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The planning and negotiation process : its contribution to Concord Pacific Place Chau, Mai-Mai 2008

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THE PLANNING AND NEGOTIATION PROCESS: ITS CONTRIBUTION TO CONCORD PACIFIC PLACE by MAI--MAI CHAU A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ADVANCED STUDIES IN ARCHITECTURE in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Architecture) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) May 2008 © Mai-Mai Chau, 2008 ABSTRACT This thesis studies the planning and negotiation process engaged in the conceptualization and initial stages of Vancouver's waterfront urban renewal project Concord Pacific Place at the False Creek North waterfront, Vancouver. Numerous articles have devoted attention to the physical form of this urban renewal development. However current discourse on Concord Pacific Place overlooks the planning and negotiation process, which has been integral to its urban renewal success. It is for this reason that my thesis sets out to study the planning and negotiation process in an effort to offer a new perspective on Concord Pacific. To contextualize the development of Concord Pacific Place over the two decades between 1987 and 2007, this thesis surveys the introduction of high-rises in the city of Vancouver, looking at the city's apartment typology prior to the redevelopment of False Creek North, a brief history of Expo 86 and the planning and negotiation process behind B.C. Place, as well as the planning and negotiation process that has transformed the former Expo land into the master-planned urban neighbourhood at Concord Pacific Place. This thesis also identifies the results of the planning and negotiation process that have contributed to the False Creek North development. The material gathered includes a collection of historical and background information on the transformation of the City of Vancouver in general and in particular the False Creek North site found in published accounts, consultation of the archives of Concord Pacific, and interviews with key players involved with the development of Concord Pacific Place. City planning officials were also consulted on issues pertaining to the basic planning principles of the City of Vancouver as well as the decision-making process involving City planners and developers. This research highlights the importance of the relationship between the City planners and the developer as well as participation from the public throughout the planning and development ii stages of the Concord Pacific Place development. It points out specific initiatives that were established as a result of this megaproject, the main challenges and limitation encountered with the process. It also identifies lessons learned at the end of the journey. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT^ ii TABLE OF CONTENTS^ iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v INTRODUCTION^ 1 CHAPTER ONE: the historical context^ 7 CHAPTER TWO: Concord Pacific Place 23 CHAPTER THREE: key players and basic planning principles^32 CHAPTER FOUR: the ODP and planning and design guidelines^44 RESULTS: contributions and impacts ^ 50 CONCLUSION^ 54 ENDNOTES 60 BIBLIOGRAPHY ^ 65 APPENDICES 67 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is a collection of stories from a group of people that were dedicated to the development of Concord Pacific Place on the former Expo 86 site at False Creek North. Recognitions and thanks are extended to Stanley Kwok, Matthew Meehan, and Gordon Price for their invaluable insights and contributions in providing the necessary background information for this thesis. I am forever indebted to Stanley Kwok for his relentless support and enthusiasm in being the primary source for this thesis. Special thanks are extended to my committee members, Sherry McKay, Jerzy Wojtowicz, and Inge Roecker for their guidance and support. This thesis would not be possible without the critical guidance and direction from my committee chair and mentor Sherry McKay. The friendship and generosity extended to me by all the above-named individuals including others that have contributed to my research made the journey of this study especially enjoyable and memorable. INTRODUCTION This thesis "The Planning and Negotiation Process: its Contribution to Concord Pacific Place" is the product of an interdisciplinary research approach combining history, ethnographic strategies of site observation and participant interviews and study of contemporary planning discourse initiated in the 1980s. Urban design was originally part of this interdisciplinary study. As I began my research, it became apparent that this topic has already been discussed and reviewed by various academic commentators as well as professionals in the architectural field. This led me to take a step back and question: How were decisions made to determine the right mix of urban design for this research model? This also led me to shift my research focus to examine the planning and negotiation process that had been applied toward the creation of this research model, Concord Pacific Place. A chronology of the events and decisions that were pivotal to the False Creek North/Concord Pacific Place development was traced. The various constituents and players involved in the process were identified. Based on the findings, evaluations were made on Concord Pacific Place and the attribution of agency and responsibility for its present day form. The various tools that were deployed in sourcing and delivering information include reviewing historical documents and e-articles, interviewing, mapping, secondary readings, and site analysis. The main part of the research journey was to take an in-depth look at the inception of this particular development and to unfold the story of its role in introducing high-density habitat to the City of Vancouver. The journey began by taking an overview of the characteristics of the city, the history of land transformation in Vancouver, as well as the political environment and players that were responsible for shaping the direction of city planning just prior to and during the development of Concord Pacific Place. During the course of researching information on the political environment and events that preceded this development, it became clear that the City of Vancouver could have turned out to be quite different if certain events had not taken place. Another way of saying this is that the city is what it is today because of certain decisions that were made and also as a result of certain policies that were put in place that found their 1 expression in Concord Pacific Place. Vancouver has been recognized as the youngest North American city that has fully embraced urban living with its tall condominium towers and high residential density. In fact, the city's reputation has created a new architectural term: "Vancouverism," 1 a type of urbanism involving high-residential density and diverse public amenities in the central city. This city's emerging waterfront redevelopments have been popular sources of case studies for various city planners, and for developers and architects from neighbouring West Coast cities to as far away as the city of Dubai in the United Arab Emirates 2 (see Appendices Item 1). Much attention has been drawn to the transformation of Vancouver's waterfront in the past three decades. Vancouver's waterfront has also been cited as setting a precedent as a world model for waterfront urbanization specifically and more generally as a prototype for leading edge urban design. Concord Pacific Place, a waterfront redevelopment project along the north shore of False Creek, has shared much of this global recognition for its leading edge urban design over the past decade. This waterfront project has received recognition for bringing high-density habitat to downtown living in Vancouver, and for creating a neighbourhood that supports a mixed use of residential and retail components at a human scale. It also played a role in being the catalyst for other urban residential developments, in particular those in the nearby Yaletown and Downtown South neighbourhoods, 3 all initiated during the past 15 years. Various articles and write-ups offering an overview of Vancouver's Concord Pacific Place in recent years include the intermittent commentary by architectural critic and journalist Trevor Boddy and several e-joumal references. There have also been recent publications in which Concord Pacific is mentioned as part of a larger survey of architectural and planning developments in the city. Lance Berelowitz's Dream City (2005) brings together the many secondary sources on specific aspects of the city's planning and architectural history into one, 2 often personalized, account. David Punter's more archive-based study, The Vancouver Achievement (2003), provides a well-researched account of recent planning developments in the city as well as the history and evolution of the city's planning policies. Donald Gutstein's slightly older 1990 The New Landlords, traces the history of post World War Two Asian investment in Vancouver real estate as part of a more general pattern across Canada. Mike Harcourt's very recent City Making in Paradise (2007), recounts his experience as a participant in the urban planning debate prior to and while holding public office as Mayor of the city (1980-1986) and as Premier of the province (1991-1996). My own study, however, differs from these contemporary works in that first it is focused specifically on this singular development and in that it seeks to understand the planning and development of Concord Pacific Place from the perspective of the key participants and players who guided the process. My association with the Concord Pacific Place development commenced in 1997 when I began working for its developer Concord Pacific Group Inc. (formerly Concord Pacific Developments Corp.). I developed great interest in this development during my nine-year tenure with Concord Pacific and later gained more intimate knowledge about Concord Pacific Place when I became a resident at one of its development projects in early 2004. I have witnessed the changes within this development and developed a fondness for living at the waterfront neighbourhood complemented with open parks, seawall walkways, retail hub, school and community centre. I have also had the pleasure of speaking to other local residents who offered their perspectives on living at Concord Pacific Place. My personal experience and association with this development led me to a passionate journey to study the planning and negotiation process which aimed to achieve a balance between public interests (represented by the City and Province) and private interests (represented by the Developer) within the context of waterfront urbanization. Owing to my former association with Concord Pacific, I was able to obtain certain information from the developer that was not publicly available and, with its consent, to incorporate the material into my thesis. 3 The main sources of first-hand information derived from the different perspectives of Stanley Kwok, Matt Meehan, Gordon Price, and Larry Beasley. Stanley Kwok, with a long and successful history as an architect and the master-mind behind the Concord Pacific Place development project, provided an account of the early development of the project from the perspective of a developer and also from the perspective of a government official gained from his prior experience with B.C. Place Corporation. Matt Meehan has been with Concord Pacific for more than 15 years and in his current capacity as Vice-President Planning furnished information from the perspective of the developer. Gordon Price, a former councilor of City of Vancouver and currently the Director of The City Program at Simon Fraser University as well as an adjunct professor in the School of Community and Regional Planning at University of British Columbia, contributed his input based on his knowledge of the Concord Pacific project and his academic involvement in North American urban and civic issues. There was also input from Larry Beasley, former Co- director of Planning of City of Vancouver who was the key member from City Planning overseeing the development project from the early stage until 2006. This research began with a question about the global interest in and recognition of Vancouver's waterfront redevelopment: What accounts for the success attributed to Concord Pacific Place, a significant reference point in this recognition? Since the 1990s, Vancouver has secured a global reputation as one of the best-planned and most livable of North American cities, delivering a high standard of design quality in its residential development and neighbourhood planning among planners, municipal officials and city mayors as well as in the tourist and popular press. The currency of Vancouver's planning is revealed by the numerous websites that refer to it. In this laudatory press, the positive influence of Larry Beasley is widely recognized, particularly in his previous role as a city planner (1979 to 2006) as well as by his contributions to capturing certain awards and recognition for the city's urban renewal development. However, the initiative to enhance livability through good planning practice was spearheaded around 1974 by the TEAM city council under the direction of Ray Spaxman, Director of City Planning (1974 to 1989). Nevertheless, recognition of the reformed planning approach and various initiatives that were part 4 of the foundation laid down by Spaxman did not materialize until much later in the early 1990s under the direction of Larry Beasley. City Planning's vision and the "living first" strategy formulated between the late 1980s and early 1990s have been credited with being the guiding force behind the inner city renewal as well as the False Creek North/Concord Pacific Place waterfront redevelopment. In "Housing: South by Northwest: Vancouver Sets the Tone for U.S. downtowns,"4 Peter Mithram emphasizes that numerous enquiries were placed by other North American municipal leaders to Larry Beasley's office when he was in charge of central area planning. These other cities were eager to emulate Vancouver's urban renewal model that was carried out under Beasley's guidance since the early 1990s. In Beasley's account, local precedent resides in the efforts to reject freeways cutting through the city, an incursion that was common in other North American cities, and efforts to counter urban flight to suburban malls in the 1960s. Apart from my own experience that has led me to conclude that Concord Pacific Place is a success in terms of re-inventing high-density living in the downtown peninsula, there have also been professional recognitions from other establishments. Vancouver's Living First Strategy for Inner City Growth and Revitalization through the Central Area Plan (established in 1991) was one of five recipients of a Charter Award from the Congress for the New Urbanism 5 in the category of "The Region: Metropolis, City, and Town." Winners of the Charter Awards are recognized for their excellence in designs that contribute to their built and natural environments. This award was granted in 2006 to the City of Vancouver on the basis of the Living First Strategy's achievement in advancing and fulfilling the design and planning principles of the Charter of the New Urbanism. On the other side of the coin are the criticisms that New Urbanism is merely a set of ideas and assumptions for better quality living and has not truly delivered what it has set out to accomplish or alleviated all the problems that had been addressed. 6 5 The Waterfront Centre' in Washington, DC awarded the City of Vancouver in conjunction with Concord Pacific Group Inc. the 2004 Project Honor Award for the planning and design treatment implemented along the water's edge at False Creek North/Concord Pacific Place. While specific Concord Pacific areas were cited (Beach Crescent, Marina Crescent, and Roundhouse neighbourhoods), it was especially noted by the Waterfront Centre that the inviting shoreline treatment allowed total public access and interaction with the water's edge in this particular waterfront project. Beasley's critical acclaim, the Charter of New Urbanism Award for City Planning accomplishment and the Waterfront Project Honor Award for specific developer initiatives suggest that the success of Concord Pacific Place is dependent on and recognized within both municipal and development communities. Although the above achievements credited the City for its excellence in urban planning and placed the City and the Concord Pacific project on the global stage in recent years, it was through the information gathering process of this thesis that a crucial revelation was made, linking the guiding force behind the master-planning of the False Creek North/Concord Pacific Place development to the Livable Region Plan originated in the 1970s. This guiding force aided by the adoption of the cooperative planning approach in the early 1980s essentially paved the road for the urban renewal of the former Expo land and deserve proper recognition. The discovery of this knowledge is documented in Chapter One of this paper. While reviewing the 1990 False Creek North Official Development Plan (FCN ODP), further discoveries were made during the examination of the planning principles that were established for the overall development of that area. These discoveries surfaced as interviews were conducted and valuable first-hand information was gathered from different key players whose thoughts and opinions culminated in the actual transformation of the former, disused industrial lands into a master-planned residential neighbourhood. Although the review pertained mainly to the development of Concord Pacific Place, it also comments on its neighbour International Village, which is part of the False Creek North redevelopment scheme under the FCN ODP. 6 CHAPTER ONE: the historical context Overview of Characteristics of City of Vancouver Vancouver is a post-industrial city.8 It is also known to the global community as a spectacular city perched in a beautiful setting of mountains and bodies of water. In the summer, people often engage in outdoor activities at the local parks and beaches and resort to skiing and snowboarding at the nearby mountains during the winter season. Vancouver is a lively place that celebrates and embraces the diversity of the individuals' cultural and religious backgrounds, lifestyles, and influences. These distinctive characteristics, along with the relatively mild weather and natural setting have, for many decades, attracted a steady flow of people from other parts of Canada and other countries to settle in this city. The city is not immune to the common social problems that are being experienced in other North American cities. It has been an ongoing effort for city council to attempt to find solutions to the homelessness issues, crime and drug-related activities which are especially more noticeable in the Downtown Eastside, in relative close proximity to Concord Pacific Place. In 2007 Vancouver ranked first as the most livable city for the fifth year in a row, in a survey by the Economist magazine. 9 One of the reasons for Vancouver's status as one of the most livable and sustainable cities in North America is credited to a lower level of vehicle usage than average in North America and therefore a lower level of fumes and CO2 emission to the environment. Studies in the early 1990s indicate greater transit trips per person in Vancouver than in other large American cities (117 to 63). As well, Greater Vancouver's car use and road infrastructure provision are both 25% below the US city average. Vancouver is also unusual in that, unlike other major North American cities, it does not have a freeway cutting through its inner city. Perhaps as a consequence of this, as Gordon Price argues in his recent (July 4, 2006) web article that people will choose to walk instead of driving or taking the transit whenever it is practical within the downtown peninsula. This has been the pattern for the past decade, revealed by a recent study that while car use has been reduced, pedestrian traffic has actually 7 doubled, and transit use has stayed unchanged — all owing to the indication that there is a right mix of transportation choice, density and proximity. 1° The City also promotes densification in the inner city by developing mixed-use neighbourhoods and different types of housing in the downtown peninsula and surrounding areas to keep people from spreading out to the suburbs. This is accomplished by creating a vibrant place for people to live and work with easy access to public amenities, shops and services. The city also fosters the theory of integration and inclusion of people of all income levels and encourages development of green buildings. Significant high-rise living in Vancouver has been around since the 1950s, primarily mid-size blocks and point towers in the West End and scattered in designated sites outside the core. Most of the vacant land (about 44 square miles) in the inner city had already been built out by mid 1970s, much of it consisting of high-rise residential and a core of office buildings with some light industrial to the east. As land availability is quite limited due to the city's geographic location — on a peninsula surrounded by mountains and water - the City favoured tall towers over suburban expansion to accommodate the growing population. An economic recession and a drop in population in most neighbourhoods during the early 1980s, followed by a housing shortage and surge in house prices resulted in the mid 1980s, created political pressure on City Hall to remedy the situation. This encouraged, by the late 1980s, the return of tall towers in the form of high-rise condominiums. By 1986, an oversupply of office towers coincided with needs to revitalize the downtown core and led to a strategy to transform disused industrial infrastructure and lands into residential neighbourhoods. It was during this time that the vocabulary "megaproject" associated with residential redevelopment, gained currency in Vancouver. 