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Gender differentiated impacts and benefits of artisanal mining : engendering pathways out of poverty.… Hinton, Jennifer Jean 2011

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Gender Differentiated Impacts and Benefits of Artisanal Mining: Engendering Pathways out of Poverty A Case Study in Katwe Kabatooro Town Council, Uganda by Jennifer J. Hinton B.A.Sc., University of British Columbia, 1999 M.A.Sc., University of British Columbia, 2002  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in The Faculty of Graduate Studies (Mining Engineering)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (VANCOUVER) July 2011 © Jennifer J. Hinton, 2011  ABSTRACT Artisanal and small scale mining (ASM) is a crucial livelihood for over 20 million miners in developing  countries  throughout  the  world  (Veiga  and  Baker,  2004).  Despite  misperceptions of “mining as men’s work”, ~40-50% of Africa’s artisanal miners are women who occupy critical roles in commercial, domestic and social spheres (Lahiri Dutt, 2003; Hinton et al, 2003a). The widespread poverty, environmental degradation and poor social conditions which characterize the ASM poverty cycle are largely attributed to its informal nature and use of crude technologies while its capacity to reduce poverty through increased incomes is also well recognized. Numerous policy reforms and interventions have been implemented accordingly with variable success. This research posits that ASM policy and action must further be informed by understanding of factors that determine livelihood outcomes through a gender lens. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used to investigate the gender-differentiated constraints facing women and men miners compared to those in fishing, trading and other activities as well as the main assets or poverty reducing measures to which they have access. Based on a case study in the salt mining community of Katwe-Kabatooro Town Council in Western Uganda, it was found that women are clearly disadvantaged in most assets that comprise the foundation for sustainable livelihoods. Nevertheless, many women miners’ vulnerability has prompted them to “trade up” their assets of labour, cash and growing social capital through livelihood diversification, leading to improved socio-economic and health outcomes. While this suggests a clear pathway out of poverty, the majority of women miners often cope by using strategies that compromise their wellbeing, with far reaching implications for themselves and the community. Although a number of women have been able to overcome major constraints, gender inequalities were shown to play a prominent role in exacerbating the ASM poverty cycle. Findings point to women’s lack of autonomy and decision-making power as a root cause of negative outcomes for health and wellbeing of both women and men. If ASM policy and technical intervention increase emphasis on building human and social capital, more success can be achieved in realizing the poverty reduction potential of ASM.  ii  PREFACE Portions of this dissertation have been partly drawn and adapted from publications developed through collaborative or independent research conducted between 2002 and 2006 as the dissertation literature review was elaborated. Specifically, introductory Sections 1.1.1 and 1.1.2 have been adapted from a report commissioned by the World Bank (Hinton, J.J., 2006. “Communities and Small Scale Mining: An Integrated Review for Development Planning”, unpubl. Report to CASM/World Bank, 214p.), where I was sole researcher and author of the desk based assessment. Furthermore, Chapter 2: Women’s Work, Men’s Work and Beyond has partly drawn from three literature reviews on women in artisanal mining published as follows. Hinton, J., Hinton, B. and Veiga, M., 2006, Women in artisanal and small scale mining in Africa, In: Women Miners in Developing Countries, eds. Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt and Martha Macintyre (© 2006, Farnham etc.: Ashgate). Hinton, J.J., Veiga, M.M., Beinhoff, C., 2003. Women and Artisanal Mining: Gender Roles and the Road Ahead, In: Socio-economic Impacts of Artisanal and Small-scale Mining in Developing Countries, Chapter 11. G. Hilson (ed), Balkema publ, London, UK. (© Taylor & Frances Informa UK Ltd.) Hinton, J.J., Veiga, M.M., and Beinhoff, C., 2003, Women, Mercury and Artisanal Gold Mining: Risk Communication and Mitigation, Journal de Physique IV, Vol. 107, 617-621. (© EDP Sciences) In all cases, as the first author, I was primarily responsible for the majority of research design, data collection and analysis, manuscript preparation and writing, while Dr. Marcello Veiga provided ongoing guidance and insight into the design and analysis, contributed to writing of some sections and overall editing. Christian Beinhoff provided peer review and performed some oversight functions for the 2003 works, while, for the 2006 publication, Barbara Hinton aided in research and contributed to writing some sections. This earlier work was subsequently adapted and re-contextualized within the dissertation as guided by the theoretical model for this research and as informed by findings from a plethora of new research published by others (as cited) between 2004 and 2010. As the research in this dissertation involved human subjects, ethical approval was obtained from the UBC Behavioural Ethics Board (Certificate No. B06-0769). iii  TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................ ii PREFACE.............................................................................................................................. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................................ iv LIST OF TABLES................................................................................................................. vii LIST OF FIGURES .............................................................................................................. viii LIST OF PHOTOS................................................................................................................. ix LIST OF ACRONYMS ............................................................................................................ x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ..................................................................................................... xi 1  INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Critical Concepts in Artisanal & Small Scale Mining and Gender ............................... 