two family cases with over twenty years of residence in  Canada. With regards to immigration, the two families examined in this chapter did not have any specific goals that were significantly different from those of the first two families, who immigrated in the 1960s. They did not believe that Canada would give them a paradise, because they were already aware of the harsh reality of immigration through their relatives’ experiences. Their motivation for migrating to Canada included curiosity and expectations about their new life in a new country; they did not feel the total estrangement from their home country that the Yu and Pak families (in Chapter 4) did. Because Canada allowed relatives to invite family members to immigrate, many Korean immigrants in Canada invited members of their extended families to soothe their loneliness and isolation. The immigrants who came to Canada in the 1970s wanted to carve out a better life in a new land, but generally had a more realistic view than did the previous generation of Korean immigrants. 5.2 The Song Family (Yujin and Yulim) Mr. Song, who had studied in Japan prior to coming to Canada, went to Montreal as an international student for his graduate studies in the 1970s. He quit his studies due to the financial burden of caring for his family and his lack of confidence in getting a job after his studies. Mr. and Mrs. Song then opened a restaurant, which was one of the biggest oriental restaurants in the neighborhood; most Korean immigrants ran a small grocery store at that time. However, their dreams and ambitions turned out to be  131  unrealistic. Due to their lack of knowledge about and experience of a culture dominated by Caucasian tastes, the oriental restaurant was not successful. The failure of their restaurant led them to appreciate the importance of ethnic community power. They moved to Vancouver seven years later. Their two sons, Yujin and Yulim, were born in Montreal in 1986 and 1992. Yujin and Yulim’s attitudes towards the Korean language and culture are very positive, and their fluent Korean was surprising. Moreover, their polite manners, including their sitting posture, body language, and linguistic politeness, were impressive. The older son, Yujin, having lived apart from his family for his university studies, emphasized the significance of HL maintenance. He was instrumentally motivated to develop his Korean language in preparation for his future career. Yulim, who has many Korean friends, put more stock in his pride as a Korean. He stated that both languages and cultures (Korean and Canadian) are equally important, but he indicated that he wanted to be more Korean because he loves being Korean. Yujin advocates multiculturalism as well as bilingualism. He confessed that the significance of maintaining his HL was reinforced when he associated with friends who have ethnically different backgrounds. 5.2.1  Integrative and Instrumental Attitudes Yujin and Yulim appear to be highly motivated to maintain their HL and they  value Korean language and culture maintenance. Their parents stressed the importance of HL maintenance and thus they have very positive attitudes towards their children’s language learning and maintenance. They tirelessly emphasized to their children the importance of mastering Korean to have a successful immigrant life.  132  Table 5.1: The Songs’ General Reflections Views  Parents’ Comments  Children’s Comments  Understanding family roots  I think language maintenance is like a way to keep one’s roots. Who could ignore one’s roots? Parents should let their children know where they came from. I always instilled in them the ideology that they are Koreans; thus, the Korean language is the last weapon they can throw away, whatever the hardship. (Mr. Song)  My Korean enables me to fully understand my family background. My grandmother’s story about family roots was very inspiring. She explained cokpo 38 to me. (Yujin)  Constructing positive Korean identity  Providing an asset in the job market  I believe that language plays a crucial role in constructing a good relationship with relatives as well as in understanding family roots. (Mrs. Song) Identity is very important. It is important to know who I am. That’s why I believe that language is important, too. Language is not simply a medium of communication. It enables our children to fashion their identity as Koreans. (Mrs. Song) I believe that speaking Korean is a fundamental way to weave a positive identity as Koreans. (Mr. Song) I appreciate the value of Canada’s bilingualism and multiculturalism. Their Korean will give them many benefits in their future. Considering the growing Korean economy, I think my children’s Korean will offer my children great opportunities in their future. (Mr. Song)  38  I think it is most important to know where we are from. (Yulim)  I want to be called a Korean Canadian because my Korean identity is more important. My Korean language helps me to have confidence and to realize who I am. In future, I would like to work for Korean immigrants who suffer from the language barrier. (Yulim)  Most of my friends are immigrants like me, but their language ability is amazing. They are perfectly bilingual. In this global society, language is power. Because businesses are globally connected, they need different people who can speak different languages. Language is an important medium which helps a business become successful. I want to be a person this global world needs. (Yujin)  With the emergence of the concept of patrilineal descent, it became important to be able to document the main as well as the collateral lines of