11 According to the 2006 census (see Appendices Item 2), population density in the downtown peninsula, as high as 20,000 people per square kilometre, ranks third highest after New York City and San Francisco among North American cities. The population of the downtown core peninsula almost doubled between 1986 and 2005, to 85,000 from 43,000. According to Concord Pacific's estimate, the population at Concord Pacific Place at the end of 2005 was approximately 8 7875 (4500 units x 1.75 persons), and added approximately 19% to the population increase in the downtown peninsula over a 13 year period. Much, although not all, of this population increase could be attributed to an increase in immigrants from Hong Kong prior to the handover to China in 1997. Many of these Hong Kong immigrants bought properties at Concord Pacific Place in part because of their strong association with the Hong Kong tycoon, Li Ka-Shing. 12 They have contributed to the cultural diversity of Vancouver. The population at Concord Pacific Place as of spring 2007 is estimated to be 9100 (5200 units x 1.75 persons). According to City planners, it is estimated that the downtown population in Vancouver will reach over 120,000 people by 2030. History and Transformation of Lands The site for Concord Pacific Place was initially determined by a land grant given to the Canadian Pacific Railway, which preceded Vancouver's incorporation in 1886. The land grant included the north shore of False Creek between Granville Bridge and Quebec Street (bordering today's downtown peninsula). Railway tracks, sawmills and machine repair shops were built on this piece of land to support the lumber industry and to service railcars and machinery. In the absence of a planning policy, the area was surveyed by Royal Engineers, divided into district lots and disposed of as land grants or preemptions. Further subdivision by the new owners and Canadian Pacific Railway of these lots created the grid of the city in later years. 13 After two decades of decay resulting from changing technologies, in the mid-1970s the City proposed to develop residential projects such as townhouses and apartments on this piece of industrial wasteland, which was owned by Marathon Realty, the real estate arm of Canadian Pacific Railway. However, the proposal was not carried out because negotiations between the City and Marathon broke down when Marathon refused to provide one-third of the residential space for subsidized housing to be sold to low-income buyers at non-market rates." The Province and the City had attempted to seek other development options for the site but failed to come to a mutual agreement over development proposals. The land remained in its disused state until quite a few years later the land was chosen to house the Expo 86 event. 15 9 Expo 86 Although Expo 86 is important in establishing the physical dimensions of the future Concord Pacific Place, it is also important in identifying a planning procedure that was in place prior to Concord Pacific's development and which was different in its process and results. In the mid 1970s the BC provincial government envisioned a project in the downtown area that incorporated four objectives: 16 a sports stadium (bringing the stadium to a downtown location); Transpo (which later became Expo 86); a rapid transit system ( to link up the Expo site with Canada Place and to bring people to the downtown area); some kind of development after Expo 86. An international transportation fair known as Transpo 86 (later renamed as Expo 86) was proposed in 1978 by Sam Bawlf, provincial minister for recreation and conservation for Vancouver's centennial celebration, which not only marked the founding of the city but also the arrival of the first passenger Canadian Pacific train on the Pacific coast. 17 The province acquired the 71-hectare land in the False Creek North site from Marathon Realty in 1979 to host the event. Gordon Campbell, as Marathon's project manager, negotiated with the Province and secured a deal in which the Province paid out $30 million plus a portion of the Vancouver downtown real estate property that was worth an equivalent value. Two pieces of prominent downtown properties were included in the deal - the property on Alberni and West Georgia where the Shangri-La hotel/condo project is being built and the property on Bute and West Georgia, home to the Residences on Georgia condo development." The $60 million package also included the ownership of the tunnel that was already in place between Stadium Station and Waterfront Station in the downtown area." A formal application was submitted to the Bureau International des Expositions in Paris (BIE) in June 1979 and was approved by the BIE in November 1980. Before the application was formally approved, Premier Bill Bennett (1975-1986) of the Social Credit Party announced in January 1980 that he had a much bigger vision for the fair and the site. His vision was to build a great meeting place for all British Columbians that was to be called British Columbia Place (later renamed as BC Place). The site of the future BC Place would be home to a new sports stadium and a World's Fair (Expo 86). After Expo 86, the provincial land 10 would be sold in parcels in accordance with a master-plan to different developers " to build some 10,000 new homes and to allocate 700,000 square metres for office space on the False Creek North site. 21 This site would be serviced by a brand new rapid-transit system between the central business district in Vancouver, the World's Fair site, and the suburbs. 22 B.C. Place Corporation (a Crown Corporation established by the Province of B.C.) was established in May 1980 to oversee the execution of B.C. Place and to override interference from the municipal level. In this scenario, the Province took on the role of the developer whereas the City acted as the regulator. This brought on a great deal of friction between the two governments during their negotiation process over the next few years as each held a different view of the development of B.C. Place. The Province wanted to incorporate high-density residential homes into the development with a 15 percent provision for non-profit housing, whereas the City wanted to adopt a low-density family-oriented residential development that would support a larger percentage of social housing, instead of creating an "executive ghetto," as Mike Harcourt, mayor at the time, suggested would happen. 23 The concept plan and development objectives for B.C. Place were debated between the Province and the City at great length and the project sat in limbo because the two governments were far apart in meeting their respective goals. The Province wanted to pursue profits with some opportunity to achieve public goals, whereas city council wanted to pursue public goals with some opportunity to make profit. 24 After reviewing a series of unsuccessful development proposals and plans by five different architectural companies, each responsible for preparing a proposal for certain sections of the B.C. Place site, Alvin Narod, chairman of B.C. Place Corporation, proposed in June 1982 to commission architects Arthur Erickson of Vancouver and Rodney Friedman of San Francisco to create an overview of the 80-hectare site. This idea was endorsed by Dan Comejo, Senior City Planner, and involved a concept plan that positioned B.C. Place as the centre with the city surrounding it, instead of dividing up the site into five local areas. 25 However, the design concept was never formally approved by the City. Stanley Kwok, a highly respected and well-known local 1 1 architect who played a significant role behind the scene in the development of B.C. Place and Expo 86, was one of the board of directors of B.C. Place Corporation when it was first established. He later became the president of B.C. Place in 1983, when approached by Jim Pattison who had replaced Alvin Narod as the chairman of B.C. Place Corporation, with a mandate to create the master-planned development for the B.C. Place site? Expo 86 (see Appendices Item 3 for the official site map) left several material artifacts, B.C. Place, the Plaza of Nations, the Roundhouse and the Expo Centre (currently Science World). The planning of the Expo site also initiated a reworking of the planning process for large scale projects in the city. North Park Project Instead of tackling a master plan for the entire site, Kwok wanted to create a master plan for a site encompassing 75 acres of land east of the B.C. Stadium (including Areas 6C, 7, 8 and 9 under the present False Creek North ODP — see Appendices Item 21). This later became the North Park project (see Appendices Item 4). Kwok wanted to ensure that the planning and negotiation process for this project would not be hindered by any unnecessary tensions and conflicts between the Province and the City, as evidenced in the earlier negotiations between the two governments for the B.C. Place development. Prior to commencing work on the North Park master plan, Kwok approached Mayor Harcourt and obtained his approval to adopt a cooperative planning approach and participatory process for this particular project. Kwok hired architect Barry Downs to work on the master plan along with Ray Spaxman from the City as well as two other individuals, Johnny Carline (current Chief Administrative Officer of the Metro Vancouver) and Joseph Hruda (current principal of CIVITAS Urban Design & Planning Inc. and CIVITAS Architecture Inc.), who were hired by Spaxman for this particular project. The master plan was created in accordance with the guidelines under The Livable Region Plan (see Appendices Item 5) conceived in the 1970s under the direction of the Metro Vancouver (formally Greater Vancouver Regional District). The master plan won unanimous approval from City council in April 1986. 27 12 Under the North Park master plan proposal, it was Kwok's intention to bridge the gap between Chinatown, Gastown and downtown, and in particular to bring Chinatown closer to downtown. Density for this development was to be based on livability — to maximize density without compromising the amount of space allocated for parks or encroaching on the view corridor. This master plan was formally approved by the City for the future development of B.C. Place after Expo 86. This development project was shelved when the Province, headed by a new premier, decided to sell the entire Expo site in one big parcel to a single developer when the event ended. Land Acquisition of Former Site of Expo 86 When Expo 86 ended, the provincial government, headed by Premier Bill Vander Zalm at that time, decided that it would sell the land in one entire piece, instead of several parcels, by requesting bids from international buyers who would be interested in redeveloping the land and transforming it into a mixed use residential community. The province wished to sell the land instead of redeveloping it mainly because the province was not in a position to finance the redevelopment on such a massive scale. 28 The process of finding the right buyer took a year and a half. Proposals were submitted by two bidders. The successful bidder in the sale of the entire former Expo site was Li Ka-Shing, a Hong Kong business tycoon, along with a few of his business partners from Hong Kong who were minority shareholders. The sale was quite controversial at the time and remains a very interesting part of B.C.'s history. 29 The sale of the site to Li Ka-Shing in 1988 was controversial because the entire site was sold to one offshore developer who had no prior development history in Canada, although he had been involved in property ownership in the West End and Vancouver downtown core.3° Secondly, the site's original price tag was allegedly $320 million. After discounting certain concessions, the net sale price ended up being around $145 million only, in one lump sum payment — an amount that some of the local citizens thought, on hindsight, was a steal as the property value of the site rose 13 to more than $1 billion by 1990. 31 In addition, the province had to spend tens of millions of dollars on cleaning up the site contamination. From the developer's point of view, Li Ka-Shing and his son Victor Li took a gamble in acquiring such a massive piece of land in 1987. The Vancouver real estate market had bottomed out just before the mid 1980s, although it was starting to show recovery at the time the bid for the land was tendered. Li and his associates had no prior business dealings in real estate development with the local governments and could not foresee what type of relationship they would be able to build with government officials. 32 In addition, there was no clear direction on how this piece of land would be developed as zoning was not in place. The developer made a calculated risk in the acquisition of the site based on Li Ka-Shing's foresight that the Vancouver real estate market would have a healthy rebound and also his confidence in transforming the waterfront land into a coveted high-density residential development. The potential rise in the future value of the former Expo site was already accounted for in the purchase price. 33 Li's bid came in as the most attractive offer. The province recognized the advantage of selling the entire piece of land to just one developer instead of breaking it up into different pieces, as it would be extremely difficult to negotiate successfully with multiple developers to come to a unilateral agreement on the infrastructure of the site. Li had the financial backing and the know- how to get the job done as he was a highly respected business leader and real estate tycoon in Hong Kong and other parts of Asia. The provincial government also recognized the fact that Li was internationally well connected and would attract foreign investors from Asia to invest in B.C. 34 In addition, Li already had some exposure to the real estate market in Vancouver prior to the purchase of the Expo land when he first stepped foot in the West End by acquiring the 28-storey Sunset Plaza among other properties in the late 1960s. 35 Stanley Kwok left B.C. Place Corporation when the former Expo land was up for sale. Victor Li, son of Li Ka-Shing, who was impressed with Kwok's credentials and his previous involvement 14 with the B.C. Place Corporation, approached Kwok in 1987 to join Concord Pacific Developments Corp. (later renamed as Concord Pacific Group Inc.) in the capacity of senior vice-president to establish the company. Kwok was also given the task of creating the master plan for the Concord Pacific Place site for the bid, replicating the North Park plan concept. Concord Pacific Developments Corporation projected that this land sale would require over $3 billion to develop. The spin-off benefit to the local economy that would be generated by this new development was estimated by the developer to be around $9 billion. This includes the enormous amount of property tax revenue to be collected from the developer for the land, business tax revenue from the business operators, and property taxes from thousands of homeowners. 36 The various elements that were collectively crucial to the delivery of this master-planned urban development included the political and economic environment, influences from certain key players, and the planning process that was already in place at the time - a process that was developed and reformed over time as a result of various political influences and certain policy changes within the city planning department. The reform of the planning process brought on by the TEAM council in the early 1970s included public participation and the introduction of the discretionary regulatory system that became an integral part of the negotiation process between Concord Pacific, City Planning, and citizens of Vancouver for the Concord Pacific Place development. These elements will be elaborated in the discussion to follow. Political Environment in Vancouver The planning process used in Vancouver, which depended upon negotiation between the City and developers with significant public involvement, was the result of a decades-long history. In 1953, the Vancouver Charter, granted by the province of BC, was established to give the City of Vancouver a higher level of self-government than other cities in BC or other provinces. This has allowed the City and its planning department to deal with local development issues directly and in 15 a timely manner. In general, the council works with policies and gives approvals on design guidelines, plans and rezoning while leaving the decision-making to the director of planning on development permissions and daily planning operations. 37 In 1953 and until 1972 this meant that decision making power was in the hands of the pro- business NPA (Non-Partisan Association, 1936-72) which did not allow public participation to interfere with its decision-making. NPA succumbed to the defeat of the freeway proposal in 1972 and was replaced by TEAM, The Electors Action Movement, and an activist city council took control of the City of Vancouver between 1972 and 1980: it endorsed a participatory and inclusive approach to the planning process. Recognition should be given to the TEAM council for its role in changing the direction of planning practice by establishing the discretionary control process (see explanation on page 36) that has been effectively used by its planning department, and which set a precedent that was built upon in the development of Concord Pacific Place. Mike Harcourt started his political career in 1972 as an alderman of the TEAM council, which shifted the direction of the City of Vancouver toward one that favored transit and pedestrian- friendly neighbourhoods. This new council actively advocated and facilitated high-density redevelopment around the city such as along False Creek and Granville Island. He became the mayor of Vancouver from 1980 to 1986 and was very much involved in the undertaking of Expo 86. During the time that Harcourt was the mayor of Vancouver, the relationship between the City and the Province (under the Social Credit Party) was quite strained. This was very evident in the constant debates that the two governments were having over the future development proposals for B.C. Place in the early 1980s. The City felt that B.C. Place provincial officials, while very professional, were dominant over them because they held the higher power. The Province in return criticized the City officials of not understanding market economics or the Province's mandate. 38 Harcourt was credited with adopting a cooperative planning approach and participatory process (initiated by Stanley Kwok of B.C. Place Corporation which introduced the development industry to the governmental negotiants) for the North Park project, which set the 16 precedent in promoting a collaborative working relationship between the provincial and municipal governments in the early 1980s. In 1986 Gordon Campbell of the NPA (Non-Partisan Association) party replaced Harcourt as mayor of Vancouver and held this position until 1993. Campbell had a strong background in the development industry from his early days working for Marathon Realty and held a personal interest in planning and development. During his tenure as mayor the political power shifted to the urban middle class that was heavily concentrated in the west side of Vancouver.39 More attention was also diverted to developing and promoting the business sector. This was beneficial to Concord Pacific as Campbell was very knowledgeable and supportive because of his previous real estate development background. Campbell also endorsed the cooperative planning approach and the participatory process that were carried over from his predecessor Mayor Harcourt. In 1993, Philip Owen became the mayor of Vancouver, following Gordon Campbell. He and his NPA council dominated until 2003. Owen was also quite engaged in working alongside City Planning over the development projects at False Creek North. In 1997, city council and B.C. Housing formed a partnership in building 300 new social housing units in downtown Vancouver. This included the 88-unit non-market housing project that was built at Concord Pacific Place, south of Pacific Boulevard at the corner of Nelson Street. The purchase of the former Expo land by the Asian developer in the late 1980s marked a highly visible if not new form of globalization to the City of Vancouver. The city was pressured to face the challenges brought on by the influx of immigrants and investors from Asia, the demand for more residential developments and infrastructures, and public resistance to potential neighbourhood changes. During the first few years when Gordon Campbell was the mayor of Vancouver, he often clashed with Ray Spaxman, City's planning director. When Spaxman resigned in 1989, his position was temporarily filled by Tom Fletcher and then remained vacant 17 until 1994 when Larry Beasley and Ann McAfee became co-directors of planning. Beasley also assumed the role as director of Central Area Planning while McAfee attended to policy and citywide planning. The mayor and the new planning team engineered the development changes that were brought to the False Creek North waterfront neighbourhood during the 1990s era. In summary, the team of key players from the City that was responsible for spearheading the initial stages of Concord Pacific Place included Mayor Mike Harcourt, Mayor Gordon Campbell, Ray Spaxman and Larry Beasley. The foundation of current city planning policies was very much the vision and effort of the TEAM council when it was in power between 1972 and 1980. Mayor Harcourt, who was formerly with TEAM and an advocate for sustainable city planning, endorsed a collaborative working approach which was later embraced by Mayor Campbell and the City staff as they began to develop a working relationship with the developer of Concord Pacific Place and paved the way for a 20-year long collaboration between the City and Concord Pacific that would produce the Concord Pacific Place Waterfront development. Transformation of the West End There is one insightful precedent for the development of high-rise living in Vancouver. High- density living in Vancouver originated in the West End community more than five decades ago. It was cultivated through a series of apartment projects built by different developers in this area from the early 1950s. This initial residential development was followed by the construction of amenities such as the Vancouver Aquatic Centre (opened in 1974) and the West End Community Centre (opened in 1976), which were funded and built by the Vancouver Park Board. 