2 1.1.1 1.1.2 1.1.3  1.2 1.3  Statement of the Problem.......................................................................................... 11 Significance of the Work............................................................................................ 13 1.3.1 1.3.2  1.4  Artisanal and Small Scale Mining: A Working Definition .............................................. 2 The Problematique of ASM .......................................................................................... 4 Gender and Development: A Primer ............................................................................ 8  Towards Gender-Responsive Approaches to ASM and Development ...................... 13 Towards Evidence-based Policy and Intervention ..................................................... 15  Outline ....................................................................................................................... 17  2  WOMEN’S WORK, MEN’S WORK AND BEYOND .................................................... 19 2.1 ASM and Employment: Roles and Remuneration..................................................... 20 2.2 ASM and the Health of Mine Workers ....................................................................... 24 2.3 ASM and the Natural Environment............................................................................ 28 2.4 ASM and Socio-economic Transformation................................................................ 31 2.5 ASM and Informality, Disorganization, Rationality and Recognition ......................... 34  3  THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS................................................................................ 38 3.1 Social Determinants of Health................................................................................... 38 3.2 Ecosystem Approach to Human Health .................................................................... 46 3.3 Gender, Human Rights and Sustainable Livelihoods................................................ 49 3.4 Theoretical Model for Research ................................................................................ 51  4  METHODOLOGY......................................................................................................... 53 4.1 Rationale for Methodological Approach .................................................................... 53 4.2 Justification for Site Selection ................................................................................... 55 4.3 Introducing the Research Questions ......................................................................... 56 4.4 Study Design and Methods ....................................................................................... 56 4.4.1 4.4.2 4.4.3 4.4.4  4.5  Phase One: Secondary Data Collection and Preliminary Assessment...................... 57 Phase Two: Participatory Community-based Research............................................. 59 Phase Three: Household and Miners’ Surveys .......................................................... 65 Phase Four: Interpretation, Validation and Defining a Course of Action.................... 70  Ethical Considerations............................................................................................... 70  iv  5  ASM, GENDER & RIGHTS: THE NATIONAL MACHINERY ..................................... 75 5.1 ASM: Value, Visibility and Vulnerability in the Minerals Sector ................................. 75 5.1.1  5.2  The Institutional and Legal Framework for ASM ....................................................... 81 5.2.1 5.2.2 5.2.3  5.3  ASM and the National Economy ................................................................................ 79 ASM Legislation and Regulation ................................................................................ 82 ASM and the Institutional Framework ........................................................................ 85 ASM and Other Government Agencies ...................................................................... 86  Gender and Rights Regimes in Uganda.................................................................... 89 5.3.1 5.3.2  Hallmark Advances in Legislation .............................................................................. 90 The Status of Women and Men in Uganda ................................................................ 93  6  KATWE KABATORO: INTRODUCING THE HOST COMMUNITY............................ 96 6.1 Location..................................................................................................................... 96 6.2 Climate ...................................................................................................................... 97 6.3 Topography ............................................................................................................... 97 6.4 Population and Age Distribution ................................................................................ 98 6.5 Ethnicity..................................................................................................................... 99 6.6 Religion ................................................................................................................... 101  7  THE FOUNDATIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS.................................... 102 7.1 The Livelihoods ....................................................................................................... 103 7.1.1 7.1.2 7.1.3 7.1.4 7.1.5 7.1.6  7.2  Natural Assets ......................................................................................................... 130 7.2.1 7.2.2 7.2.3 7.2.4 7.2.5 7.2.6  7.3  Mining Incomes ........................................................................................................ 151 Savings and Credit ................................................................................................... 153 Fiscal Policies........................................................................................................... 162 Market Access .......................................................................................................... 163  Social Assets........................................................................................................... 164 7.4.1 7.4.2 7.4.3 7.4.4  7.5  Queen Elizabeth National Park ................................................................................ 130 Land.......................................................................................................................... 132 Water ........................................................................................................................ 