kin that derived their origin from a common apical ancestor. Written genealogies (cokpo), while proliferating from the seventeenth century, began to be compiled as early as the fifteenth century. (P-L. Lee, 1993, p. 569)  133  5.2.1.1 Family Roots and Identity The parents addressed their children by their Korean names, similarly to Kijǒng’s and Kiǔn’s parents. The children also expressed their willingness to use their Korean names as primary and official names by putting their English names as middle names; they believe that their Korean names can represent the Korean identity which brings them pride. The parents introduced cokpo, which is a family genealogy, to their children in order to help the children understand their family ancestory. They commented that their approach to supporting the development of their children’s Korean language proficiency was influenced by the indelible memories of estrangements they had observed between parents and children within the local Korean communities in Japan and Montreal, where they had once resided before they moved to Vancouver. They realized that language is the best medium for representing one’s identity. They reflected on one instance in which they realized the importance of HL maintenance: When we visited a Korean immigrant family whose father was a well-known figure in the Korean community, we were shocked by the son’s inability to speak Korean. When the son was asked to greet us by his father, he spoke in English. We were new immigrants; thus, we replied to the son and asked him a few questions in Korean, but he couldn’t understand what we meant. What he said to us was “Sorry, I can’t speak Korean.” His father’s response was even more embarrassing. The father remaining calm, translated our questions into English and politely asked us to understand his son’s inability in Korean because of his birth in Canada. My wife and I began to rethink of the father’s fame as a representative leading role in the Korean community. Since then, my wife and I decided to raise our children as Koreans who can speak their HL fluently and understand their heritage. (interview with Mr. Song)  134  5.2.1.2 Instrumental Value of Korean The instrumental value of Korean in the domain of employment is growing in BC. According to the report of Tourism British Columbia 39, Korea is the third largest Asia/Pacific market to BC and Canada following Japan and Australia. Considering Korea’s growing economy and industries, Mr. Song and Yujin point out that speaking Korean can be an asset in the multicultural market. Yujin’s future aspiration is to be a bilingual person in a global world that values Korean. 5.2.2  Extensive Investment and Support As for their specific reflections on HL acquisition and maintenance, the parents  gave extensive support to the children’s language and cultural learning. The parents carefully planned how to raise their children as Koreans and how to help the children learn and maintain their HL even before the children were born. Not only did the parents have positive attitudes towards HL and culture, they also provided actual tangible support for the development of their children’s language and culture. Interviews with them revealed an emphasis on family values, family literacy practices, Saturday Korean Heritage School, frequent trips to Korea, rental of Korean dramas and movies, aspirations towards formal instruction, and use of technology. The children’s motivation and interest in HL are sensitive to the language attitudes and support of the parents.  39  For more details, read the article downloaded from http://www.tourismbc.com/pdf/MarketProfile_SouthKorea_2007.pdf  135  Table 5.2: The Songs’ Specific Reflections Views  Parents’ Comments  Children’s Comments  Emphasizing family values  We constantly emphasized the importance of family because we saw that some parents don’t know how to nourish and nurture their children’s commitment and attachment to their family. (Mr. Song)  Practicing home literacy  I started teaching them the Korean alphabet. I don’t think my teaching impacted their learning to a great extent, but it helped to construct a fundamental basis or motivation to learn Korean. In fact, we (Mr. and Mrs. Song) pushed them (their children) a lot to speak Korean, at least at home. Otherwise, they had no chance to practice Korean. Once they came in from outside, they had to speak Korean because they knew that I couldn’t speak English. (Mrs. Song)  My father has put a great emphasis on family since I was young. Even though independence is taken for granted in this society, I always think of my family first before I step further. I tried to understand what kinds of roles are expected of the eldest son in Korea. (Yujin) My mom asked me to keep a diary in Korean. She also provided me with corrections. It was very hard to keep a diary in Korean but it got better as time passed by. I want to publish my diary someday in the future. (Yulim)  Sending to weekend Heritage School  We had to use only Korean at home. If they violated this rule, we even punished them. (Mr. Song) I sent Yulim and Yujin to Korean Saturday school for many years. They didn’t want to get up early on Saturdays so I talked to them about the importance of the Korean language. I repeatedly mentioned that they would be proud of themselves one year later. I brainwashed them with the idea of the importance of learning Korean. Also, I sometimes volunteered at the school. In the end, they didn’t hesitate to get up and go to school. Once they went to school, they liked their teachers and enjoyed learning there. (Mrs. Song)  136  My mom used to read