4° Back then, incentives were not offered by the City to the developers to participate in the funding of these public amenities in exchange for certain development privileges. It was important for this study to understand the planning and development history of this particular community as it led the City to take on a strong interventionist role in the later development of this community around the 1980s, to ensure that home ownership and rental accommodation remain affordable.'" As a result of certain zoning restrictions on redevelopment and further densification imposed by the City on 18 development in the West End, the location of high-density living was later shifted to the False Creek North site and led to the megaproject known as Concord Pacific Place. Specific research findings pertaining to the above are detailed under Appendices Item 6. In essence, the City's intervention in the West End development pattern created an opportunity for a new mega-residential development to take place at the False Creek North sitefformer Expo land as part of the City's densification program in the downtown peninsula. The scarcity of new housing stock coinciding with the influx of new immigrants from Asia produced the perfect formula to push house prices up, making it more lucrative for the developer. This was especially so with a brand new development such as Concord Pacific Place owing to its global connections with Hong Kong. It was a positive direction from the City's standpoint for densification to take place at the former Expo site. Contrary to common beliefs from the press and various write-ups that the small-sized condos were built to suit the demand of these Asian immigrants who were accustomed to living in small spaces, these affluent new immigrants had the intention and ability to purchase large-sized homes at the Concord development. Smaller condo units were included to ensure affordability among the local buyers. To gain public approval on its new development plan, a lengthy public participatory process was required in order to achieve private and public objectives. As mentioned earlier, Li Ka-Shing had first invested in Vancouver with his purchase of the 28- storey Sunset Plaza in the West End among other properties in the late 1960s. His investment portfolio later expanded to include real estate development by acquiring the Expo site in 1988, at which time Vancouver was experiencing the intensity of globalization. Globalization of Vancouver Vancouver experienced a strong wave of globalization during the early 1980s when new immigrants from Hong Kong started to pour in. The Canadian federal and BC governments opened their doors to attract and welcome the affluent and highly educated immigrants from 19 Hong Kong. Special programs were offered to entice immigrants who were entrepreneurs with large amounts of investment capital to set up businesses in Canada and BC. A large portion of the foreign capital was injected into the Vancouver local real estate market. It was estimated by Employment and Immigration Canada in 1989 that most of the nearly $1.5 billion dollars in capital flow that was brought into BC from Hong Kong in 1988 ended up in the City of Vancouver. Officials from the banking and immigration consulting industries estimated that the capital flow from Hong Kong to Canada was more likely $6 billion annually between late 1980s and early 1990s, and about one third of these funds were injected into the BC economy. 42 ^init ial success of Concord Pacific Place in the early 1990s can be in large part be attributed to the wealth that was brought to Vancouver by affluent Asian immigrants, especially those from Hong Kong. In 1992 under the direction of Concord Pacific's president Victor Li, son of Li Ka-Shing, Hong Kong's richest tycoon and icon to Hong Kong's 6 millions plus citizens, the first condo project at Concord Pacific Place was pre-sold in Vancouver and Hong Kong simultaneously at the developer's presentation centres in both cities. Buyers made their selections based on viewing mock-up display suites, models of the towers, and a model of the overall project site in relation to the Vancouver downtown peninsula. The project was quickly sold out due to strong demand from Hong Kong as well as Taiwanese investors and immigrants. The overseas Chinese bought into this project because of their general confidence in Li Ka-Shing. Li Ka-Shing was no doubt attracted to developing False Creek North, and willing to negotiate in anticipation of Asian interest and consequent profits, because of certain attractions the development would have for Asians. Its position along the water's edge of False Creek is a desirable "feng shui" feature. Also, the close proximity of the developments site to Chinatown was an attractive feature to the new Asian homeowners of this development. The importance of this proximity is evident in the early inception of the master plan for Concord Pacific Place, where 20 it had been Stanley Kwok's intention to link up the False Creek North site with Chinatown to promote traffic between the two neighbourhoods. 43 Connection with Chinatown A portion of the False Creek North site that was originally purchased by Li Ka-Shing and his partners was sold to one of the minority shareholders, Henderson Development (Canada) Ltd., in the early 1990s. This site, Area 8, or International Village, is located just a couple of blocks west of Chinatown. Prior to the sale, and as part of the master-planned neighbourhood of False Creek North/Concord Pacific Place in the late 1980s, Stanley Kwok had wanted to extend the new development to Chinatown in the hope of stimulating and revitalizing economic growth in Chinatown. This idea originated with Stanley Kwok's proposal for North Park (in Area 8) while he was at BC Place Corporation, just before Expo 86 took place. This was in response to the Chinatown business community who had attempted to revitalize its local economy by tapping into the Expo 86 event." The Chinatown community was very disappointed that a planned Expo fairground did not materialize, as it was hoping that this would generate business in its community and boost the local economy. In response to the disgruntled Chinatown community and the Chinatown Business Association who voiced their concern over this decision, Kwok decided to develop the North Park site concept to bridge the gap between Chinatown and its neighbour in Area 8, then the current home to Henderson Development's International Village. International Village was intended to be the pivotal point in bridging the gap. The vision of bringing Chinatown closer to its neighbours was not Kwok's alone. This vision was part of the bigger picture envisioned by City Planning in which all the neighbourhoods would eventually be linked together. Chinatown is viewed as an important community within the city fabric. This community is rich in culture and heritage and is a popular tourist attraction district that is frequented by not only out-of-town visitors but also the locals. Much effort from the City 21 has been poured into the revitalization of this community since 1999 under the Chinatown Revitalization Program. 45 Although Kwok's original idea of bridging the gap between Chinatown and False Creek North was not executed in the early years of Concord Pacific Place's development, it is now slowly becoming a reality. 46 It has also been the City's vision to join up new neighbourhoods with the old, to bring different neighbourhoods closer together to help stimulate and maintain economic and social vibrancy in these neighbourhoods by encouraging an interchange of human activities and vitality. The vision linking False Creek North and Chinatown together would have been very difficult to achieve had it not been for the defeat of the freeway proposal that would have destroyed the Chinatown community in the 1950s and 60s. It was recognized at the time that it was important to preserve and develop Chinatown as a business and tourist attraction district and that Chinatown could not survive without its residential community close by.47 This battle made a huge impact on planning policy in which inclusion of public and private citizens in the participatory process was an integral element that was practised throughout the planning process of Concord Pacific's urban renewal project at False Creek North. It was the open dialogue and invitation for input from the public and private citizens that had prevented any unnecessary tensions or clashes that could have jeopardized the project. 22 CHAPTER TWO: Concord Pacific Place The precedents of high-rise living and development in Vancouver and the negotiation, collaborative planning process advocated from the 1970s and refined through the 1980s and subsequently have their material and social manifestation in Concord Pacific Place. The False Creek North waterfront redevelopment Concord Pacific Place comprises 204-acres stretching from the east side of the Granville Bridge all the way to Science World on Quebec Street on the north side of False Creek (see Appendices Item 7 for site boundary). The 204 acres of Concord Pacific Place are made up of 166 acres of land and 38 acres of water. Approximately 44%, or 91 acres, of land is allotted to mixed use of residential development (residential homes in the form of condominium units as well as townhomes) and commercial space (approximately 2.5 million square feet of commercial and retail space), 30%, or 61 acres, to landscaping, open space and parks. The 61 acres of land also encompasses the 3-kilometer seawall walkway framing the water's edge of this development, connecting the walkway to Science World at one end and English Bay/Stanley Park at the other. This megaproject, started in the late 1980s, is expected to be fully completed a few years after 2010. Included in the master plan for Concord Pacific Place are a total of seven neighbourhoods (see Appendices Item 8) to house approximately 9,100 units with about 15,000 people. The entire site will be roughly 65% built out by the end of 2007 (as per Concord Pacific's estimates). The number of units could be increased to include another 3900 units depending on the City's willingness to rezone four sites within the False Creek North area. Demographics It was the City's vision that this urban development would be home to people of a diverse age group and different cultural, socio-economic and religious backgrounds. The diversity was part of the inclusion theory that the City had wanted to endorse and the developer had mutually agreed to embrace quite early on in the planning stage. 23 There are no statistics collected on Concord Pacific Place exclusively. To facilitate assessment on the inclusion of diversity within Concord Pacific Place, this study relied on the 2005 statistics collected for the Yaletown Business Improvement Area (see Appendices Item 9) which was applicable to a major portion of the buildout area of this development at that time. The Business Improvement Area boundary covers areas between Drake, Pacific Boulevard, Homer, Smithe, Hamilton, Robson, Beatty and Nelson Streets, Marinaside Crescent, and Expo Boulevard in the downtown peninsula. Within the BIA boundary is the historical district of Yaletown bounded by Nelson, Homer, Drake and Pacific Streets (see Appendices Item 10). According to 2005 Statistics Canada information, the Yaletown residential district is home to predominately 20 - 34 years old young professionals. There are more residents with British, Canadian and Southern European heritage than average for the rest of the city. The majority of the residents speak English; Chinese language came in second, followed by Spanish, Persian (Farsi), Serbian and Korean. The April 2006 report by Yaletown Business Improvement Association reveals that the Yaletown area is populated by 6,633 households (about 39% are families), approximately 11,600 residents, 940 businesses and 9,500 employees. This is indicative that the City has achieved its mandate for the area to accommodate a 25% mix of families as well as a mixed use of residential and commercial development. Household sizes in the area are smaller than the city and the Metro Vancouver average, with fewer married families and more common-law couples. The area is comprised almost completely of apartment/condominium residences (about 40% of the residents are renters), and as a result, there are significantly fewer homeowners than average for the City or Metro Vancouver. In comparison to the rest of the city, this area is home to a greater percentage of renters than average for the rest of the city. According to the information provided by the Yaletown Business Improvement Association, Yaletown residents have a higher education level than those at other parts of the city. About 83% 24 of the residents in Yaletown are graduates of post-secondary education, as compared with 68% of Vancouver and 66% of Metro Vancouver residents. This higher level of education also explains why the average household income level in Yaletown is actually higher than the rest of the city even though its average household size is smaller. The average household income level in Yaletown in 2001 was reportedly $63,020 as compared with $57,916 for Vancouver and $63,003 for the Metro Vancouver. Projected 2005 average income level is $70,870 for Yaletown, $64,889 for Vancouver, and $68,853 for Metro Vancouver. This figure does not appear to support the diversity in income level that the City had hoped to achieve. The explanation for this is perhaps that only a small percentage of people of a lower income bracket reside in this area because of insufficient non-market housing being built to-date. Public Amenities and Community Facilities A high return of public amenities and community facilities was the tangible reward sought by the City in its negotiations with the developer for the mega-scale development at Concord Pacific Place. Throughout the site, there are a number of playgrounds, promenades, public parks, sports courts and open spaces for the public's enjoyment. All year round, people take full advantage of the 3-km public seawall walk stretching between Granville Bridge and Science World. This continuous walkway is framed around the entire waterfront of Concord Pacific Place and is divided into two lanes separating pedestrian traffic from bicycles. In the summertime, people stroll, bike or rollerblade along the promenades. Children and pets are very much part of the scenery. There will be a collection of five main parks in total at False Creek North. Those already built include the Andy Livingstone Park (at International Village), Coopers Park (in Coopers Quay Neighbourhood), George Wainbom (in Beach Crescent Neighbourhood), and David Lam Park (between Beach Crescent Neighbourhood and Roundhouse Neighbourhood). With the exception of the Andy Livingstone Park, the other four parks are all located in the waterfront. Creekside Park (at Creekside Neighbourhood) will be the final one to be added to the collection. The 25 developer bears all the infrastructure costs of providing the land, labour and material to build parks, open space and roadways. The City then assumes the maintenance and other costs. The idea of incorporating parks and open space throughout the False Creek North/Concord Pacific Place site was proposed by Stanley Kwok and his team quite early on when the "lagoons" concept was being developed. The developer and the City negotiated over how much park space and open space would be allotted. In fact, Kwok pointed out that the developer eventually offered more park space than was originally required to compensate for the lack of park space that was allotted in the nearby Yaletown neighbourhood at that time. It was the City's mandate to link up these parks and the various neighbourhoods by way of a public walkway around the False Creek basin. This idea was fully embraced by the developer who equally shared in the belief that the waterfront was also for the public to enjoy. Therefore, the success of the public amenities at Concord Pacific Place was a combined effort by the City and the developer. The City also mandated that the community be supported by a number of public services and facilities: childcare centres, schools, public art, and community centre. Childcare Centres The City stipulates that 25% of the site at Concord Pacific Place must be allocated for families with children. As such, two childcare centres have been built by the developer to support the need for childcare. The developer is responsible for bearing all the costs (including land, construction, furniture, and $300,000 as supply subsidy for the first year of operation) for building the childcare facilities. The operation of these childcare centres, once they were completed, was handed over to the Vancouver Society for Children's Centres (under municipal jurisdiction). The Dorothy Lam Children's Centre, with a capacity to serve 69 children, was built next to David Lam Park in the Roundhouse Neighbourhood and was completed in September 1998. The Quayside Children's Centre, with a capacity to serve 49 children, was opened two years later and is located close to the Cambie Bridge area at Marina Crescent Neighbourhood It was agreed 26 between the City and the developer that the addition of a new childcare facility for a designated neighbourhood will take place only when that particular neighbourhood is completely built out. A third daycare facility in Area 1 Beach Crescent Neighbourhood will be added sometime in 2009 upon completion of the final market building in this neighbourhood (The Erickson). The fourth daycare facility is slated to be built in Area 8, International Village, upon completion of its final tower (Espana) sometime in 2009. Although provision was made for a total of eight childcare facilities in the July 2004 False Creek North ODP, the actual number of facilities could be less than eight as long as the amount of space provision is satisfied. The minimum space provision required a combined indoor area of between 3000 and 3500 square metres (or between 32,300 square feet and 37,700 square feet) and a combined outdoor area of between 2700 and 4400 square metres (or between 29,000 square feet and 47,400 square feet). Approximately 40% of the space provision has been satisfied. The balance of the remaining 60% is to be spread over the remaining two pending facilities in Area 1 and Area 8. At present, there is a very strong demand for more childcare facilities in the downtown peninsula. The two daycare centres at Concord Pacific Place provide services to residents not only from the False Creek North area but also to parents who work in the area or reside in other parts of the downtown core. The current waiting lists at the two daycare centres at Concord Pacific Place show a combined figure of over 1000 children that are still in need of daycare services. Schools The Elsie Roy Elementary School, with a capacity for 330 students, was built by the Province in the Roundhouse Neighbourhood and was completed in September 2004. The school has now reached its capacity and will likely have to disperse new students starting Fall 2008 to other schools outside the False Creek North catchment. The developer was responsible for the land provision for the school site only. The Province, under the Ministry of Education, was responsible for all other costs related to the construction and furnishing of the school. 27 The building of another elementary school with a capacity for 350 students is slated for Area 8, International Village, which is currently being developed by Henderson Development, Concord Pacific's next door neighbour, pending funding from the Province. This new school will occupy the air space parcel (which is owned by the City) above the parkade adjacent to one of the Firenze towers, and will be built up to the height of the 3-storey podium. According to the developer, Henderson, the timeline for this new school is presently unknown as the budget for it has not even been presented for approval by the Ministry of Education. 