136 Flora and Fauna ....................................................................................................... 139 Minerals .................................................................................................................... 143 Shared Natural Resources - Conflicts and Coexistence .......................................... 145  Financial Assets ...................................................................................................... 150 7.3.1 7.3.2 7.3.3 7.3.4  7.4  Mining ....................................................................................................................... 104 Fishing ...................................................................................................................... 118 Trading and Provision of Other Goods and Services............................................... 121 Livestock................................................................................................................... 122 Farming..................................................................................................................... 124 Population Characteristics: A Livelihoods Comparison............................................ 126  Organizations ........................................................................................................... 165 Formal and Informal Leadership .............................................................................. 169 Social Safety Nets .................................................................................................... 171 Trust Issues .............................................................................................................. 173  Human Assets: Health............................................................................................. 175 7.5.1 7.5.2 7.5.3 7.5.4  Health Facilities and Services .................................................................................. 175 Status of Health ........................................................................................................ 176 Health, Gender and Livelihoods ............................................................................... 188 The Costs of Ill Health .............................................................................................. 189  v  7.6  Human Assets: Education and Skills....................................................................... 190 7.6.1 7.6.2 7.6.3  7.7  Human Assets: Personal Security........................................................................... 198 7.7.1 7.7.2 7.7.3 7.7.4  7.8  Water ........................................................................................................................ 202 Roads and Transportation ........................................................................................ 205 Communication and Information .............................................................................. 208 Waste Management and Sanitation ......................................................................... 209 Other Infrastructure and Public Works ..................................................................... 210 Housing Conditions .................................................................................................. 210  ENGENDERING PATHWAYS OUT OF POVERTY.................................................. 212 8.1 The Main Questions ................................................................................................ 212 8.2 Gender, ASM and Vulnerability ............................................................................... 213 8.2.1 8.2.2 8.2.3 8.2.4 8.2.5 8.2.6 8.2.7  8.3  8.4  Relative Vulnerability and Wellbeing ........................................................................ 215 Land: Disparities in Autonomy and its Implications on Wellbeing ............................ 220 Minerals: Socio-cultural Constraints on the Division of Labour................................ 224 Who Benefits from ASM: The Significance of Gender Relations ............................. 230 Coping Strategies of the Vulnerable: Links to Health and Wellbeing....................... 234 Socio-economic Status: Women in Mining, Trading and Fishing............................. 240 Reflecting on Assets and Poverty Reducing Measures ........................................... 243  Escaping the ASM Poverty Cycle through Gender Equity ...................................... 245 8.3.1 8.3.2 8.3.3 8.3.4  Focus on Education and Skills ................................................................................. 245 Focus on Rights........................................................................................................ 250 Focus on the Visibility and the Burden of Women’s Work ....................................... 256 Reflecting on Pathways out of Poverty..................................................................... 259  Emerging Themes of Research and Action............................................................. 261 8.4.1 8.4.2  9  History of Incursions by Rebel Groups..................................................................... 198 Sexual and Gender Based Violence ........................................................................ 199 Livelihood Specific Crimes and Conflicts ................................................................. 200 Other Criminal Activities ........................................................................................... 201  Physical Capital: Infrastructure and Public Services ............................................... 201 7.8.1 7.8.2 7.8.3 7.8.4 7.8.5 7.8.6  8  Education Facilities and Services............................................................................. 190 Education, Gender and Livelihoods ......................................................................... 193 The Costs of Education ............................................................................................ 197  Implications for Future Research ............................................................................. 261 Implications for ASM Projects, Programmes and Interventions ............................... 268  CONCLUSIONS......................................................................................................... 272 9.1 Main Factors Affecting Differential Vulnerability of Women and Men ..................... 