me Korean books before I slept. Thus, I am well aware of Korean folk tales. (Yujin) I speak to my younger brother in Korean. (Yujin)  Even though it was very hard to get up early to go to Korean weekend school, my mom always encouraged me to go, saying “Be more patient and you will see the fruitful results.” (Yulim) The teachers were very nice. We had various activities such as Taekwondo, Korean mask dance, etc. My writing improved a lot through the learning from the Heritage School. (Yujin)  Views  Parents’ Comments  Watching Korean dramas and movies  Korean dramas and movies were really helpful in improving my Korean. The language in the dramas seems to be very different from our home language. I sometimes practice the way the movie stars express themselves when talking to my Korean friends. (Yulim) Visiting Korea regularly was a good Visiting Korea inspired me with a lot of thoughts. It was a kind of good way in which my sons were able to chance to better understand my practice Korean and experience parents. I understood why my father Korean culture. I showed them (his always says that Korea is a fun hell, two sons) a wide variety of different jobs. Here in Canada, the jobs Korean whereas Canada is a boring heaven. immigrants have are very simple and (Yujin) monotonous. Whereas most Korean immigrant people are engaged in When I visited Korea, I was able to labor-intensive work, such as grocer, directly experience Korean culture. I restaurant worker, etc, people in was also able to practice my Korean Korea have various jobs. I wanted to with Korean people in Korea. It was show my children how Korean people very fun and interesting. (Yulim) in Korea worked and endeavored in various fields. (Mr. Song) My father uses very difficult I use MSN to help to improve Yujin’s reading skills. I sometimes expressions with Chinese characters. use difficult words first and then Then I ask him what they mean. Even provide an explanation in case he though I respond in English, this way cannot understand them. (Mr. Song) of communicating still helps my Korean learning. (Yujin) Making a call used to cost a lot of money a long time ago so I couldn’t I type in Korean when I chat with call home in Korea and many my Korean friends and use Korean immigrants couldn’t dream of visiting when interacting with others over Korea often. Hearing of their parents’ online games. I enjoy the chat passing away, they couldn’t buy the language which is much shorter and flight ticket immediately because they denser than my daily life language. had to fight for survival here. We had (Yulim) only one or two Korean newspapers then. We read them thoroughly I read Korean newspapers I pick up because it was the only way we heard from church or Korean grocery stores about Korea, but now there so many for free because I am interested in sources which enable us to get Korea’s economy and industry. I also information about Korea. There are read news from the Internet. I often visit daum.net to see Korean so many Korean newspapers, and the Internet allows us to hear about entertainment programs and Korea very vividly. My children use celebrities. (Yujin) these sources to practice their Korean. (Mrs. Song)  Sending to Korea frequently  Technology use  Children’s Comments  I regularly rented Korean dramas and we watched them together. They kept asking me questions when they couldn’t understand while watching the videos. They asked me, “What is that?” or “What does it mean?” (Mrs. Song)  137  5.2.2.1 Language Practice with Siblings Siblings play an important role in literacy development because siblings may become very special guiding lights 40 in younger children’s literacy lives (Gregory, 2005, p. 22). Siblings’ role in literacy development has been examined with respect to how siblings assist each other by sharing a common language and cultural recipes (Azmitia & Hesser, 1993) and by contributing to each other’s social, cognitive, and emotional development (Dunn, 1989; Ervin-Tripp, 1989). Yujin and Yulim practice Korean with each other, even though it is rare to see siblings practice their HL in the home because they are more likely to bring their school language home. However, Yujin’s rule of using Korean at home has been strictly maintained by Yulim. Yujin takes the lead in practicing Korean at home with siblings. In the Yu family (in Chapter 4), Korean was being used as the main language for communication between parents and children, but conversation between the siblings was conducted in English. However, in the Song family, Korean is practiced even between the siblings. Yulim reflected on his experience of once violating this ‘golden rule’ set up by his older sibling: We are supposed to speak Korean at home. My parents strongly encourage us to learn and practice Korean all the time. My older brother is sometimes more strict than my parents. One day, I spoke to him in English, and he was very furious against my violation. Since then, I never forget to speak Korean inside my home. His Korean was much better than mine; thus, he used to be my role model, but now my Korean is better than his. (interview with Yulim) Yujin’s ‘golden rule’ was originally his parents’ idea. Mr. and Mrs. Song knew the importance of siblings’ role in practicing Korean because they realized that the children spent more time with each other than with their parents “We realized that as they grew,  40  The term, guiding lights, introduced by Padmore (1994), refers to individuals who play an important role in literacy development.  