4° Some local residents have expressed concern regarding the lack of secondary schools in the downtown area, as presently there is only the King George Secondary School on Barclay and Denman Streets in the West End to accommodate the entire population in the downtown peninsula. It is anticipated that some of the students in the False Creek North and nearby areas would apply to cross over to the other schools as an option. This concern may very well have to do with the limited choice of school rather than the actual capacity that King George Secondary could hold. At the time the ODP for the False Creek North was developed, King George was considered adequate as its student population was declining (this could be attributed to parents' preference of sending their children to other schools with higher academic standings, as King George's overall academic ranking stood at 241 out of 291 schools according to the Fraser Institute's Report Card on Secondary School in British Columbia and Yukon for 2006). 5° The School Board envisioned that new developments in the downtown peninsula would help keep the school active, otherwise it might have to consider closing down the school and relocating the students elsewhere. However, the current 2007 enrollment shows that King George is almost at its full capacity. Public Art About $8 million will be invested in artworks under Canada's largest public art program at Concord Pacific Place. The collection of these public artworks is part of the City's public art initiative under the City of Vancouver Public Art Program for Private Development, 51 in which 28 Concord is a partner and contributes toward the funding for acquiring these artworks chosen by the public art committee and approved by City staff. A description on some of the artworks is provided in the Appendices under Item 11. Community Centre The Roundhouse community is reminiscent of an important part of British Columbia's history. The roundhouse together with railyards and service/repair shops were built in 1887 by CP Rail on the north shore of False Creek. The obsolete roundhouse was saved from demolition by heritage activists and is now a restored heritage building (see Appendices Item 12 for more details). The process of restoring the Roundhouse involved an active voice from local citizens and heritage activists. The public demanded that the roundhouse be converted into a public amenity instead of a series of boutique shops that were originally proposed by the developer Concord Pacific. The public voice was heard and zoning to designate the roundhouse as a public facility in the form of a community centre was enacted in 1993. 52 The Vancouver Park Board became actively involved in this project and declared that the new community centre would be different from other community centres in Canada. The Park Board envisioned that the centre would serve community needs and the needs of all citizens of the city as well as foster community development through arts and culture. The Roundhouse Community Centre is the only arts- oriented community centre in the city and complements City's planning principle in encouraging diversity in the new urban community. The mission of the Roundhouse programs is to celebrate and reflect a diversity of ideas, people, values and activities. It offers people of all ages a wide range of programs such as arts and craft, fitness and wellness, sports and recreation, dance and music lessons. The developer completed restoring the $9 million Roundhouse Community Arts & Recreation Centre (or commonly referred to as the Roundhouse Community Centre) in 1995, and turned the operation of the 47,000 square feet facility over to the Park Board and the Roundhouse Community Arts and Recreation Society. The developer kept the general framework and 29 incorporated in the renovation and expansion of the roundhouse with a 'rail' theme, utilizing industrial materials such as bricks, lumber, steel and heavy-duty industrial frame. Attached to the side of the Roundhouse building on the corner of Pacific Boulevard and Drake is the glass pavilion, home to CPR Engine 374 which pulled the first trans-continental train into Vancouver on May 23, 1887.° The Community Centre has endeavored to introduce new programs to service the local residents. Nevertheless, the level of service is still somewhat lagging behind the level of demand, especially in the area of after-school programs. This is in part because other envisioned facilities have not been built. Under the original False Creek North Official Development Place, there was a proposal for a small 6000 square feet community facility attached to the elementary school at International Village. The developer, Henderson, is currently negotiating with the City for a payment-in-lieu option to eliminate the community facility and use the space for some other purposes instead. The developer revealed that it would not be financially viable to build and operate this small facility, which could only offer a limited range of services but would still require heavy overhead expenses to maintain its daily operation. 54 The overall findings in this Chapter indicate that the City might have underestimated the level of public services that is required in correlation to the population growth, in particular of the increasing number of young families that have moved into the False Creek North and downtown south areas. This is reflected in the level of public services, which in theory should correlate to the population growth, but in reality is inadequately provided by the childcare centre and community centre. Although the City had the bargaining power to bring items to the table for negotiation and to acquire from the developer a wide spectrum of public amenities in the very beginning, the responsibility now rests with the City to source alternative sites in other parts of the downtown area to meet these obligations. The fact that the Elsie Roy Elementary School has already reached its maximum capacity only three years after first opening its doors, suggests that the public demand for another elementary school in the False Creek North area will escalate as 30 the population growth continues. A lesson can be learned that to achieve an optimal outcome, accurate input must be furnished for negotiation. Inaccurate data or omissions of information can be problematic later. For example, the costs of building public amenities in the West End in the 1970s were borne by taxpayers instead of developers as provisions were never made by the City to seek financial contribution from the development projects. Recognizing the need to source funding for a wide range of public amenities, development cost levies (DCLs) were imposed by the City on new development projects taking place in Downtown South commencing in the early 1990s to pay for parks, infrastructures, and other pubic amenities. However, more than a decade later, the City assessed that the amount of levies collected from these multiple developers of smaller-scaled projects was apparently insufficient to build an adequate level of amenities to accommodate the population growth in this area. It was not until 2007 that City Council approved to raise the DCLs to cover the costs of building more public amenities in the fast growing Downtown South area. 31 CHAPTER THREE: key players and basic planning principles Key Players During the 1980s, certain principles and persons guided the planning process. Ray Spaxman, director of planning from the City worked very closely with the developer from the beginning stages until 1989 when he stepped down. Larry Beasley took over from Spaxman and became the dominant key player from the City in the overall orchestration of Concord Pacific's waterfront project until he retired in September 2006. During the inception stage, the City worked together with Stanley Kwok and his team of architects that included Richard Hulbert of The Hulbert Group International Inc., Ian Davidson of Davidson Yuen, Barry Downs of Downs Archambault, as well as Don Vaughan, the landscape architect. It was the combined efforts of all the above-mentioned individuals that executed the conceptualization and delivery of the overall master plan and design ideas that later became the guidelines adopted by the City. Stanley Kwok was a crucial key player in the development of Concord Pacific Place in his ability to mobilize the project at the very beginning. He was an advocate of the cooperative approach prior to the commencement of Concord Pacific Place. He was senior vice-president of Concord Pacific Developments Corp. from September 1987 until his retirement from this position in March 1993, at which time Terence Hui was the President and Chief Executive Officer of the company, and subsequently became deputy chairman of Concord Pacific until the company went public in 1998.55 As mentioned in John Punter's book The Vancouver Achievement, Kwok's role was significant and that credit was owed to Kwok who initiated a new kind of working relationship that embodied the spirit of cooperation and collaboration among city planners and developers along with participation from the public. Kwok's contribution toward the creation of a cooperative planning model was also recognized by Larry Beasley.56 32 Basic Planning Principles It is an essential part of this study to understand the basic planning principles endorsed by the City at the time that the master plan of Concord Pacific Place was conceptualized in 1988 leading up to its approval in 1990. The study started by reviewing city planning in general, traced back to the Livable Region Plan principles, and focused on one key player, Larry Beasley. The study has discussed where Beasley's beliefs and ideas originated, City Planning's vision under the living first" strategy, and the principles that were formulated during the overall planning of Concord Pacific Place. Below are the findings. The main purpose of the Livable Region Plan, when it was first conceived in the 1970s, was to manage growth within the Metro Vancouver. This plan was later renamed as the Livable Region Strategic Plan (LRSP) when it was adopted in 1996. The LRSP includes protection of the "green zones" from urban development; building "complete communities" that promote diverse housing choices and balanced job distribution; and a range of urban centres and community services that are supported by increased transportation choice. According to Mike Harcourt, the Concord Pacific development was targeted to increase densification in Vancouver's downtown by adding about 30 percent more residents, under the guidelines set out by the LRSP. 57 As stated in Chapter One, the original master plan of False Creek North/Concord Pacific Place modelled after the North Park plan concept developed under The Livable Region Plan guidelines. It was during the same time period in which the Concord Pacific Place concept plan was being refined that the City's "living first" strategy was formulated under the guidance of Larry Beasley. Beasley cites a number of influences on his urban thinking. One is Jane Jacobs who bypassed conventional academic theories and, by using her common sense, developed a set of philosophies that anchored people, neighbourhoods and ordinary daily life on the streets in the centre stage of urbanism. 33 In addition to being an admirer of Jane Jacob's, Larry Beasley was also a student of early New Urbanist teachings and shared the vision to create an urban lifestyle in the downtown peninsula to entice people to move back to the inner city from their 50-year romance with suburban living. 58 When Beasley was the director of Central Planning at the City, a time when developers were eager to buy up and rezone properties in the downtown peninsula to build new condo high-rises, he seized the opportunity to extract financial commitments from the developers to provide various types of amenities such as childcare facilities, community centres, parks, public waterfront walkways among others, in exchange for a building permit. This became the collaborative policy that was the political core of the living first" strategy. This collaborative policy brought mutual gains to both the city and the developers — a substantial profit to the real estate developers, including Concord Pacific, by obtaining permits to rezone the land to build high-density condo towers and to provide a full range of amenities that benefit the residents and the general public in the area, amenities that also had market appeal. Beasley wrote about the "living first" strategy in an article that made its first appearance in the American Planning Association's Zoning News in April 2000. The "living first" strategy resonates with the strategies identified under the LRSP. It has aimed to create urban communities that promote sustainability environmentally, socially and economically. The strategy is based on a set of organizing principles for the creation of highly livable inner city neighbourhoods. The article revealed that "Living First" was designed to entice people to move back to the inner city from the suburbs to revitalize the downtown peninsula with the flattening of office growth during the early 1980s. There were many issues to consider. First of all, there was limited space for new potential residential growth within the downtown peninsula and also the existing housing stock was suffering from age so there was little to stimulate population growth in this area. Secondly, there was the question of what the city could offer to attract people and young families to move back to the downtown area while giving up the public benefits such as parks and open space that the suburbs had to offer. Thirdly, housing stock around the 1980s was lagging behind because of a lack of properly zoned sites for residential development and also the city was experiencing a 34 huge influx of immigrants, especially from Asia. The mounting pressures led the city to turn its attention to high-density living in the form of high-rises and to also find a way to quickly replenish the aging housing stock as well as to increase the supply in the downtown peninsula. After much consideration, in 1991, the City adopted the new Central Area Plan, which incorporated the living first' strategy. Under the Central Area Plan, the City rezoned some eight million square feet of excess commerciaVoffice space for residential development and at the same time earmarked unused industrial and railway sites along the waterfronts. The False Creek North site for the Concord Pacific Place development was the largest potential site for new high-density, high-rises development. Beasley noted that the success behind the organizing principles for downtown Vancouver's living first" was not just the result of rezoning the area to create more housing or because it had a vibrant market to support the new housing demand. He believed that the success was a culmination of "a comprehensive integrated strategy: pushing for housing intensity; insisting on housing diversity; structuring for coherent, identifiable, and supportive neighborhoods; and fostering suitably domestic urban design and architecture." 59 Concord Pacific Place was not solely the developer's ambitious creation, it was also the combined vision of the City and the developer that articulated the expression found in the living first" strategy for downtown living (see Appendices Item 13 for the planning principles and design guidelines). The Concord Pacific project, in its initial stages, relied on the effort of the developer's team of architects to develop concept and master plans and to work in conjunction with the City planning staff to refine the plans and adapt them as official development plans, giving definitions to zoning and design guidelines. This urban master-planned development has achieved densification while meeting the primary objective, which is to foster an integrated neighbourhood with diverse housing options such as townhomes and non-market housing as well as a sense of community for the neighbourhood. It is embraced as a family-oriented community that has benefited from the domestic, suburban qualities such as parks, playgrounds and community centre that have been incorporated into this development. 35 Part of the negotiation between City Planning and Concord Pacific was to incorporate townhomes in the housing mix, well intended for families with young children. However, families that have bought homes at this development typically reside in the two-bedroom condo units which are much more affordable than townhomes. This exemplifies that well-intentioned ideas may not necessarily bring about the results that the City and the developer had hoped to achieve. In the above-mentioned Beasley article of April 2000 article, he pointed out that a major effort was put forth by the City to revamp the regulatory and planning process in order to take on the increasing challenge of managing the new downtown development projects which were becoming larger in scale and more complex to deal with. This was around the time in the early 1980s when the cooperative planning approach was introduced and deployed to execute City Hall's vision for the future of the City. This new approach involved contributions from and positive interaction among the different constituencies, ranging from politicians, city staff, and developers to private citizens. The cooperative planning process gives definition to the division of labour in which the politicians set the policy parameters while the City officials and staff attend to the technical components and problem-solving for the planning and development issues at hand. Development approvals are granted by appointed City officials, and final decisions are made by the City council based upon recommendations from the City staff. ° The cooperative approach is carried out within the framework of a highly discretionary regulatory process that gives preference to guidelines and incentives instead of hard regulations when necessary. The discretionary approach is to help expedite the planning process without interference from the council in its planning practices. The council would establish and approve policies and assign power to the planning director to make decisions based on a clear set of guidelines and checks and balances. This helped foster a close and trusting working relationship between the planners, developer and architects. 61 This discretionary regulatory process was exercised by Larry Beasley when he was working on Concord Pacific Place. The application of this approach was advantageous to the development process of Concord Pacific Place under 36 certain circumstances where the proper guidelines were either not in place or inadequate, at which time Beasley would exercise his discretion by applying his expertise and creativity to find a solution to the problem or issue at hand. The general planning principles of the City of Vancouver were mediated by key players in both the City Planning departments and in Concord Pacific. Conceptualization of The Overall Master-planned Neighbourhood Stanley Kwok selected three architectural firms from Vancouver in 1987 to develop the design concept and a master plan for the new urban waterfront community as part of the bid to purchase the former Expo site. The three architectural firms were chosen because of Kwok's previous associations with them. Rick Hulbert of The Hulbert Group Int. was initially selected to design the master plan and was the lead architect for the Overall Development Permit phase (ODP) of Concord Pacific Place. Hulbert had previously designed a major resort development, Sanctuary Cove, on the Gold Coast of Australia in the mid 1980s. Hulbert showcased his resort project to the Concord group and also pitched the idea to them that Concord Pacific Place could be an urban resort development. 62 Stanley Kwok also commissioned architects Ian Davidson and Barry Downs to work as a team to develop the design concept for the project. Kwok credited Hulbert for brainstorming his ideas for the "lagoons" concept (see Appendices Item 14) that won the bid. The concept was to transform the site into an urban resort with clusters of islands around the water's edge, a reflection of the lower mainland — water & island, and was therefore named the 'Lagoons' project. It was Kwok's idea to bring the water closer to Pacific Boulevard. This concept was extremely well received by Li Ka-Shing and his associates because, being Asian, they believed that land surrounded by water would bring wealth and good fortune and could, therefore, command very good prices for the island properties. However, at the City's insistence the lagoons concept was reworked and later evolved into another version closer in line with the City planners' idea. 37 Comparison of Original Site Concept Proposal and Current Site Concept Under the original lagoons" concept, Stanley Kwok had wanted to bring the water all the way to Pacific Boulevard to simulate a promenade by digging out land to bring the water closer while extending land farther out to the water in other sections by landfills (see Appendices Item 15 for a series of architectural drawings). This concept was rejected by the City's Planning Department as it did not embrace the mandate that it was to integrate with the rest of the city. The City felt that it was too elitist as it segregated the site from the rest of the city's urban fabric. Also, there was the difficulty with the hydrological mechanism that would be required. 