273 9.2 Comparative Wellbeing of Women and Men in Different Livelihoods ..................... 275 9.3 Main Assets and Poverty Reducing Measures: The Role of ASM .......................... 277 9.4 Supporting Positive Transformation of Gender Relations ....................................... 279 9.5 Original Contributions of the Research ................................................................... 281  REFERENCES ................................................................................................................... 283 Appendix One:  Household Survey Questionnaire............. Error! Bookmark not defined.  Appendix Two: Statistical Analysis ................................................................................ 305  vi  LIST OF TABLES Table 1:  Main Themes and Concepts Identified through Qualitative Research ................ 64  Table 2:  Distribution of Questionnaires Administered in KKTC ......................................... 67  Table 3:  Population and Age Distribution in KKTC............................................................ 98  Table 4:  Religious Affiliations in KKTC ............................................................................ 101  Table 5:  Primary Livelihoods of Residents of KKTC........................................................ 104  Table 6:  Boat Ownership at Fish Landing Sites on Lake Edward and Lake George....... 120  Table 7:  Livestock Populations in KKTC ......................................................................... 124  Table 8:  Planting and Harvesting Seasons for Selected Crops....................................... 125  Table 9:  Origin of Women and Men by Birthplace........................................................... 127  Table 10:  Duration Resigning in KKTC for Women and Men above 19 years .................. 127  Table 11:  Dominant Types of Land Tenure ....................................................................... 134  Table 12:  Main Rivers in Kasese District........................................................................... 138  Table 13:  Common Financial Survival Strategies Employed in Kasese District................ 151  Table 14:  Women and Men Miners’ Incomes .................................................................... 152  Table 15:  Gross Revenues from Salt Mining..................................................................... 153  Table 16:  Ownership and Value of Assets by Livelihood .................................................. 157  Table 17:  Community-Based Organizations, Groups and Associations............................ 166  Table 18:  Toilet Facilities in Surveyed Households by Livelihood..................................... 185  Table 19:  Illnesses Reported by Women and Men by Livelihood...................................... 188  Table 20:  Expenditures on Health per Treatment by Household....................................... 190  Table 21:  Quality of Primary Education ............................................................................. 191  Table 22:  Education Levels of Women and Men by Livelihood......................................... 194  Table 23:  Reasons for Not Attending School: Household Members Aged 6-12 Years ..... 195  Table 24:  Literacy Rates of Females and Males ............................................................... 196  Table 25:  Road Networks .................................................................................................. 206  Table 26:  Bicycle and Vehicle Ownership ......................................................................... 208  Table A1:  Results of Statistical Analysis by Livelihood and Gender.................................. 305  vii  LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1:  The ASM Poverty Cycle in an Agricultural Context ............................................... 5  Figure 2:  Multiple Layers of the Social Determinants of Health.......................................... 40  Figure 3:  The Determinants of Health ................................................................................ 46  Figure 4:  Nested Hierarchies Constituting and Ecosystem ................................................ 47  Figure 5:  Theoretical Model for the Research .................................................................... 51  Figure 6:  Active ASM Areas in Uganda .............................................................................. 77  Figure 7:  Location of Katwe-Kabatooro Town Council ....................................................... 96  Figure 8:  Traditional Territories of Major Ethnic Groups in Uganda ................................... 99  Figure 9:  Location of the Salt Lake relative to the Town Council...................................... 109  Figure 10:  Seasonality of Main Livelihoods in KKTC.......................................................... 129  Figure 11:  Key Features of Queen Elizabeth National Park ............................................... 132  Figure 12:  Bathymetry and Influents of Lake Edward......................................................... 137  Figure 13:  Cash Saved in the Previous Month by Livelihood and Gender ......................... 156  Figure 14:  Expenditures of Surplus Cash by Livelihood and Gender ................................. 157  Figure 15:  Main Sources of Credit by Livelihood and Gender ............................................ 161  Figure 16:  Breakfast for 0-4 year olds and 5-13 year olds by Livelihood and Gender........ 183  Figure 17:  Relative Vulnerability by Livelihood and Gender ............................................... 217  Figure 18:  Relative Vulnerability – Comparisons between Women and Men..................... 219  viii  LIST OF PHOTOS Photo 1:  The defunct UDC salt plant on the shores of Lake Edward............................... 110  Photo 2:  The salt pans of Lake Katwe ............................................................................. 110  Photo 3:  Women harvesting salt from salt pans .............................................................. 113  Photo 4:  Men prying rock salt from the lake bottom......................................................... 113  Photo 5:  Man hauling rock salt to the vending area......................................................... 113  Photo 6:  Colour change in salt pans due to algal growth ................................................ 114  Photo 7:  Early harvesting of salt flakes............................................................................ 114  Photo 8:  Cleaning of salt pans ......................................................................................... 