138  they spent more time with each other than with us. Thus, we encouraged Yujin to be a role model to Yulim.” (Interview with Mr. Song) The siblings’ role modeling and older sibling’s scaffolding for younger sibling’s language learning was made very clear on the second visit to the Song’s. On that visit, I took my family to the house. The Songs welcomed my family very warmly and they took my children to the recreation room, where a huge pool table was located in the center. Yujin and Yulim kindly offered to teach my children how to play pool. The conversation below was done before I headed to their dining room table for an interview with their mother. The older sibling’s scaffolding the younger sibling’s language learning in the expert-novice context is illustrated in the following excerpt: Excerpt 1: “Playing Pool” (1)Yulim: (2)Yujin: (3)Yulim:  Pool 할까? ((turning to my children)) Do you want to play pool? 당구 알아? ((asking my children)) Do you know pool? 아! 당구해봤어?  Aha! Have you played pool? Here, Yulim offers my children the opportunity to play pool (line 1). His offer is done by using ‘pool’ in English. Yujin immediately code-switches the English word into Korean, ‘당구: Tangku’ (pool or billiards) (line 2). Then, Yulim’s exclamation ‘아: a’ (aha!) demonstrates his recognition or awareness of the Korean word for ‘pool’ through his brother’s discourse. He internalizes his language learning by repeating the Korean word ‘당구: Tangku’. This conversation excerpt depicts how these siblings advanced their language learning through the context of collaborative expert (Yujin) versus novice (Yulim).  139  5.2.2.2 Unceasing Support for Heritage Language School Even though the parents endured tribulations in encouraging the children to attend the Saturday morning school, they never gave up sending their children there. One thing that should be highlighted here is the children’s positive attitudes towards their learning experience from the Saturday Korean Heritage School. I realized that Yujin’s and Yulim’s positive attitudes were influenced by their parents’ unceasing enthusiasm and patience in encouraging their children’s attendance to the Heritage School. Children’s attendance at the Heritage School is easily discontinued with parental approval as revealed in the previous cases in this thesis (e.g., Kijǒng’s and Sharon’s) and in the case to be discussed later in this chapter (Jack’s, Section 5.3). However, Mrs. Song persuaded her sons to attend the weekend school sometimes with encouragement and sometimes with threats: In fact, I wanted to allow them to sleep more on Saturday mornings. However, the language was not something I would easily gave up. Whenever I became weak, I tried to reflect on the sad stories related to other children’s HL loss again and again. I tried to have my children understand why Korean study was important but I sometimes threatened that I wouldn’t do anything for them if they didn’t go. (interview with Mrs. Song) Reflecting on her hard time encouraging her children to attend Heritage School, she wished to see Korean offered as a second language subject in public schools. Due to their pride in the HL and wanting to avoid having to get up early on weekend mornings for Heritage School, Yujin and Yulim expressed their willingness to take a Korean course if it were offered as part of their regular school curriculum. Likewise, the parents expressed their desire for formal instruction for their children in HL and culture. However, Mr. Song expressed his concerns about new Korean immigrant students taking a Korean course for cynical elevation of their academic marks, because second-generation Koreans  140  could be left behind due to their relative incompetence compared with the Korean fluency of newcomers. By referring to the newspaper article announcing the project to establish Korean as a second language in the public school system 41, Mr. Song advocated formal Korean language programs provided by the community or through the mainstream schools. 5.2.2.3 Direct Cultural Experience Among various language and cultural experiences, the family’s frequent visits to Korea seem to have been one of the most costly investments in the children’s HL acquisition and maintenance. Before the family made trips to Korea, they carefully planned everything so as to optimize the children’s language and cultural learning. The father said that the family has visited almost all of the major travel attractions in Korea. Mr. Song related the following about how he planned a visit to a Korean public bath with his children: I wanted to introduce them to the Korean public bath, so I planned. After playing tennis, we suggested going to a sauna. I didn’t say anything about the public bath before we entered inside. After we paid, we entered the changing room and they looked paranoid about all the naked people. They persuaded my children to take a chance because we had already paid. Now they love the Korean public bath. Whenever we visit Korea, we go to a public bath. It is hard to teach culture until a direct cultural experience is made. (interview with Mr. Song) Yujin adds about the public bath experience: My father always says that Korea is a fun hell, whereas Canada is a boring heaven… the public bath experience is one of those where I was really scared and embarrassed but ended up loving it. My authentic cultural experiences in Korea gave me a thousand-times’ worth of learning value compared to reading it in books. (interview with Yujin) As Yujin stated, direct cultural experience is the most effective way of teaching the HL as nothing can surpass direct cultural and linguistic experience in the home country. 