63 Although the developer and the City planners worked in collaboration, the relationship did not override the City's final decision on the design concept. The team of architects later revised the concept by adhering to the ODP's guidelines more closely. The original design concept favoured the placement of the residential towers close to the water's edge. Parks and open spaces were to be placed behind the towers in the inner part of the site. This is a reversal of the revised concept and also the current plan - parks built along the water's edge and surrounded by residential buildings - that has been adopted in accordance with City Planning's direction. It was at this point that Larry Beasley took over from Ray Spaxman. The revised concept created a much more interactive community by opening up the area to people outside of this community. This was accomplished by building parks along the water's edge and allowing greater public accessibility to the site, parklands and water's edge via public walkways. By doing so, it has brought even greater exposure to this community, enticing even more people to live in this area. The current site concept (see Appendices Items 16 and 17) embraces the idea that the waterfront area is an extension of the city via its street grid planning, and that this community can be enjoyed by the public at large just as much as its residents. Further amenities are to be built to meet the residents' as well as the public's needs. 38 According to Kwok, the site was divided up into different parcels of land, as individual neighbourhoods, by using the existing streets and service roads as organizing devices. The size of each parcel of land was determined by using this method while keeping in mind not to create a huge block that might discourage people from walking from one neighbourhood to the other. In addition, Kwok employed the point block approach instead of the big slab block to achieve the slim look of the tower while enhancing view corridors. The "sense of place" must be equally appealing and was an important element to be considered during the planning of the series of neighbourhoods. No parcel of land was more than two blocks away from the parks or waterfront. Kwok determined how much density was to be allocated for each neighbourhood by plotting buildings around the park space, and by adjusting the building height and number of units within the parameters mutually agreed upon between City Planning and Kwok. Kwok deployed the "jewel" concept to carry out this type of planning. Towers were strategically placed around the parks (jewels) linked together by the seawall walkway (chain). Under this "jewel" concept, parks were to be built first, around the water's edge as stipulated by City Planning. Residential towers were then to be built along the walkway around the parks like jewels on a chain. Taller buildings were to be placed in the back while shorter towers were to be placed in the front, closer to the water's edge. The towers were strategically placed around the parks, which simulated a "green bay" design to allow the waterfront-facing homes greater view exposure to False Creek. The developer favoured the view protection policy (see Appendices Item 18) enforced by the City and utilized it as a tool to maximize views for its waterfront homes." Beasley, an advocate of "new urbanism," endorsed the idea that the new area should be extended into the existing neighbourhood to blend in the new with the old. At Concord Pacific Place, Davie Street was identified as a commercial street and was extended all the way to the waterfront. The focal point for the community was the Roundhouse Arts & Recreational Community Centre. The presence of a major supermarket was a "must" for Concord Pacific Place (this idea was mutually agreed upon by the developer and the City). This led to the 39 opening of Urban Fare Supermarket, the first specialty supermarket of its kind to make its presence in the downtown peninsula when it opened its doors for business at Concord Pacific Place in 1999. The plan also called for service and retail operations to line up on either side of the Pacific Boulevard. The City enforced urban design guidelines on Concord Pacific Place by insisting that the developer build high-quality buildings that meet the consumers' needs and comfort. This is in terms of building and in-suite materials, generous sunlight exposure to the units, functional floor plans, indoor amenities for adults and children. Beasley's view is that a building is a contribution to a public society — focused on people's experience. 65 It was the developer's suggestion to build tall, thin towers to achieve an optimum level of density while maximizing view and sunlight exposure. The City concurred with the developer and, through the negotiation process, later established criteria for density, building height, and distance between buildings. Under the guidance of Beasley, the City also secured from the developer $250 million in park, schools, community centers and other amenities for the city. 66 The Planning and Negotiation Process Leading To The Adoption of The Site Concept and False Creek North Official Development Plan (ODP) It should be emphasized that before the planning process even started, Stanley Kwok had approached Mayor Campbell and obtained his endorsement to carry over the following two important principles that were previously deployed in the North Park project s' to set the tone for the negotiation process. The first principle required that the City and Concord Pacific were to agree in principle that the cooperative approach was to be applied to the working relationship and negotiation process between the two parties. City staff and the developer were to work side by side to exchange ideas and thoughts with each other and to work out differences together to reach a mutual agreement. Instead of reacting to ideas and design proposals after submission, collaboration between City and developer ensured that everyone was on the same page. This was very different from the former process in which developers were required to submit their draft 40 proposals to the City and wait for the City to return its comments for further revisions and resubmission - a very time consuming process. The second principle stipulated that all public amenities for the Concord Pacific Place site, based on density, were to be built by Concord Pacific while making sure that it would still be equitable to the developer at the end of the day. 68 The entire planning and design concept of Concord Pacific Place started on a blank piece of paper with no specific zoning or direct guidelines imposed by Ray Spaxman, Director of Planning at the time. Kwok relied on the experience and knowledge he had gained while working with Spaxman on the earlier North Park project and he applied the basic framework for North Park's master plan (that had already been approved by Spaxman) to the Concord Pacific Place's master plan. Kwok, utilized what he had learned from the North Park project, intuitively suggested to Spaxman that density of this development would have a floor space ratio (FSR) of 3, which is low considering the FSR for the Yaletown and downtown areas was and still is 5. It was decided by Spaxman that all the preliminary design ideas would be provided by the developers team of architects. All the associated costs (labour and materials) incurred in the planning and design for the Concord Pacific project by the dedicated team of City planners were to be borne by the developer. Under the cooperative planning approach a series of weekly meetings was held. These meetings were chaired by Ken Dobell, City Manager at the time. Participants included the planning director Ray Spaxman (replaced by Larry Beasley in 1987) and his staff, Bill Curtis from City Engineering, staff members from Park Board and Social Planning, Stanley Kwok and his team of architects. This group of people brought their individual ideas and concerns to the table at the weekly meetings where they would have intense debates and discussions. For example, Park Board might argue for more park space whereas Social Planning might want to secure a larger floor plate for future social housing. The significance of Dobell's role as the chair of these meetings cannot be overlooked. Dobell held a management role at the City that exercised an authoritative voice over the various departmental heads that were involved in the weekly meetings. He acted 41 as the referee and was empowered to direct the group to reach a certain decision at times when disagreements from various parties brought the meeting to a standstill. New ideas and proposals from the input of these individuals were incorporated into the plan by the team of architects from the developer and were reviewed during the weekly meetings, workshops and steady flow of dialogues. The second step would be to present these ideas to the public at the informal meetings and workshops for its input. The input and opinions gathered from these public meetings were brought back to the group for review and the process would continue until objectives from all sides were met. The approval for the revised concept was granted in 1989. It took Kwok one year to go through the process of obtaining the approval after a succession of approximately 176 public informal meetings and formal hearings. The above cooperative approach was to work alongside participation of the public from the start to the end of the development and planning stages. Over a span of five years between 1988 and 1993, the Concord Pacific project generated over 200 public meetings. Close to 50,000 people attended a series of public meetings, workshops, open houses, and hearings.69 The planning process, according to Beasley, was broken up into three different phases. During the first phase, "dreaming," City officials, including Larry Beasley, other planners from his department, City engineers, Park Board staff and Social Planning staff along with Stanley Kwok and his team of architects invited several thousands of citizens to various workshops and informal meetings to discuss the concept without the inclusion of the numbers and figures. The second phase, "design," marked the first time the City created a by-law in the form of an Official Development Plan (ODP). The ODP was then presented to the public for its input once again. It was also during the second phase that the developer had to determine and disclose the estimate construction cost for the project. The third phase involved rezoning for each designated neighbourhood (individual parcel of land) within the development site in terms of the uses, landscaping, public art and amenities, and density. All this would be presented at a public 42 hearing for debate and formal approval by City Council. Upon receiving approval, the developer looked into the individual building to obtain a Development Permit (DP) and decided which neighbourhood to develop first. According to Stanley Kwok, the upland area just north of Pacific Boulevard was developed first as most of the infrastructure was already in place. It would be faster for the developer to redevelop this portion of the land where very little infrastructure work was required in contrast to the waterfront area. 43 CHAPTER FOUR: the ODP and planning and design guidelines High-density living at Concord Pacific Place was manifested in various ways. This project served as a platform for the City to explore various strategies for new urban design. The City first tested the feasibility of a minimum distance of 80-foot distance between high-rise residential towers in Downtown South, and applied the same strategy to the Concord project. This distance was stipulated because the City wanted to maintain an area of tranquility between pockets of residential buildings. 7° Other ideas to facilitate an optimal level of private amenity included the streetwall housing podiums at the bottom of the tower, turning the outdoor podium rooftops into a play area for children, as well as the staggering of tower locations. To complement high-density living in this waterfront community, various public amenities have been and will be further developed. The False Creek North Official Development Plan (FCN ODP), an agreement that was drawn up by the City of Vancouver in 1990, articulated the proposed land uses, densities, building heights, and development principles for the redevelopment site. Specific planning principles and megaproject design principles applicable to the Concord Pacific waterfront development are detailed under Appendices Item 19. The original FCN ODP was approved in 1990. Between 1990 and 2004, a number of amendments to the ODP were implemented as a result of negotiations that had taken place between the developer and the City. Comparison Of The Original 1990 ODP And The Revised 2004 ODP And A Review Of Some Of The Negotiations That Took Place The ODP is modified with every rezoning. The following highlights major amendments made between 1990 and 2004 within the sub-areas (see Appendices Item 20). A study of the original April 1990 ODP and the revised July 2004 ODP was made to facilitate the comparison. 44 Section 3 - Overall Patterns A series of ODP amendments were made between 1990 and 2004. The number of dwelling units was increased from 7,650 to 9,818; the total floor area was increased from 853,700 square meters to 918,248 square meters. The total number of dwelling units designated for affordable housing was decreased from 20 percent to 15.5 percent, and City Council may permit some of the allocated units to be off-site. The total floor area designated for commercial space was decreased from 162,580 square metres to 145,872 square metres. While the maximum building height was retained at 91 metres, one exception was allowed for the West One tower in area 1B (on the southwest corner of Pacific Boulevard and Homer Street), which was given the new limitation of 110 metres. The increase in total floor area and number of dwelling units is a reflection on the increasing demand in the downtown for housing since the original ODP was approved in 1990. By the late 1990s, more potential sites for residential development at the False Creek North area were re- identified in sites that had been previously zoned for commercial use to accommodate higher density.71 The re-zoning was in response to the rapid population expansion in the downtown area from 43,000 in 1986 to 85,000 in 2005. Towers in the uplands would have smaller units with a lower price tag (smaller space + location farther away from the waterfront = lower purchasing cost) and a more diverse social mix as these units would be more affordable for people of a lower income bracket. In addition, non-market housing or social housing for the lower income group would also be built in the uplands. The decreased percentage of non-market housing at Concord Pacific Place was in response to a lack of federal/provincial funding for affordable housing. There were several major impacts of the site use trade-offs over the span of 14 years since the adoption of the ODP in 1990. The 2004 revised ODP is a summary of these changes. Area 7A was rezoned (in October 1993) to allow for GM place in Area 7A instead of the intended office space (this will be discussed further in Section 5 — Sub-areas). The proposed two residential towers on Beatty became the Pivotal Building (rezoned in June 2001), a single tower with the first 45 high-tech floor plate in the downtown area; Area 7B (rezoned in November 2002), initially slated for offices became instead a highly mixed use development in the downtown area with 900 housing units on top of the first high retail big box Costco in Vancouver (discussed further in Section 5 — Sub-areas). Area 6B, the Plaza of Nations, (rezoned in July 1996), which was supposed to be an urban entertainment area, has been reconsidered for mixed use and is currently under demolition. Section 5 — Sub-areas Area 6C was initially designated as a residential area under the April 1990 ODP. Its land use was later changed to commercial in 2004 as a result of granting the developer's request for a density transfer to another site. The developer, Concord Pacific Group Inc., is currently in negotiation with the City to convert it back into a residential area (Creekside Neighbourhood). The developer's proposal for this waterfront property is to include six towers, approximately 1,120,000 sq. ft., 1,100 units, and a mix of limited commercial space. Area 7 was initially designated as an office area under the 1990 ODP. This area was later divided into 7A and 7B under the 2004 ODP. 7A was proposed to include a stadium and arena facility, whereas 7B was proposed to be a primarily residential mixed-use area to include mid- to high-rise development. 7A is now home to GM Place. The giant retailer Costco occupies a 147,000 sq. ft. of commercial space on the ground level of 7B, right across from GM Place. Rising above Costco is Concord's 'Spectrum' project. This is a residential mixed-use project that is bounded by the Georgia and Dunsmuir viaducts on either side, perpendicular to Citadel Parade and Expo Boulevard on the other two sides. It consists of 900 residential units that are spread over four residential towers and townhomes that were recently completed in phases between Fall and end of 2007. The developer was able to successfully negotiate with the City to convert proposed commercial- zoned sites for residential use because City was relaxing its rezoning requirements to increase 46 housing stock until the end of 2004. However, the inclusion of retail mix was to remain part of the picture in adherence to the organizing principle of a mixed-use neighbourhood. Non-Market Housing Sites and the Collaborative Process The provision of non-market housing in Concord Pacific Place was part of the collaborative process in that it was a priority of the City and was brought to the negotiations of the development. According to Gordon Price, when he was a councilor of the City of Vancouver during the 1990's, City Council was adamant that non-market housing must be included in the master-planning of Concord Pacific Place to encourage co-existence among people of diverse income levels. City Council and City Planning held the opinion that segregation of housing for the lower income group would not work in the long run as such a segregated neighbourhood would eventually turn into a ghetto and decay. Provision for the costs of the non-market housing sites was never factored into the sale price when the Province sold the site to Concord Pacific. The Province did not want to commit to acquiring such a large number of sites. It chose, instead, to have the developer leave these sites on reserve and for the City to acquire them at a later time when BC Housing has funding to construct these non-profit housing projects. 72 Under the original 1990 ODP, provision was made for BC Housing to build a number of non- market housing projects using the air space parcels on designated podium sites, sharing the podium with market towers; the podium being reserved for market townhouses and retail shops. Some of these podium sites reverted to market housing as BC Housing did not have the funding to build the proposed non-market housing units. There were four such podium sites in the original master-plans. One was at the Concord Pacific's Aquarius project on Davie Street and Pacific Boulevard. The other three podium sites were allotted in Area 8, now home to International Village, and developed by Henderson Development. 47 Concord Pacific was originally required to reserve 20 land sites (including Area 8) designated for non-market housing. The number of these sites decreased to 15 by the time the 2004 revised ODP was adopted. The reduction primarily took place in Area 8 where the developer Henderson Development made a "payment-in-lieu" arrangement with the City to compensate the difference in converting three of the four proposed non-market housing sites to market development instead. Since 2004 the total number of sites has been reduced to 13 (12 sites at Concord Pacific Place and the remaining site in Area 8 — see Appendices Item 21). As mentioned earlier, these sites are on reserve basis only. The City would still need to purchase them and turn them over to the Province who is responsible for building the non-market or affordable housing projects. At present, only five out of these 12 sites at Concord Pacific Place are occupied by affordable housing projects. The remaining sites have been sitting empty since the late 1980s. The City has options, commencing in the late 1980s for a period of up to 80 years, to purchase the other designated sites at Concord Pacific Place at a price that is below the current market value for non-market housing. However, the City is not presently in a position to exercise its options as there is no bona-fide funding from BC Housing or the federal level to build affordable housing." The collaborative negotiation process played a major role in determining the presence of non- market housing at Concord Pacific. This process allowed the City to regain options on building sites from the lands alienated by the initial provincial sale to Concord Pacific. Concord Pacific benefited from the site-exchange and Henderson for the "payment in lieu° options also forthcoming form the collaborative process. A lesson can be learned from the negotiation of the former Expo land and its designated land use. During the course of the negotiation for the sale of the site, provision for the costs of certain land sites was factored into the price tag. The developer was to donate these designated sites back to the governments for the addition of public schools (operated under the provincial jurisdiction) and childcare centres (operated under the municipal jurisdiction). However, cost 48 provision for the non-market housing sites was never factored in. In hindsight, had the Province negotiated the land costs (which would have been much lower 20 years ago) for the non-market housing sites into the sales price in the beginning instead of leaving the responsibility to the City with a purchase option to acquire the sites back later, and if partnership had been formed between the developer and BC Housing to build these affordable housing projects, there would be a greater presence of affordable housing and more diversity in social mix at Concord Pacific Place today. In short, had the two governments deployed a different negotiation strategy in the very beginning, the combined effort could have strengthened the feasibility of actualizing City planners' vision and mandate. Negotiations and Trade-Offs To date, Concord Pacific has not increased the initially proposed overall density in False Creek North - it has simply moved density around between the areas. The developer has therefore never been required to compensate the city for increased height. Instead, the developer has argued for increased height to improve overall public views. For example, The Concord in Area 2 reduced its rezoned floor plate from approximately 8,000 square feet to around 6,500 square feet. The reduced floor plate density was relocated on top of the tower and the views from the surrounding buildings for the most part were improved with better or more views to the water. 