114  Photo 9:  Man digging trenches to route salt water to pans.............................................. 115  Photo 10:  Rafts for hauling rock salt from the lake bottom ................................................ 117  Photo 11:  Rock salt piles on the shoreline......................................................................... 117  Photo 12:  The Genderaho hauling rock salt ...................................................................... 118  Photo 13:  Men hailing and loading trucks .......................................................................... 118  Photo 14:  Women cleaning litter from the fish landing site ................................................ 121  Photo 15:  Ambatch logs stacked on the lake shore........................................................... 140  Photo 16:  Adolescent male elephant on the edge of Katwe-Kabatooro Town................... 141  Photo 17:  Hippos on the shores of Lake Edward............................................................... 141  Photo 18:  Applying contact cement on wounds before work in the salt lake ..................... 177  Photo 19:  Shades construction for protection from the sun ............................................... 177  ix  LIST OF ACRONYMS ASM  Artisanal and Small Scale Mining  CAO  Chief Administrative Officer  CBO  Community-based Organization  CEEWA  Council for Economic Empowerment of Women in Africa  DGSM  Department of Geological Survey and Mines  DEO  District Environment Officer  DHO  District Health Officer  DHI  District Health Inspector  DLO  District Labour Officer  DOCH  Department of Community Health (MOH)  DOSH  Department of Occupational Safety and Health (MGLSD)  GOU  Government of Uganda  ILO  International Labour Organization  KKTC  Katwe Kabatooro Town Council  LG  Local Government  MEMD  Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development  MFI  Microfinance Institution  MFPED  Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development  MGLSD  Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development  MOH  Ministry of Health  MTTI  Ministry of Trade, Tourism and Industry  NEMA  National Environmental Management Authority  NGO  Non-governmental Organization  PEAP  Uganda Poverty Eradication Action Plan  SES  Socio-economic Status  SMA  Strategic Mining Area  SME  Small and Medium Enterprise  SMMRP  Sustainable Management of Mineral Resources Project  UCOTA  Uganda Community Tourism Association  UIA  Uganda Investment Authority  UNDP-GEF  United Nations Development Programme – Global Environment Facility  UNIDO  United Nations Industrial Development Organization  URA  Uganda Revenue Authority  x  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Althea Gibson said “No matter what accomplishments you make, somebody helped you.” It was both a privilege and a challenge to undertake this work and I must acknowledge the many people and institutions that played a crucial role in making it possible. Robert Byrne said “The purpose of life is a life of purpose.” Perhaps no other words embody the gift that Dr. Marcello Veiga has given me as a mentor, supervisor, teacher and friend. There are few individuals who have influenced my life to such an extent and, due to his support, guidance and insight, I have the privilege of now living my purpose. Recognizing that this privilege brings with it great responsibility, I seek to work with the same commitment to ethics, excellence, compassion and passion that Dr. Veiga personifies on a daily basis. I will forever appreciate everything you have done. Charles E. Wilson said “Putting off an easy thing makes it hard. Putting off a hard thing makes it impossible!” I want to extend my heartfelt appreciation to my supervisory committee and other key advisors throughout the years, including Professors Bern Klein, John Meech and Aleck Ostry. You have provided me with the direction, motivation and intellectual acumen needed to help me make the impossible possible. Thank you for challenging my expectations of self. Margaret Mead said “Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world. Indeed, it is the only thing that ever has.” My sincere gratitude goes to the Norman B. Keevil Institute of Mining Engineering in UBC’s Faculty of Applied Science for building a diverse community of insightful global citizens committed to changing the World. In addition to Marcello, this transformation was catalyzed by Malcolm Scoble, Bern Klein, John Meech and my brilliant colleagues Ginger Gibson, Carol Odell, AJ Gunson, Claudia Sandoval, Silvana Costa, Carolina da Silva and many others. Thank you. Maria Montessori said “We especially need imagination in science. It is not all mathematics, nor all logic, but it is somewhat beauty and poetry”. The CIHR Bridge Program, including Kay Teschke and the other critical mentors and my fellow students in the program, opened my eyes to the nexus of engineering, public health and policy, and the approaches and rigorous methodologies which they demand. Participation in the program was a crucial xi  turning point and afforded me a tremendous opportunity, for which I am truly grateful. This contribution was substantially buttressed by the invaluable input provided by Dr. Dirk van Zyl and Dr. Julian Dierkes, who, as my University Examiners, ensured the final dissertation was sufficiently critiqued and did justice to the diverse disciplines it sought to represent. “Success is not based on what you have achieved, but rather who you have become.” An anonymous statement such as this can only reflect my experience with the Dept. of Geological Survey and Mines. Support from the former Commissioner, Joshua Tuhumwire and the late Julius Nyakaana made the collaborative effort possible and gave support to gender issues that likely exceeded that of any other mining authority in the World. My insight into gender issues in Uganda and certainly the wiser person I hope I’ve become are largely attributed to Joseph Okedi, Ruth Mbabazi, Nathan Mushetsya, Esau Arinatiwe and all other members of the TACC, to whom I express heartfelt appreciation. Appreciation is also extended to the rest of our amazing team and the World Bank, in particular Leo Maraboli and Christopher Sheldon, for enabling their participation in the field research. Isabelle Allende said “How can one not speak about war, poverty, and inequality when people who suffer from these afflictions don't have a voice to speak?” I acknowledge with sincere appreciation and respect the women and men miners and community members in Katwe Kabatooro who persevere under some of the direst conditions imaginable, who gave honest and open input throughout the research and from whom I learned more about the strength of human spirit than I’ve ever known before. Bertrand Russell said “One of the first symptoms of an approaching nervous breakdown is the belief that one’s work is terribly important”. My family and friends both believed in what I was doing and provided the support and unrelenting encouragement that I needed to push through unscathed. At home, I am honoured to express love and thanks to Mom, Dad, Barb, Mary Pat, Leanne, Rod and, at my other home in Uganda, Jonny, Joseph, Stephen, Rachel and Ruth. Putting my appreciation into words would require a whole other dissertation.  