41  For details, visit http://vanchosun.com/home/news/newsdesc.php?scatid=3&sqno=3609  141  However, not everyone can afford to do this. Yujin’s parents boldly invested their time and money for their children’s HL acquisition and maintenance. To the parents, investment is regarded as an inevitable quality for children’s successful education. This is a very different status from Sharon’s parents (in Chapter 4), who could not make frequent visits to Korea due to their financial situation. On top of financial burden, parents’ investment for their children’s HL seems also highly relevant to the parents’ educational attainment and current jobs. Mr. Song originally came to Canada for an extension of his studies. Mrs. Song was raised by parents who worked in the education field. Both parents regarded education as the ultimate attainment. Furthermore, Mr. Song’s current job is to take care of international students as a legal guardian. Mr. Song’s education and knowledge about facilitating children’s learning was made obvious in his interviews. 5.2.3  Social Practice This family demonstrates a positive relationship between theory and practice in  HL acquisition and maintenance. The match in social practice of parental and children’s language maintenance is presented in the following sections (5.2.3.1 and 5.2.3.2). 5.2.3.1 Family Literacy Practices The following social practice illustrates that the parents’ behaviors are very much in line with their positive attitudes towards their children’s language maintenance, which in turn are echoed in the children’s actions and attitudes. The parents have positive attitudes towards language maintenance and have made constant effort towards their children’s language maintenance, such as checking and correcting mistakes in Yulim’s diary. In addition, Mrs. Song corrects children’s misuse and inappropriate use of Korean.  142  As Mrs. Song claims in her general reflections, she demonstrates that there are many ways to help children’s language maintenance at home. Table 5.3: The Songs’ Social Practice 1 General Reflections  Specific Reflections  Action  We know Korean is important to us. Most of all, practicing Korean at home is the best way to maintain children’s fluency. From teaching the Korean alphabet, checking their improvement, and so on, there are lots of ways to help children learn Korean from home. (Mrs. Song)  I started teaching them the Korean alphabet. I don’t think my teaching impacted their learning to a great extent, but it helped to construct a fundamental basis or motivation to learn Korean. In fact, we pushed them a lot to speak Korean, at least at home. (Mrs. Song)  I think heritage language learning starts from home. (Yujin)  My mom asked me to keep a diary in Korean. She also provided me with corrections. It was very hard to keep a diary in Korean but it got better as time passed by. I want to publish my diary someday in the future. (Yulim)  Mother: Did you study Korean? Yulim: Yes. Mother: Check the parts you don’t understand and ask me. Yulim: I did. I will ask you once I finish the part I am assigned. Mrs. Song: Yulim, bring your diary. Yulim: Here you are. Mrs. Song: See this? You made the same mistake in spelling the final ending, “습니다 [supnita] (is).” You spelled it it “-읍니다 [upnita]” again. I also make the same mistakes sometimes but you should know about the changed orthographical rules.  My mom used to read me Korean books before I slept. Thus, I am well aware of Korean folk tales. (Yujin)  5.2.3.2 Importance of Family Mrs. Song puts a lot of emphasis on education. She believes that a good education starts at home. Influenced by her mother, who was an educator, Mrs. Song always values and promotes education in their home. Mr. Song, whose father passed away when he was very young, strives to be the image of a good father. Although Mr. Song did not have a father to raise him, he tries to remind his children of the importance of family. His attitude towards family is well represented in his conversation with Yujin, who wants to leave home earlier than originally scheduled in order to prepare for the next term.  143  Table 5.4: The Songs’ Social Practice 2 General Reflections I think language maintenance is like a way of keeping one’s roots and family value. Who could ignore one’s roots? Thus, the Korean language is the last weapon they can throw away, whatever the hardship. (Mr. Song)  Specific Reflections We constantly emphasized the importance of family because we saw that some parents didn’t know how to nourish and nurture their children’s commitment and attachment to their family. (Mr. Song)  I believe that language plays a crucial role in constructing a good relationship with relatives as well as in understanding family values. (Mrs. Song) Korean is very important because my Korean enables me to fully understand my family background. (Yujin)  My grandmother’s story about family roots was very inspiring. She explained cokpo to me. (Yujin)  I think it is most important to know where we are from. (Yulim)  Action Mr. Song: I hope you stay until the first week of January, as planned. Yujin: I want to but I think I need to spend some time preparing for the courses in the first week. Mr. Song: Yes, I understand your situation but it is a rare chance to spend time with family together. Is there any possibility you can do it at home? Dad has been waiting for this family gathering all year. Nothing can be more important than family during this holiday season.  My parents’ emphasis on the importance of family made me more motivated to improve my Korean. (Yulim)  I always think of my family first before I step further. I know what kinds of roles are expected of th