74 Because of the large scale of the development, unlike the smaller developments in Downtown South for example, the developer is able to provide amenities that smaller land parcels could not. Concord Pacific is required to build all the necessary infrastructure, road improvements, seawalk, and parks on the 42 acres of parkland that was to be given back to the City. 49 RESULTS: contributions and impacts The development of Concord Pacific Place, according to the developer's estimate, will result in over $9 billion in spin-off benefits to the local and regional economies as well as revenue for the City of Vancouver and the Province through property, business, sales and income taxes. The developer has also envisioned that retail businesses in its adjacent neighbourhoods such as Chinatown, Gastown, and Yaletown will be benefited by the population growth in this community. 75 Since the start of its redevelopment on the north shore of False Creek, especially with a large amount of foreign money pouring in from Asia into the real estate market between 1990 and 1997, Concord Pacific was able to escalate the process of selling and constructing its new homes and quickly transformed the former industrial wasteland and Expo site to an urban community. Concord Pacific Place has encouraged local developers in adjacent areas. Local business has benefited from increased trade and this part of the city has benefited from increased amenities offered by the development.76 The City has in the recent years taken the following initiatives to increase amenities in the Downtown South area: the Emery Barnes Park on the corner of Davie and Richards Streets was built in 2003; there are also proposals to expand the Emery Barnes Park and to build another small pubic park in the nearby area on the corner of Richards and Smithe Streets. The developer of the L'Hermitage condo project (to be completed in Spring 2008) on Robson and Richards Streets entered into agreement with the City to incorporate social housing in its development, whereas the developer of the Atelier condo project (to be completed in Fall 2009) on Robson and Homer Streets is to build a new daycare centre within its condo tower!' This project has also made a significant social impact on downtown living. The opportunity for children to live in the city has been encouraged by parks, recreational facilities, daycare centres and an elementary school. The presence of young families with school-aged children and what social housing as does exist has made a tremendous contribution to the social mix of Concord 50 Pacific Place. Although less than originally envisioned, the presence of non-market or affordable housing in the form of cooperative housing and subsidized rental homes within the community promotes the inclusion of people of a lower income group to reside cohesively with people of a higher income level This level of achievement is not witnessed in the inner part of Yaletown, Downtown South or the West End where less non-market or social housing is present in these other neighbourhoods. This social element is further strengthened and integrated among the younger generation when the public elementary school Elsie Roy opened its doors on September 7, 2004 to the children of the local neighbourhoods. Almost all of the 330 Elsie Roy students reside in the multi-family homes at Concord Pacific Place. Children of a diverse mix of ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds add to the richness of the cultural diversity in this community. Parents of low-income families can receive some financial assistance from the Vancouver School Board for various programs such as lunch program, sports events, and field trips that are offered by Elsie Roy. Pacific Boulevard, built by the Provincial government in the early 1980s prior to the Concord Pacific Place development to accommodate anticipated traffic associated with B.C. Place. The neighbourhood along this boulevard is now nearing completion and has caused the City to reconsider the scale of this main traffic artery as it is deemed to be too wide and out of proportion with the rest of the neighbourhood. 78 it has been detrimental to pedestrian traffic and local business as the scale of infrastructure does not relate to the neighbourhood needs. This problem is demonstrative of the lack of collaboration between the Province and the City during the planning stages of the boulevard for the area, which was viewed by the Province as a blighted area for moving traffic quickly through instead of part of a future residential neighbourhood. In 2006 the Council approved proposal for phases of improvements to Pacific Boulevard. Construction for the first phase began in 2006 between Homer Street and Seymour Street on the south side of the boulevard (part of the Beach Crescent neighbourhood). The width of the boulevard in this particular location has been reduced to a more proportionate scale by converting a portion of the boulevard into an inside lane for street parking. 51 Although the City has its mandate to include affordable housing within Concord Pacific Place, it relies on bona-fide funding from the higher level of government to build these housing projects. The inclusion of affordable housing within Concord Pacific Place has reached only about one- third of its full potential because of lack of funding from the provincial and federal governments to build this type of housing on the designated sites reserved for such purpose. In 1997 the City and B.C. Housing formed a partnership to build a 88-unit non-market housing project at Concord Pacific Place's Manna Crescent Neighbourhood, just south of Pacific Boulevard and at the corner of Nelson Street. This marked the fifth affordable housing project on Concord land. There has not been another affordable housing project built on the Concord site since then. As indicated earlier, the Concord Pacific development site is approximately 65% built out. With the success of housing creation as a result of the rapid transformation of this site and the steady flow of young families moving into this community, the provision of community services and amenities does not seem to be commensurate with the success of the residential development. The dynamics of the effective communication and negotiation process between the City and Concord Pacific have been intricately played out through the application of the cooperative approach. This type of approach set a precedent for the City planners and the developer — a process that was initiated by Stanley Kwok with endorsement from Mike Harcourt while working on the North Park project in 1983 and subsequently reinforced by City Planning under a discretionary regulatory framework. The cooperative approach has been recognized as the key to success in bringing ideas and objectives from the City and the developer together to produce optimal results and solutions to the complexity of issues in a timely manner that would satisfy both. The cooperative planning model that combines the joint effort of city planners and developer in the planning stages of the master plan as well as during the various stages of area-specific planning has proven to be highly effective. Bureaucracy and formality gave way to practicality. 52 The inclusion of public and private citizens in the participatory process has added another dynamic to the entire development process. It promotes goodwill and at the same time dissipates resistance and possible public opposition from the community. Neighbourhood involvement among the local and nearby residents and business operators through the participatory processes has been a very important component of the design planning stage. For example, the public opposition to the original proposal for the Roundhouse to be redeveloped into boutique shops led to a change in the development plan that was to restore the Roundhouse and convert it into a community centre instead. In essence, a partnership among the City, the developer and citizens toward community building was formed. The ideas and philosophies advocated in the Livable Region Strategy Plan constituted a very significant portion of the False Creek North ODP. A set of guidelines and principles was further developed and refined, culminating in the delivery of the living first" strategy. 53 CONCLUSION The research findings of this paper point to the conclusion that the basic concept and ideas that form the parameter of the living first" strategy were developed under the influence of the Livable Region Strategy Plan. The Concord Pacific development project, despite its scale and complexity, served well as a platform for the high-density urban renewal initiatives, planning principles and design guidelines that were developed, refined, and executed in joint effort by the City and the developer. These planning principles and design guidelines were subsequently adopted by the City and endorsed under the "living first" strategy for urban planning in the downtown peninsula. The research on Concord Pacific Place has highlighted the importance of the collaborative process in its realization. Although the ODP was a standard procedure for previous developments in the city, and while many of the design principles derived from the 1974 False Creek South ODP," the collaborative effort between City Planning and the developer of Concord Pacific Place in establishing the False Creek North ODP was unprecedented. 8° Sites were established in the early stages of planning for park space, community centre, pubic schools, daycare centres, shoreline treatments, walkways, public arts and social housing as well as adequate housing provision for families — all of which forming the Major Project Public Amenity Requirements established in October 1999 for all future megaprojects. 81 The City also established unit limits for the above-mentioned amenities that were subsequently applied to all future ODPs. The key concept was that the developer would provide the amenities and associated lands to the city and would bear all the necessary capital costs. This was a groundbreaking concept that has worked very well for the City as well as the Developer. It defined a timely provision of amenities rather than a specifically early provision: necessary amenities were realized in phases as the neighborhoods were developed so the developments would essentially pay for the amenities. This study set out to identify the main challenges, lessons learned and limitation encountered in 54 enacting this process. The most difficult challenge at the very beginning of the development process of Concord Pacific Place was to establish an approach where communications and negotiations could be carried out between the City and developer effectively and efficiently. The antagonistic approach that the Province and the City had taken in their early negotiation process for the B.C. Place development illustrated the importance in adopting a better working relationship. This was accomplished by applying the cooperative planning approach which helped pave the way for the relatively smooth collaborative working relationship in the years to follow. Other unique challenges included designing an acceptable concept for the master plan from a blank piece of paper without any specific guidelines or directions from City Planning. Guidelines and zoning were being established while work was in progress. The collaborative process proved to be more efficient in time and economical with respect to the human resources of the City and assisted the effective management of a rather elaborate public participation process requiring some 200 information and opinion gathering public meetings, which were unprecedented. Ultimately, the product must bring profit to the table for the developer and also sufficient benefits and value to the City through certain trade-offs with the developer. The bottom line lies in that both the City and the developer want to ensure that the end product is highly livable and high- quality in terms of the interior living space and its outdoor surroundings. This is the common ground that both sides strive for and acts as a catalyst in motivating each side to move forward during some of the most difficult negotiations. An important lesson learned is the enormous leverage the City has in negotiating with a single developer over the sale of one large piece of land, to extract a huge return of public amenities from the developer. This type of economic return would not have been possible if the land was broken up into different parcels or smaller lots such as those in the Downtown South area, even with a higher density. The City has managed to incorporate small pocket parks (as mentioned on 55 page 31) occupying about half of a street block within the Downtown South as it is difficult to acquire large land lots. The development cost levies (DCLs) to the Downtown South developers was $9.50 per square foot versus a price tag of $18 per square foot that had to be footed by Concord Pacific in 2003. Urbanization is an ongoing process and will undoubtedly generate many cross-over issues that would require joint involvement from the provincial and municipal governments. The ultimate lesson learned from the observation of the overall negotiation process suggests the importance of the ability among the different levels of government to work together and to solve issues together. The division of labour and certain responsibilities that have set the boundary for each level of government may need to cross over each other from time to time, depending on the nature of the issue at hand, to give way to solving long-term urban issues versus short-term political gains The ultimate goal of exercising the cooperative planning approach was to achieve a balance in meeting public and private interests. By reviewing what has taken place since the adoption of the original 1990 ODP, this paper concludes that the outcome of the negotiations between the City and Concord Pacific brought a large return to the citizens, despite a reduction in the number of reserved sites to be conveyed for non-market housing. Unlike the development history of the West End where public amenities were funded by the taxpayers, the parklands, infrastructures, community centre, childcare facilities, and land provisions for schools and affordable housing at Concord Pacific Place are entirely funded by the developer. Concord Pacific in return was able to maximize density and improve view corridor and, therefore, profit by building tall, thin towers on smaller floor plates. The level of densification that this project has achieved as well as the initial foreign investments it has attracted from its Asian purchasers appear to have met the earlier objectives set out by the Province in the 1980s. The underlying limitation to the entire process falls on the political environment of the city and the profit to be made. 56 Although the forms and spaces of the Concord Pacific Place project contribute to its success, it is this cooperative process rather than style of building or spaces themselves that ensured a workable project. Concord Pacific Place was viewed as one of the most ambitious master-planned urban renewal projects in Canada. There were a lot of high expectations from the Province and the City as well as from the developer Concord Pacific. From the government viewpoints, the Province wanted to create an opportunity to stimulate the sagging economic conditions by bringing globalization to the city, whereas the City wanted to promote downtown living and increase densification while embracing diversity and affordable living as part of its urbanization strategy. From the private investor's viewpoint, Li Ka-Shing, a savvy real estate tycoon and visionary for great business opportunities, was able to look beyond the former industrial wasteland and saw the potential in creating an attractive residential development along the waterfront that could flourish in years to come. The developer seized the opportunity where it could capitalize on the sluggish B.C. economy and positioned itself well at the bargaining table to convince the seller to sell the entire former Expo site at a price that was considered a "bargains in years to come. Furthermore, the daunting task of the environmental cleanup and remedy for soil contamination for the site rested upon the Province which had to assume all responsibilities and full liability for the costs of site remediation. According to critics, the financing cost toward the clean-up would have reduced the net sale price tag to around $125 million (as at 1995) from the suggested $320 million closing price for the land purchase." In addition to the opinion that the former Expo lands were sold too cheap, the general view is also that the Concord Pacific Place development did not bring enough value to the table to create an affordable living environment for the public at large. From the City's viewpoint, it successfully extracted a high return of public amenities from Concord Pacific for its waterfront residential development to satisfy public interests. However, one could argue that the developer had known that the wide range of public amenities, such as parks, seawall walkways, community centre, school and daycare centres, would enhance the overall 57 appeal of the development and entice people to move into this area. The developer would have also recognized that the property value would increase over time as these amenities were added. Therefore, it was beneficial for the developer to agree to what the City was seeking as the end results would have worked in the developer's favour. To some extent, the public interests have been compromised to satisfy certain elements of the development. The intention that the waters edges and parks at Concord Pacific Place can be enjoyed by the general public and are not just for the exclusive enjoyment of the local residents remains a myth in many people's minds, because they basically perceive it as a gated community with its waterfront reserved mainly for the enjoyment of the local residents. As for the public parks and open spaces on site, there was a compromise to the aesthetic appeal and skyline in that taller and thinner towers have been built to occupy smaller-sized floor plates in order to free up more space for the public parklands. The overall design appeal is also too homogenous in that many of these tall towers look very similar in design. Some of the newer towers in the Beach Crescent Neigbhourhood are actually identical, mirrored image to each other. One could argue that this lack of diversity was a deliberate effort by the developer in realizing cost savings by using the same architectural designs. Approximately 40 towers now occupy the site. A majority of these towers range between 25 and 30 floors in height, mixed with a handful of 10- to 15- storey tall towers and 3-storey level townhomes. Property value has been steadily escalating since the early 1990s. This development has reached a level where it could only be afforded by people in the higher income level. Only a handful of towers would offer small sized one-bedroom units in the 500 — 550 square feet range starting above mid $300,000. A bigger sized 720 to 750 square feet one-bedroom and den unit would be in the $500,000 range and up. City Planning attempted to incorporate New Urbanists' theories, which were introduced in planning discourse in the 1980s, 85 in its inner city planning beginning in the 1990s, including the Concord Pacific Place development. New Urbanists advocate that new developments should be pedestrian-friendly that promote a balance of live/work environment so that people, theoretically, 58 should be able to walk to work. Furthermore, the development should be supported by local retail operations to service its local residents to ensure that the community is sustainable and economically viable. Although the Concord Pacific Place was strategically planned to be a mixed residential development, it is predominately residential with only a small component of commercial/retail mix in certain pockets of the sites. This is largely due to the high cost of leasing commercial spaces in this area. In addition, office spaces above ground level are a bit more challenging to secure tenants. As for financial gain to the developer, it is much more profitable to build and sell residential properties versus building and leasing commercial spaces. In reality, people in general do not necessarily live close to their workplaces and, therefore, still have the need to drive to work. Some of the local business operations (especially restaurants, coffee shops, and bike rental shop) at Concord Pacific Place cannot strictly rely on local traffic to remain sustainable. It is unlikely that a development of this scale, especially at the waterfront, could be re-invented in Vancouver due to the scarcity of vacant land, rising construction costs and increased land values. In addition, with the much higher level of environmental awareness and the new ecological initiatives, there would be more stringent requirements and pressure imposed by the government on developers. These external factors would impede the scale as well as the speed of any new developments. 