xii  1  INTRODUCTION  Artisanal and small scale mining (ASM) is a critical source of livelihood for more than 20 million artisanal miners who are active in ~50 mainly developing countries throughout the world (Veiga and Baker, 2004). Despite common misperceptions of “mining as men’s work”, approximately 30% of the world’s artisanal miners are women who occupy a number of critical roles, not only in mineral extraction and processing but in providing essential goods and services (Lahiri Dutt, 2003; Hinton et al, 2003a). The percentage of female artisanal miners is the highest in Africa, averaging 40-50% and escalating to 100% in some mining areas (ILO, 1999; Amutabi and Lutta-Mukhebi, 2001; Onuh, 2002; Hinton, 2009a). The pervasive poverty, environmental degradation and poor social conditions which are characteristic of ASM are largely attributed to its informal nature and use of rudimentary technologies (Hentschel et al., 2002; Hinton et al, 2003b) and numerous policy reforms and interventions have been implemented accordingly with variable success. This study posits that appropriate ASM policy and action must further be informed through understanding of the complex interplay between factors that include, but are not limited to: income level and disparity; social support networks; education; employment, working and living conditions; physical, natural and social environments; biology and genetic endowment; personal health practices; coping skills; child development; social services; gender and culture (Evans, 1994; Health Canada, 2004; Marmot, 2001; Mach, 2004). As women and men are differently affected by these factors, examining the multiple determinants of individual, household and community wellbeing through a gender lens is crucial for formulation of policies and interventions that promote rather than exacerbate gender equality, sustainable livelihoods and human development. This action-based research examines the societal conditions that affect health, wellbeing and perceived development opportunities of women, men, boys and girls engaged in multiple livelihoods in the salt mining community of Katwe-Kabatooro Town Council in Kasese, Uganda. Specifically, the case study is focused on gender-differentiated constraints facing women and men salt miners compared to those engaged in other economic activities and, in particular, the main assets or poverty reducing measures to which they have access.  1  1.1 Critical Concepts in Artisanal & Small Scale Mining and Gender This research is anchored on the principle that a causal relationships exists between gender and poverty, taken as “human poverty”, which includes lack of assets, access, dignity, autonomy and time in addition to income poverty (Çagatay, 2001). It further contends that harnessing the poverty reduction potential of ASM and its impacts on sustainable livelihoods requires holistic understanding of individual ASM communities and their broadbased developmental needs (Labonne, 2002; Gyan-Baffour, 2003; Hentschel et al, 2002; Hinton et al, 2003; Pedro, 2003). In light of the interdisciplinary nature of this study, brief working definitions of ASM, gender and development therefore lays a critical foundation.  1.1.1 Artisanal and Small Scale Mining: A Working Definition1 There is no commonly accepted definition of artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), mainly as it typically includes a spectrum of activities ranging in scale from small to large that is generally distinguished from “formal” mining by a relatively low degree of mechanization, high degree of labour intensity, poor occupational and environmental health standards, little capital investments and lack of long-term planning (Hinton et al, 2002). With as much as 80% of activities taking place outside of a legal framework in some countries (ILO, 1999), ASM is typically an informal and highly disorganized activity. However, even licensed, organized ASM can differ little from “illegal” or “subsistence” activities in terms of methods of production, labour force demographics, safety risks, environmental outcomes or social impacts. Thus, the terms “artisanal” and “small scale” are often used interchangeably, as they are used herein. The nature of ASM in any given region often dictates the responses needed to mitigate its impacts. Gyan-Baffour (2003) described four main ASM types, each of which is driven by different factors and can result in distinct environmental, social and economic outcomes: ƒ  Seasonal ASM provides a source of employment in agricultural off-seasons and often generates capital for both agricultural and non-agricultural activities. When seasonal ASM leads to migration of male miners from traditional lands to mining areas, resulting in a host of impacts on women and their families who remain behind.  1  Section 1.1.1 and 1.1.2 have been drawn partly and/or adapted from Hinton, J., 2006, “Communities and Small Scale Mining: An Integrated Review for Development Planning”, unpubl Report to CASM/World Bank, 214p. with permission from CASM.  2  ƒ  Permanent ASM is undertaken by miners who have settled in regions with established mineral resources, often where large-scale commercial or formal mining is present. In some cases, seasonal miners forego agriculture or other economic activities to undertake mining permanently.  ƒ  Shock-push ASM refers to mining catalyzed by major disruptions, such as droughts or conflict, which often necessitate relocation to regions or adoption of non-traditional activities where other economic opportunities are present. As ASM may be perceived to yield relatively high pay-offs with minimal investment, it is often chosen over other activities, despite the lack of expertise of most “new” miners.  ƒ  Rush ASM represents one of the most serious types of ASM in terms of environmental and social impacts. Most typical for “high unit value” commodities (e.g. gold, diamonds), news of a major strike can cause the influx of tens of thousands of miners to an area in a matter of months. With expectations of high incomes and low capital investment coupled with inadequate knowledge and skills, rush ASM often leads to dire socio-environmental and health conditions. This is exacerbated by poor infrastructure and services and a lack of government presence in often marginalized, remote and hastily established communities.  Similarly, Rogers (2005) differentiated between three types of ASM. Subsistence mining, which is often seasonal, rush driven and/or highly migratory, is characterized by illegality and use of crude technologies. Petty commodity mining is marked by a greater degree of organization and permanence and generally has a higher potential for formalization. Smallscale mining is more mechanized and is operated like a business with a degree of planning and knowledge concerning mining practices. It further has a greater likelihood of being formal. Women’s direct participation in mining generally decreases with the increasing scale, mechanization and degree of formality of the operation; i.e., women play a more prominent role as “miners” in small family operations where mining takes place to supplement other activities (e.g. farming) or hand-to-mouth subsistence (Hinton et al, 2003). Each of the above scenarios undoubtedly yields diverse characteristics with respect to gender roles and relations, autonomy and time poverty (e.g. when male miners migrate seasonally and women become de facto household heads), security (physical, financial, food, etc), household impacts as well as obvious and varying community health risks (e.g. 3  increased environmental degradation, exposure to STDs with sex trade, alcoholism and domestic violence, etc), among many others. Furthermore, heterogeneity between and within contexts, seasonally and changes over time are therefore also relevant. What constitutes a “miner” is inconsistently defined. In some cases, only those undertaking the digging are considered miners, while many practitioners now include a variety of key groups in the designation, include diggers, processors, haulers and other labourers, pit owners, mine owners, title holders, equipment providers, explosives experts and providers of other goods and services. As women are more frequently associated with transporting and processing materials, as opposed to digging, they are not always identified as “miners” (Susapu and Crispin, 2001). Women working part-time as miners or occupying “ancillary roles”, for example working as cooks or service providers, are often also discounted thus there may be significant discrepancies between the estimated and actual numbers of women involved (Wasserman, 1999). For instance, in Kenya, despite their vital contribution, women’s roles in agricultural, domestic and other community roles are largely invisible as they are ignored in statistical accounting of government and non-governmental organizations (Sigot, 1995). ASM is largely invisible in its own right and women’s work in ASM faces even greater visibility challenges The debate on the definition of ASM has continued for more than two decades without resolution. What has been largely accepted is that the classification of ASM must be context specific and should be determined at the regional or national level. For example, a smallscale mine in South Africa may be a medium- or large-scale mine in Rwanda. It is evident, however, that although this debate will likely continue at local, national and international levels, energy should be directed towards tackling the well-known challenges facing the ASM sector. Within the Ugandan context, this is explored further throughout Chapter 5.  1.1.2 The Problematique of ASM The problematique of ASM is a complex web of issues, its strands span policy and regulation, environment, human health, culture and society and economics (Hinton, 2006). For the majority of ASM – subsistence or artisanal miners - at the centre of this web is poverty. It draws people into ASM and once its grip has solidly taken hold, it can readily perpetuate participation and the negative impacts of this sector (Fig. 1). Although the 4  specific nature of the ASM problematique is unique to a context, community and country, a generalized view lends insight. A sensitive interconnection exists between the environmental, social and economic elements of ASM and other economic activities. An increase in mining – whether catalyzed by increased commodity prices, events such as droughts or conflict, or changing seasons – often leads to a decrease in the agricultural workforce, thereby affecting productivity of that sector (Hinton, 2006). Due to domestic responsibilities, migration is commonly undertaken by men; however, women and girls sometimes also migrate to ASM sites in search of opportunities (Yakokleva, 2006). For women who remain at home, requirements to take on the roles of men in addition to their traditional roles may exacerbate women’s deficits in time (Moretti, 2006) and may lead to abandonment, family breakup or polygamy (Hayes, 2008). Whether or not the outmigration of men and added responsibilities leads to increased AGRICULTURE Reduced lowcost, quality food  Low Productivity and Incomes  POVERTY  POOR HUMAN HEALTH  Reduced agricultural work force  Cash influx, transient workforce  ASM  HIV/AIDS and other DISEASES  Large number of miners leads to “dilution of revenues  COMMUNITIES POOR SERVICES AND INFRASTRUCTURE  LOW INCOME  DEGRADED ENVIRONMENT Inefficient methods  BASIC TECHNOLOGIES Illegality restricts access to financing and other support  REGULATORY FRAMEWORK  Figure 1: The ASM Poverty Cycle in an Agricultural Context (Hinton, 2006) Figure 1: The ASM Poverty Cycle in an Agricultural Context (Source: Hinton, J., 2006, Community Development and Small Scale Mining: An Integrated Review for Development Planning, unpubl report to CASM/World Bank, 214p).  