59 EN DNOTES 1 Trevor Boddy, "Vancouverism and Its Discontent," Vancouver Review Issue 5, Spring 2005. 2 Several groups of development companies from Dubai visited the Concord Pacific Presentation Centre and development site between 1998 and 2000. These companies obtained development and design information on some of the completed projects at Concord Pacific Place for the purposes of using it as their building model for a series of new development projects along the shoreline of Dubai. Source of this information by Concord Pacific's former Vice-President Corporate Relation in March 2001. 3 Referenced by the Vice-President of Urban Development Institute, Vancouver, November 2005. 4 Peter Mitham, "Housing: South by Norhwest: Vancouver Sets the Tone for U.S. downtowns," The Next American City Issue 9, November 2005. http://americancity.orq/article.php?id article=145 The Next American City Inc. is a not-for-profit organization founded by a new generation of urban thinkers and leaders to explore the transformation of America's cities and suburbs, and to examine how and why our built environment, economy, society and culture are changing. 5 http: // bc. ca/awards/index . htm#2006 The Congress for the New Urbanism (CNU) was founded in 1993 by a group of enthusiastic architects. They had each worked for years to create buildings, neighbourhoods, and regions that provide a high quality of life for all residents, while protecting the natural environment. Today, CNU has over 3,100 members in 20 countries and 49 states. CNU is the leading organization promoting walkable, neighbourhood-based development as an alternative to urban sprawl. CNU takes a proactive, multi-disciplinary approach to restoring communities. 6 Edward Robbins and Rodolphe El-Khoury, "New Urbanism," Shaping the City (New York and London: Routledge, 2004), 224-229. 7 The Waterfront Center, a non-profit education and urban planning organization, was formed in 1981 in the belief that waterfronts are unique, finite resources. According to their website, urban waterfronts, like the cities they help define, are dynamic places, undergoing profound change. Waterfronts often represent the best opportunity for community enhancement and enrichment. The Waterfront Centre's mission is to assist communities and the professions in making the wisest and best long-term uses of waterfront resources for maximum public benefit. 8 9 bia/story/2007/08/23/bc-vancouver. html?ref=rss Source from CBC News, 23 August, 2007. 10 Gordon Price is currently the Program Director of The City Program under Simon Fraser University's Continuing Studies at Harbour Centre and an advocate for a pedestrian- and bike- friendly walkable neighbourhood for downtown residents. He offered the following comments in his web article of July 4, 2006, "Just as important as a commitment to other forms of transportation is a land-use policy that accommodates a sufficient mix of uses, with high enough densities, so that people are in close enough proximity to make common-sense choices to walk, cycle, blade, or whatever mode matches the kind of trip they're taking. People should have at least five choices: walk, cycle, transit, taxi or car co-op, and, sure, car. The problem with most 60 post-war development is that it gives people only one choice: the car. John Punter, The Vancouver Achievement (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), 108. 12 Gordon Price, interview February 2007. 13 Gordon Price, interview August 2007. 14 Punter, 187. 15 Punter, 187 . 16 Stanley Kwok, interview September 2006 17 86 18 The source of the information is Howie Charters, Vice President and Managing Director of Colliers International who was the Property Development Manager of the Federal Government's Real Estate Department and was involved in the above-mentioned property swap, August 2007. 19 Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007. 20 Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007. 21 Punter, 187. 22 Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007. 23 Karenn Krangle, "City Staff has a far different view of B.C. Place plan," The Vancouver Sun, 3 April 1982. 24 Linda Hossie, "B.C. Place fandango continues," The Vancouver Sun, 7 April 1982. 25 Shelley Banks, "Erickson to join in B.C. Place planning," The Vancouver Sun, 25 June 1982. 26 Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007. 27 Stanley Kwok, interview September 2006. 28 Punter, 193. 29 Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007; Punter 193; Donald Gutstein, The New Landlords: Asian Investment in Canadian Real Estate (Victoria: Porcêpic Books, 1990), 136-138. Gutstein, 100, 132. 31 Punter, 193. 32 Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007. 33 Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007 — the potential rise was factored into the purchase price by Li. 34 Punter, 194. 35 Gutstein, 132. 61 36 In reference to the information cited in the Vancouver Board of Trade's July 2003 newsletter, 2. 37 Gordon Price, interview August 2007. 38 The source of information is Dan Cornejo, former Senior Planner of City of Vancouver, August 2007. 39 Paul Delany, e-article "Graveyard of Ambition," Vancouver Review, 2004.  articles/qraveyard.htm Katharyne Mitchell, draft paper "Multiculturalism, or the United Colors of Capitalism?" University of Washington, 1993. 40 The source of the information is Terri Clark, Park Board Communication Coordinator, November 2007. 41 Beasley, interview July 2006. 42, May 2005, 3-4. The Asia Pacific Trade Council was established by the Province of British Columbia upon the direction of Premier Gordon Campbell in September 2005. The Mission of the Council is to identify and maximize opportunities for commerce between British Columbia as well as Canada and the Asia Pacific region. 43 Stanley Kwok, interview September 2006. 44 Stanley Kwok, interview September 2006. 45 46 The writer noted that Concord Pacific's development project Spectrum in area 7B, once completed, will bridge the gap between Chinatown and downtown and extend the traffic flow to the waterfront area at Concord Pacific Place. 47 Brief to City Council from SPOTA, January 27, 1960. Between the 1950's and 1960's, City Planners had launched numerous redevelopment proposals to address the deterioration of the housing stock and "blighted" inner-city areas around Chinatown and Strathcona. Demolition and rebuilding were included in the redevelopment plan. A rationalization was that the slum areas were in close proximity to valuable land in the nearby commercial districts and were cutting off the circulation of capital flow from these revenue generating areas. This prompted the City to propose a massive eight-lane freeway to be constructed through Chinatown (along Gore Avenue and Union Street — which is currently known as the Georgia Viaduct) connecting the downtown and the southern part of the city with the North Shore which was relatively underdeveloped at the time. In the late 1960's and early 1970's, a coalition of the second- and third-generation Chinese, other members of the Chinese community, architects, planners, and academic professionals protested against the freeway project because it would separate the commercial core of Chinatown from its residential district and destroy the fabric of the community. A young lawyer by the name of Mike Harcourt was hired by the Chinese community to represent their case. This coalition eventually defeated the freeway proposal. Later, the Strathcona Property Owners' and Tenants' Association (SPOTA) was formed to campaign against housing demolition and general slum clearance in Strathcona. SPOTA proposed that the City should look into rehabilitation of the older housing 62 stock instead. Members of SPOTA aimed at protecting their houses as well as gaining more control over land use decision-making. They successfully halted Phase Three of the Strathcona renewal plan near the end of 1968 by arguing that the renewal plan would have a negative impact on the economic viability of Chinatown's commercial core. 48 The source is Michael Mortensen, Development Manager, Henderson Development, August 2007. 49 Gordon Price, interview August 2007. 50 The foundation of the Fraser Institute's Report Card is an overall rating of each school's academic performance. The report card for 2006 was published in April 2007. 51 artwork rises from ocean floor 52 north/roundhouse . html 53 !bid 54 The source is Michael Mortensen, interview August 2007. 55 •Victor Li brought his friend Terence Hui to work alongside him from the inception of Concord Pacific Developments Corp. in 1987, and later turned the presidency and the company's operation over to Hui around 1992. The company remained private until 1998 at which time it went public to raise capital to fund its development projects and was renamed as Concord Pacific Group Inc. About five years later in 2003 the company was privatized again when Hui and his family acquired all the company shares and gained control of the company. 56 Larry Beasley, interview July 2006. 57 Mike Harcourt & Ken Cameron with Sean Rossiter, City Making in Paradise (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre Ltd., 2007), 110. 58 Larry Beasley, article "Living First: Vancouver's Strategy for Downtown Growth," Landscape Architecture in Canada, Spring 2006, 16. Neil Fraser, e- article "Call for proactive residential planning in Inner City," Citichat, 14 June 2006. citichat24.stm 59 Larry Beasley, article "Living First: Vancouver's Strategy for Downtown Growth," Landscape Architecture in Canada, Spring 2006, 13. so Larry Beasley, article "Living First," Landscapes Architecture in Canada, Spring 2006, 16. 61 Larry Beasley, interview July 2006. 62 Gordon Price, e-article "Origin," Price Tags Issue 50, 13 October 2004. °/02050°/020-°/0200rigins.pdf 63 Gordon Price, interview February 2006. 64 Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007. 63 65 Larry Beasley, interview July 2006. William Dietrich, e-article "A Tale of Three Cities," The Seattle Times, 2 February 2003. 67 The North Park project, which covered the current site of Henderson Development's International Village, was conceived by Stanley Kwok in the early 1980s. A master plan with zoning in place for this project was approved by the City of Vancouver. However, this project never materialized. 68 Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007. 69 In reference to the information cited in the Vancouver Board of Trade's July 2003 newsletter, 2. 70 Larry Beasley, interview July 2006. 71 Larry Beasley, interview July 2006. 72 Matt Meehan, Vice-President Planning of Concord Pacific, interview August 2007; Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007. 73^•Michael Flanigan, Director of Real Estate Services at City of Vancouver, interview January 2007. 74 Matt Meehan, interview March 2007. 75 In reference to the information cited in the Vancouver Board of Trade's July 2003 newsletter, 2. 76 Larry Beasley, interview July 2006. Concord Pacific is perceived among the local developers as the pioneer developer to start the condo movement in the Yaletown area. Other developers followed one by one to build high-rise residential towers in other parts of Yaletown and have collectively gentrified this neighbourhood over the past 15 plus years. Local businesses slowly made their presence as the community expanded and matured. 77 Source from Real Estate Services, City of Vancouver, March 2007 78 Harcourt, 101. 79 Punter, 236. 80 Stanley Kwok, interview August 2007 81 Punter, 198. 82• „City hikes fees for Downtown South developers," Business in Vancouver, 15-21 May 2007, 28. 83 Gordon Price, "The Vancouver Style," San Francisco Planning Urban Research Association Newsletter, November/December 2003, 6. 84 Punter, 193. 85 Robbins, 212-214. 64 BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Berelowitz, Lance. Dream City: Vancouver and the Global Imagination (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre Ltd., 2005). Ghirardo, Diane. "Canary Warf," Architecture After Modernism (New York and London: Thames and Hudson, 1996), 187-194 Harcourt, Mike & Ken Cameron with Sean Rossiter. City Making in Paradise (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre Ltd., 2007). Hayes, Derek. Historical Atlas of Vancouver and the Lower Fraser Valley (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre Ltd., 2005). Punter, John. The Vancouver Achievement: Urban Planning and Design (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003). Robbins, Edward and Rodolphe El-Khoury. "New Urbanism," Shaping the City (New York and London: Routledge, 2004), 212-230. ARTICLES AND PUBLICATIONS Armstrong, Kate. "Submerged Artwork Arises from Ocean Floor," NowPublic Crowd Public Powered Media, 11 August 2006. artwork rises from ocean floor Banks, Shelley. "Erickson to join in B.C. Place planning," The Vancouver Sun, 25 June 1982. Beasley, Larry. "Living First: Vancouver's Strategy for Downtown Growth," Landscape Architecture in Canada, Spring 2006. Boddy, Trevor. "New Urbanism: The Vancouver Model." Boddy, Trevor. "Vancouverism and Its Discontent," Vancouver Review Issue 5, Spring 2005. . "Vancouver No. 1, Toronto No. 5 on most livable cities list," CBC News, 23 August 2007. City of Vancouver. Chinatown Revitalization Program, 2007. Delany, Paul. E-article "Graveyard of Ambition," Vancouver Review, 2004. articles/graveyard.htm Dietrich, William. E-article "A Tale of Three Cities," The Seattle Times, 2 February 2003. Fader, Steve. "Concord Pacific Place," Remaking the Urban Waterfront (Washington: ULI — the Urban Land Institute, 2004). 65 Fraser, Neil. E-article "Call for proactive residential planning in Inner City," Citichat, 14 June 2006. citichat24.stm Hossie, Linda. "B.C. Place fandango continues," The Vancouver Sun, 7 April 1982. Krangle, Karenn. "City Staff has a far different view of B.C. Place plan," The Vancouver Sun, 3 April 1982. Mitham, Peter. "Housing: South by Northwest: Vancouver Sets the Tone for U.S. downtowns," The Next American City Issue 9, November 2005. Price, Gordon. E-article "Why didn't Vancouver widen its roads?" Weblog, 4 July 2006. Price, Gordon. E-article "Origin," Price Tags Issue 50, 13 October 2004. Sinclair, Lindsay. "Roundhouse Community Arts and Recreation Centre," Artspace North Cultural Spaces Collection, 2005. north/roundhouse.html Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers. "Conflicting Geographies of Democracy and the Public Sphere in Vancouver, B.C.," 1997. Vancouver Planning Department. Vancouver's New Neighbourhoods — Achievements in Planning and Urban Design (Vancouver: City of Vancouver, December 2003). OTHER WEB ARTICLES profiles/west end/history.htm  zoning map. pdf  - May 2007 creek trail. pdf http://vancouverca/commsvcs/cityplans/region/livableplan.htm wa/index.cfm?fuseaction=FAC.ParkDetails&park id=225 °/020Neighbourhood.pdf 66 APPENDICES Item 1 http://repositones ,edith,orgicgitviewcontent Cgi ,articie=2152&context=mdiplaces Boddy, Trevor. New Urbanism: "The Vancouver Model" The physical form of Vancouver's False Creek waterfront development is being replicated in the desert lands adjacent to Dubai. Image of the waterfront development at Concord Pacific Place Image of the waterfront development in Dubai 67 Item 2  - May 2007 Vancouver Census Metropolitan Area Population 2006: 2,116,581 Population 2001: 1,986,965 Change: 6.5% (129,616 pp1/25,923 avg per year) Pop density: 736 persons per sq km City of Vancouver Population 2006: 578,041 Population 2001: 545,671 Change: 5.9% (32,370 ppl/6,474 avg per year) Pop density: 5,039 persons per sq km 68 Item 3 Expo 86 Official Site Map 69 Public 1.1L0 '-;ky - Frnin 1-11-1 *hod L p conittlimit,:. Lain BC ravioli. Entertainmoi MO^rti-.1- L4111 Item 4 Courtesy of Stanley Kwok North Park Site Plan 70 Item 5 The Livable Region Plan The Livable Region Plan was conceived in the 1970s under the direction of the Greater Vancouver Regional District. It was a strategy to manage balanced population and employment growth in several regional centres including Vancouver, Burnaby, New Westminster, North East Sector (Coquitlam, Port Coquitlam, Port Moody), North Surrey and North Delta. It was also to enhance quality of life by advocating increase use of public transit versus commuting, preservation of open space, and sourcing of suitable greenfield development sites. This plan had undergone a series of revisions over the years and was finally adopted by the GVRD in 1996 under the name of the Livable Regional Strategic Plan (LRSP). 71 Item 6 The West End Apartment living in the City of Vancouver began in the West End area as early as 1908 when the Manhattan apartment, the oldest apartment building in Vancouver, was built on the corners of Robson and Thurlow streets. The Manhattan is now a 44-unit non-profit co-op housing.' The West End was at one time during the 1890s a desirable neighbourhood for the upper-income families. This area became less popular among this elite group when the CPR began to develop Shaughnessy in 1910 and turned the new neighbourhood into an even more desirable high-class residential neighbourhood than the West End had been. The second stage of residential development in the West End began with the appearance of apartment buildings. Houses along the streetcar-serviced streets of Robson, Denman and Davie were replaced by retail shops, while larger homes were converted into rooming houses. Until 1956, the City had a building height restriction on these masonry buildings to no more than six floors, and wood-frame buildings to three floors. The third wave of apartment development in the West End took place during the 1930s and 40s. The newer buildings were typically of a low-rise structure with an Art Deco and Tudor-look facades. 2 The fourth wave of redevelopment began in the West End in the 1950s, with encouragement from City planners, in the form of high-rise apartment towers (many of which were self-owned or cooperative), transforming the community largely because of its central city position into a pedestrian/bike friendly neighbourhood that was close to the bus routes. It was during this time period in which the free-standing high-rise towers began to be built. These towers typically offered large window expanses, taking full advantage of the views, at least around the perimeter of the peninsula. The building boom between 1962 and 1975 added 220 plus new high-rise apartments to the West End, a time when the city was experiencing a huge influx of immigrants. This remarkable high-rise development in the West End gave the first sign that people chose to live downtown over the suburbs to avoid long hours of commuting.4 http://www.hotsonbakkercom/manhat.html 2 profiles/west end/historv.htm 3 Ibid 4 Dietrich, William, e-article "A Tale of Three Cities," The Seattle Times, 2 February 2003. 2003/0202/cover.html 72 Item 6 The West End (continuation) Between the early 1970s and mid 1980s, in response to the West End residents' concerns raised about the densification that was taking place in their community, 5 City Council decreed that no demolition of existing buildings and replacement with new, expensive residential high-rises would take place in 1989. 6 It led the city to introduce the first traffic calming of its kind in North America In 1973 when it built miniparks and diverters west of Denman Street in the West End.' The City also imposed very strict rezoning bylaws and regulations in the West End to deter redevelopment and further densification around the early 1970s, as a result existing buildings could not be torn down and replaced by new high-rises for further densification. The City's intervention was also an effort to keep the housing price and rental rate down in this neighbourhood. This was confirmed by Larry Beasley, former Co-director of City Planning, "The City wanted to preserve this district for modest and affordable housing (especially rental housing), therefore imposed a restriction to build new buildings."6 This restriction to further densification of the West End brought on a new headache to the City in the face of a growing population due to a large influx of immigrants from Asia. 9 It prompted the provincial and federal government to look into the former Expo land as a potential site highly suitable to be transformed into a brand new high-density residential neighbourhood predominantly comprised of high-rise condos, and paved the way to welcome globalization. 10 5 No specific details were furnished under the City of Vancouver's website community_profiles/west_end/history.htm 6 Gordon Price, interview August 2007. 7 8 Larry Beasley, interview July 2006. 9 Punter, John. The Vancouver Achievement: Urban Planning and Design (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), 58. 1° Larry Beasley, interview July 2006. 73 1ft Wu iL _ n f LLI fl! Lb fl (1 Item 7 http://vancouver. ca/commsvcs/BYLAWS/od p/fc n. pdf False Creek North Boundary Site Map City of Vancouver Official Development Plans 15 PCS July 2004 74 Item 8 Seven Neighbourhoods at Concord Pacific Place Yaletown Edge Neighbourhood (Area 5B completed 1994 — 1995) This was the first neighbourhood to be built at Concord Pacific Place. It is within the popular entertainment district of the heritage Yaletown district. It occupies three blocks between Homer Street and Davie Street, across from David Lam Park and the Roundhouse Community Centre. 720 residences were built in eight residential buildings. A 72-unit seniors' residence was also included. These towers were architecturally designed with a brick facade, reflecting the exterior character of the old Yaletown warehouses. Buildings: Parkview Tower — winner of the 1994 Georgie Gold Award* for Best High-Rise Multi-Family Development Parkview Gardens Governor's Tower — winner of the 1995 Georgie Gold Award for Best High-Rise Multi-Family Development; pre-wired with North America's first fully operable fibre optic communication system. *The Canadian Home Builders' Association of BC produces an annual Georgie AwardsTm program that celebrates excellence in home building ( ). Roundhouse Neighbourhood (Area 2 completed 1995 — 2003) The Roundhouse Neighbourhood was the first waterfront community to be built at Concord Pacific Place. This award winning neighbourhood (two of the towers being recipients of major builders' awards as detailed below) delivered what the City and the developer had set out to do, integrate public facilities such as the Roundhouse Community Centre with private residences. Approximately 1,030 homes (a mix of townhouses and condominiums) were built in this community, housing young families, singles and professionals, as well as empty nesters. Among these homes, a non-market housing project with over 200 units was built. The overall architectural design of this neighbourhood was inspired by the historical character of Yaletown as well as the lightness of the water's edge of False Creek, ultimately expressed in a contemporary form. The Columbus and The Concord, the two buildings which are closest to the water's edge, take on a 'sail' theme in its glass and flowing fins design. (The 'sail' theme can also be found in Coal Harbour.) Buildings: Concordia I, II The Concord Crestmark I, II The Penninsula — winner of the 1997 Georgie Gold Award for Best Multi-Family Development Columbus - winner of the 2000 Gold Nugget Judges Special Award of Excellence* 75 Item 8 Seven Neighbourhoods at Concord Pacific Place (continuation) *The Gold Nugget Awards were created by American Builder in 1963, a U.S. national magazine of the building industry, to recognize achievements by builders and developers initially in the 14 Western states and later expanded entries to other countries. A special category of theJudges Special was launched in 1978, to recognize projects that may not conform to the standard categories ( ). Marina Pointe Neighbourhood (Area 5A completed 1997-1998) The building orientation in the Marina Pointe neighbourhood is quite unique. The site of this small-sized triangular-shaped neighbourhood is bordered by Beatty Street, Cambie Street and Pacific Boulevard. There is a mix of two tall towers, a low-rise building and three-storey townhomes. Water features are very much part of the landscaping of this neighbourhood. The public artwork, a reflecting pool in the shape of a leaf, is a permanent feature in this neighbourhood. Buildings: Yaletown Ltd. Wateworks Landmark 33 — winner of the 1998 Georgie Gold Award for Best High Rise Development Marina Crescent Neighbourhood (Area 4 completed 1999 — 2001) The name "Marina Crescent" is resonant of the physical character of this vibrant neighbourhood in which over 1,440 homes were built over three different phases. It also reflects the "resort" lifestyle and "waterfront at your doorstep" that was featured during the marketing campaign launches of the various projects in this neighbourhood. A strip of waterfront townhomes and highrises were built along the Marinaside Crescent (stretching from the west side of the Cambie Street Bridge to Davie Street) overlooking the Quayside Marina. There is an Aquabus ferry station at one end of the marina, at the foot of the Davie Street. This is a very lively neighbourhood where people would stroll or bike along the seawalk promenade. The vibrancy of this neighbourhood is further enhanced by an 80,000 square feet retail space within the first phase of the neighbourhood in the Aquarius complex that includes a branch of HSBC Bank, Urban Fare supermarket, as well as a mix of restaurants and coffee shops. The second phase of the neighbourhood, the Marinaside Resort Residences, was completed at end of 2000. This particular project offered its buyers two very attractive schemes namely the preferred mortgage package of 2.95% financing & Owner's Leaseback Program. The final phase of the Marina Crescent neighbourhood, the Quaywest Resort Residences, was completed in early 2002. It is also home to the second child care facility, Quayside Children's Centre which opened in September of 1999 on Marinaside Crescent next to the Quaywest II tower. 76 Item 8 Seven Neighbourhoods at Concord Pacific Place (continuation) Buildings: Aquarius I, II, Ill — winner of the 1999 Georgia Gold Award Best High-Rise Development Marinaside Resort — 1077 Marinaside Marinaside Resort — 1099 Marinaside Marinaside Resort — 193 Aquarius Mews Quaywest I, II James Cheng was the architect that single-handedly carried the challenge of designing all the buildings at the Marina Crescent Neighbourhood. This was a very unique situation in which only one architect would be solely responsible for the entire neighbourhood. Some people like the glassy look created by Cheng in this neighbourhood while some believe that the look is too monotonous and that there should have been more than one architect to take on the neighbourhood creation. The developer commissioned the award winning architect for the entire neighbourhood to create continuity in the architectural design flow framing the edge of the marina, similar to jewels around the necklace. Beach Crescent Neighbourhood (Area 1A and 1B 2000 — present) The Beach Crescent Neighbourhood is another waterfront neighbourhood along the north side of False Creek between Homer and Seymour Streets. Residents in this neighbourhood can enjoy the views of the water as well as the western extension of David Lam Park and the 10 acres of George Wainbom Park right at their doorstep. Directly across from this neighbourhood on the other side of the False Creek is Granville Island. Residents can take the Aquabus nearby to access Granville Island and do their shopping there. The tallest residential tower West One at Concord Pacific Place is located right in the Beach Crescent Neighbourhood. Construction of The Erickson tower is currently underway. The developer boasts that this project offers the ultimate urban condo living. Once this final tower is completed, the Beach Crescent neighbourhood is expected to offer over 2,100 homes. There will also be a private marina and a new childcare facility. Buildings: West One - tallest residential tower at Concord Pacific Place Waterford King's Landing — won the Georgie Gold Award in 2007 for the categories of Best Multi-Family Development and Best High-Rise Home Builder Azure Park West Icon Aqua at the Park Silver Sea The Erickson — the architectural design of this tower was conceived by Arthur Erickson. The remaining units have a price tag of close to $4.6 million for a 2000+ square feet of space; the highest priced project by Concord Pacific to-date. Note - The developer won the Georgie Gold Award in 2007 for the category of Best High Rise Builder of the Year based on the submission of the King's Landing project. 77 Item 8 Seven Neighbourhoods at Concord Pacific Place (continuation) Coopers' Quay and Creekside Neighbourhoods (Area 6A and 6B 2005 — present) These two neighbourhoods are nestled between the Cambie Bridge and the Science World at the water's edge of the north side of False Creek. The unique feature of these two neighbourhoods is that the buildings are to be built right on the parks looking over False Creek and the future home of the Olympic Village at Southeast False Creek. A proposed third marina to be built in the Creekside Neighbhourhood is already in place, The two neighbourhoods are right across from the BC Place Stadium. The space between these two neighbourhoods is home to the Plaza of Nations. The Creekside Neighbourhood will be the last parcel of land to be built out to complete the urban master-planned neighbourhood at Concord Pacific Place. There will be more than 1,000 homes built next to the two neighbourhoods' waterfront parks -- the Coopers' Park (4.25 acres) and the Creekside Park (9.5 acres). Constructions are already underway at the Coopers' Park site for the following towers: Buildings: Coopers Pointe Mariner Flagship Coopers Lookout The uniqueness of this neighbourhood is that these towers are situated right on the park, unlike the towers that were built around the edge of the park in the previous five neighbourhoods. The site of Area 6C Creekside Neighbourhood is not zoned yet as the developer is still in negotiation with the city. George Wainborn Park http://vancouverca/parkfinder wa/index.cfm?fuseaction=FAC.ParkDetails&park id=225 Award of National Citation for Outstanding Achievement - George Wainborn Park Canadian Society of Landscape Architects Designed by PWL Partnership Landscape Architects Inc., This beautiful 2.5 hectare waterfront park boasts formal and informal spaces, expansive lawns, a dramatic water feature and spectacular views of False Creek and the city. The park is named for Vancouver's longest serving Park Board Commissioner, George Wainborn, who contributed to the City's parks and recreation system for 33 years between 1956 and 1990. In July 2006 a 40 foot tall wind sculpture entitled "Khenko" was installed at the bottom of the park. It was designed and built by artist Doug Taylor and was a gift from Concord Pacific Group Inc. dedicated to British Columbia's former Lieutenant Governor, David Lam. "Khenko" is a Coast Salish word for "heron" and the sculpture celebrates the return of this bird species to the once industrialized False Creek. 78 ( Am 7 0 SEYMOJP, 5- Item 9 °/020Neighbourhood.pdf The Yaletown Business Improvement Area (BIA) - area within the yellow border Encompassing Drake, Pacific Boulevard, Homer, Smithe, Hamilton, Robson, Beatty and Nelson Streets, Marinaside Crescent, and Expo Boulevard 79 Item 10  zoning map.pdf Historical Yaletown Area (HA-3 in green) Encompassing Hamilton and Mainland between Drake and Nelson 80 Item 11 Concord Neighbourhood Public Art Walking Tour Part of the $8 million Concord Pacific Public Art Program up to 1999 Three new artworks have also been commissioned and to be installed in the Marina Crescent neighbourhood between Davie Street and Cambie Bridge. 1.Footnotes Gwen Boyle, Vancouver Pacific Blvd. sidewalk (north side) Completed 1994 Text struck in unit pavers installed in sidewalk. 2. Collection Mark Lewis, Vancouver Homer St. sidewalk (east side) at Pacific Completed 1994 Two types of concrete and steel receptacles installed along sidewalk for collection of refuse and collection of objects. 3. Password Alan Storey, Vancouver Pacific Blvd. west of Drake St. Completed 1994 Revolving stainless steel letters installed in three air exhaust vents from underground parkade. Forced air outflow causes the letters to revolve and randomly form words. 4. Perennial Barbara Steinman, Montreal On the plaza at the Cambie St. and Pacific Blvd. intersection Completed 1998 Leaf-shaped reflecting pool surrounded by text struck into black granite and a glass screen off the leafs tip. 5. Terra Nova Richard Prince, Vancouver Outside the Roundhouse. Completed 1996 Copper and corten installation. 6. Street Light Bernie Miller and Alan Tregebov, Toronto Foot of Davie St. at Marinaside Cres. Completed 1997 Bronze and sandstone sculpture with plate images depicting the history of the False Creek waterfront. 7. Welcome to the Land of Light Henry Tsang, Vancouver On the seawall at the foot of Drake St. Completed 1998 Steel letters installed along railing using English and Chinook, a trade language used by early Europeans and the First Nations people. 8. Brush with Illumination Buster Simpson, Seattle In False Creek near David Lam Park Completed 1998 Illuminated, kinetic sculpture. 81 Item 12 creek trail.pdf Site of the roundhouse in the 1900s Roundhouse today The interior and exterior of this community centre echo the original industrial character of the Roundhouse that occupies 47,000 square feet in space, including the addition of the 10,000 square feet gymnasium and front entrance. The former diesel shop was replaced by a performance centre, while the locomotive bays became an open are for art exhibitions. Individual rooms were incorporated to provide space for various workshops, music and dance lessons, etc. The original turntable outside of the Roundhouse building was at one time intended to be transformed into an outdoor amphitheatre. Unfortunately, this intention was never carried out successfully; the turnatable is regarded as a wasted outdoor space instead. creek trail.pdf CPR Engine 374 The restored engine was displayed at the Expo 86. The restoration was carried out by volunteers using funds raised by a Heritage Brick program. 82 Item 13 "Living First" Strategy Organizing principles . . . As there was no precedent urban model of comparable scale to follow, Beasley and his team created Vancouver's model based on a set of basic organizing principles for downtown housing. These principles were incorporated into the Official Development Plan specifically designed in joint effort with the developer's team of staff for Concord Pacific Place and are summarized below. • Limit commuter access into downtown (by not building freeways to connect commuters between downtown and the suburbs) and encourage people to walk, bike and take the transit instead. • Extend the existing character, fabric, and patterns of the city to the new areas to prevent segregation. • Develop a mixed used neighborhood at a pedestrian scale that includes an infrastructure of roads, utilities and amenities, a commercial strip, and a gathering place for the residents to meet and socialize with each other. • Insist on a rich housing mix to include market and non-market housing, diverse housing choices, mixed use such as live/work, mixed incomes, family and non-family households. • Create a living environment that promotes live/work mixed use and is in close proximity to services to reduce usage of vehicle. • Create community identity and foster social life through usage and special treatment of the public realm (including street art, sidewalk beautification and using the sidewalks as the living rooms of the neighborhoods.) • Provide open space and parklands (such as the 65 acres of parks space at Concord Pacific Place) in each neighbourhood and connect the neighbourhood by way of a walkway/bikeway system; dedicate the 20-kilometer long water's edge to the public at the time of zoning approval — it is worth noting that this is the most popular civic initiative to-date. • Assign the cost for all the public amenities and facilities, infrastructures, and utilities that are to service the new development to its developer to avoid a strong possibility of opposition from the local taxpayers in the new home expansion if the cost for the extra services were to come out of their pockets. • Create a building form that is humane and attractive in its built design to enhance high- density urban living in the city and at the same time to counter the potential negative effects of certain externalities such as lack of privacy, noise, danger, and insensitivity to the needs of children. • Above all, the new development should be environmentally sustainable. 83 Item 13 "Living First" Strategy (continuation) Design .. The choice of urban design for high-density living under the living first" strategy was based on the above-mentioned principles in its delivery of a quality lifestyle in terms of the level of comfort, functionality, and aesthetic appeal within an urban setting while reflecting the attractive qualities of suburban living. The design framework adopted under the living first" strategy strive to achieve an optimal level of livability while embracing high-density living through the following guidelines. Thin towers are to be hidden behind a minimum three-story street wall or podium of townhomes (the idea is for the tower to "disappear" from one's eye level), sitting on small floor plates. Housing is to be brought down to the sidewalk level. Interesting details such as terraces, porches, and windows are in place of blank walls to dress up the neighbourhood sidewalks at eye level. Neighbourhood sidewalks are to be adorned with grass boulevards and trees. Private garage doors are banned from the streetscape; vehicular crossings of sidewalks and porte- cocheres are minimized. Residential parking and public pay parking are to be built at below grade level. Only metered parking or short-term parking is allowed on local streets. Neighbourhood streets are to be lined with protection from the rainy weather and to allow sun and shadows to come into play. Private courtyards and gardens are to be built for the residents' enjoyment in which they can have some quiet time away from their homes and the busy streets. Rowhouses (such as townhomes forming the base of a condominium project) are encouraged as an alternative housing choice to attract families with young children who would otherwise prefer a suburban lifestyle to move back to the downtown neighbourhood. To facilitate a lively place that is safe and secure and close to city attractions such as the restaurants, shops, and theaters. 84 Item 14 Courtesy of Concord Pacific Group Inc. "Lagoons" concept 85 Ntcr>, ••■■••■ ,,,,.. ,c, • `rt--5k,.__, ,,___,„,,, ,,--,,,•!(.... ,^_,P___.1.-,._„.il -..\\ =.-_,: r------ l i ,•U -,.._-, .--: -....;z....--,/_ j 4, ,..._za:-.,:.•,--,. ./'._1 N :=14^, ; -^ . -•   .1.., f-Th1 :),1 r .A • ' I^“i!Thq CONTEXT PLAN ^ 1$ PtPPG AA 11"4" /AGE M^  ^[URBAN Dff..:(:‘- :(J•9,;„% dt^4? ZIEEL=Me Zgli424- 6TRI.141 °Wegti4 lURP,.•-Al DES iCt•: ;AZT: Item 15 Courtesy of Concord Pacific Group Inc. Original Concept - Context Plan Original Concept — Street Network 86 I• Item 15 Courtesy of Concord Pacific Group Inc. Original Concept - Integration Original Concept — Pedestrian Circulation 87 Item 15 Courtesy of Concord Pacific Group Inc. Original Concept — Land Use 88 Item 16 Courtesy of Concord Pacific Group Inc. The approved current site concept 89 CONCORD PACIFIC FI.4C COnid Pt fie Neel:. 'dueler Silo rletc 2mtr ;vbrtv- Item 17 Courtesy of Concord Pacific Group Inc. Concord Pacific Place Site Map 90 KEY: sisw ,,,, e-ern,ad evo.4r ., if. ,110,r4eFet.„:1:11•=e-,..m. NOTE iy.7,..fcint k'rrna,^ e,lort,, OrIP sde, ,M1,,,,ZTa i' .., ___,-- -)F ,,. i i F_-TE7- IILL J1 E1.773- 1H:^EFE EtTi^E PLE- \ifFigure #10a 161!W61^lam*Views 7 nr-- Item 18 . pdf False Creek North Official Development Plan (ODP) View Protection 2 t"-' a KEY: L 111 ---/^— -i--- CV_--- __----2- -11--^h - b .._^ 1-1 ((X D K------- --- -.7- A r -------,7--"Th'^--7.----2,HE-_-=-,PHD7E4-1.---,-, -^,---- ---1_^ zEE.----E__iFb C-- C L------)--11^',^—,..J. =.3^ -_, ----4 ----- EDIj i'-• j ,L'i r---1L---‘ ‘--,-2, ,-----.-- ^r..-------7-..1)^....H•FE9E--7-- L-H E 7A7 FE I IL__JunE-ii---3E--.E^--JL'iEbE-------.1117:1DEHEIE:--4--H  ----EL ifinT  iî i E-4--=-2 -:----.^— '--' it_i=3E-ainif; PL- 1E1-:.J E7-7_7, RIFIA111--:— IFIHF- [.____]E_TJELE-.3:21^ :1 ^i  -1 F-1 - Figure #1 Ob^ ICC :a CC `At^..1** Views MOM-% 91. Item 19 Planning Principles under the ODP: 1. Integrate with the city; 2. Build on the setting; 3. Maintain the sense of a substantial water basin; 4. Use streets as an organizing device; 5. Create lively places that have a strong image; 6. Create neighbourhoods; 7. Plan for all age groups, with a particular emphasis on children. Megaproject Design Principles: 1. Livable downtown neighbourhoods • Proximity to downtown employment, services, culture, transit • High net, medium gross project density • Social mix: 25 percent family, 20 percent non-market • Private livability: quiet, private, safe, views, amenities • Public amenity: seawall linking substantial parks • Protected view corridors 2. Neighbourhood facilities in the "third place" • Community centres • Primary schools • Leisure facilities (interior) • Active recreation space • Park space • Neighbourhood shops and offices 3. Livable streets • Extend grid to water's edge • Eliminate through-traffic • Reduce street parking • Pedestrian/cycle streets: mews, promenades with public art • Well-landscaped/furnished public realm • Weather protection • Active commercial strips 4. Generous park system: °necklace of green pearls" • Regional parks for citywide use • Differentiated functions: active/passive, formal/informal, children/adults • Public seawall: 35 feet (13 metres) of cycle/promenade/sitting space • Children's play space • Neighbourhood focus spaces/parkettes 5. Urban form • Perimeter block and green courtyard • Townhouse and street-wall apartment • Slim articulated tower and top • Clear gradations of public, semi-public, and private space • Underground car parking 92 Item 19 Megaproject Design Principles (continuation): 6. Elevational treatment • Neighbourhood differentiation: different designers • Families of towers in each project • Articulated towers: orientations, floor plans, balconies, solariums • Active street frontages: steps, porches, bays, balconies, patios • Contetxtual materials and elevations • Waterfront palette: light colours and glass 93 +1 Item 20 . pdf False Creek North Sub-areas .5 4,..C* City of Vancouver ^ FCN Official Development Plans ^ 28 ^ July 2004 94


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