5  autonomy or empowerment of women who frequently become de facto household heads is not known but likely varies from context to context. As ASM activities lure people from their traditional livelihoods with the perception of greater incomes, a substantial influx of miners (for instance, during seasonal, rush or shock-driven ASM) can thin the distribution of revenues from often marginal reserves, diluting the revenue earned by each miner (Gyan-Baffour, 2003). Although women and men miner’s incomes are frequently higher than those obtained from other livelihoods (particularly in the case of metallic minerals), insecurity of those incomes, absence of mineral rights, lack of means or cultural impetus to save money and the often cited miners lifestyle of “quick and unwise” spending2 frequently provide only a temporary buffer to mitigate the livelihood shock or opportunity to “get ahead” that drew miners into ASM in the first place (Amutabi and Lutta-Mukhebi, 2001; Hayes and Van Weuwe, 2009; Hinton, 2009a). With limited income accumulation and lack of proper training or guidance, the methods and tools used at ASM sites are typically extremely crude (e.g. hammers, shovels, basins), a situation exacerbated by the lack of ownership or mineral title for the site (Hentschel et al, 2001; Hinton et al, 2003c; Veiga and Baker, 2004). These poor methods perpetuate low mineral production and incomes while increasing risks associated with environmental degradation, occupational safety and community health and wellbeing. The links between poor mining practices, environmental degradation and human health are well known. For example, in addition to chemical contamination of ecosystems, ASM can modify aquatic systems, for example, through silt accumulation in rivers or construction of water reservoirs (Akagi and Naganuma, 2000). Siltation of rivers caused by discharge of tailings into waterways reduces light penetration and dissolved oxygen levels, thereby jeopardizing fisheries, and may result in flooding (Hinton, 2002). Flooding of abandoned pits or lands adjacent to waterways increases the net area of standing water, thereby contributing to malaria and other mosquito-transmitted diseases. Inadequate sanitation and poor hygiene at mine sites can further lead to contamination of water sources and 2 The “unwise spending” in ASM communities throughout the World generally refers to predominantly men’s spending on alcohol, women (in some cases second or third wives), gambling or similar pursuits. Although frequently reported by miners and academics alike, this is clearly a generalization as many men (particularly in more established ASM areas) have also been shown to spend on agricultural tools, home repairs, basic household needs etc. Furthermore, this generalization fails to capture women’s saving and spending habits.  6  transmission of diseases such as cholera. In addition, deforestation for the purposes of site clearing, domestic use or mining processes (e.g. lime roasting kilns) can significantly impact families reliant on forests for fuel wood and, in some cases, food and medicine (Hinton, 2006). Equally significant to human health, poor mining practices generate significant occupational hazards – landslides, shaft collapses, machinery accidents and dust and noise pollution are a few of the frequent concerns at many mine sites (Hentschel et al, 2003). Being situated in remote regions and often established in an ad hoc manner, the resulting characteristics of many ASM communities are also important determinants of health and wellbeing. The influx of cash into a local economy, combined with a paucity of economic alternatives and a transient workforce often leads to an active sex trade and high rates of HIV/AIDS and other STDs. In addition, rampant drug and alcohol abuse, gambling, and violence are frequently reported. Further to this, misuse of ASM revenues to meet personal rather than family or community needs continues to be an oft reported barrier to positive change. Due to the remote location of most of these communities, the speed at which they are often established and the limited resources of governments in impoverished countries, these health and social issues are often compounded by a lack of services and infrastructure. Poor health is a critical component of the ASM poverty cycle – when spouses or family members are infirmed and their capacity to work is diminished, a “healthy” family member must work harder to pay for normal living expenses in addition to health costs (Hinton, 2006). Ill health of a family member may initially drive men, women and children into mining. Arduous work, combined with inexperience in mining and lack of knowledge about hazards, can exacerbate the potential for injury or illness; thus, the cycle of poor ASM practices, ill health and poverty is perpetuated (Hinton, 2006). An overarching element in this maze of issues is the regulatory regime in which ASM is housed. Although the impetus to regulate the ASM sector exists and is recognized by most legislators (Barreto, 1993), artisanal and small-scale miners are not properly considered within most legal frameworks. Fundamental factors that impede the development of suitable legislation include an inability to come to an agreement on how these activities should be defined and licensed (i.e. on the basis of operation size, mineral extracted, income  7  generated, degree of mechanization, etc.), preference towards “formal” mine developers and inadequate government resources to strengthen miners’ capacity to understand and adhere to legislative measures (Veiga and Hinton, 2002). Furthermore, legislation is often claimed to be gender neutral yet can easily exacerbate gender inequalities by overlooking gender differentiated constraints and opportunities (Reeves and Baden, 2000). Poor governance and corruption present additional barriers. Lack of land tenure offers little incentive to satisfy legal requirements for environmental practices and further precludes access to credit, a critical necessity in terms of upgrading a mining operation (Gyan-Baffour, 2003).  It is evident that any legalization strategy must consider that (a) miners will  undoubtedly opt to work outside of a regulatory framework if obvious benefits cannot be derived from operating within it and (b) many miners nevertheless do not have the resources or skills to effectively participate (Veiga and Hinton, 2002). The problematique of ASM fails to adequately capture the differential constraints and opportunities faced by women and men engaged in or impacted by ASM and the heterogeneity between and within communities. A fully integrated approach is called for encompassing good governance, appropriate policy and its practice, environmental protection, intersectoral coordination, livelihood opportunities and equitable distribution of revenues, among many other issues (Hobbs, 2005). Capacity to break the poverty cycle brings questions of differential vulnerability, access, assets, autonomy and overall capacity to the forefront. In the absence of engendered approaches, the transformation of the vicious cycle of poverty into a virtuous cycle of prosperity is endangered. Delving deeper vis-à-vis a gender lens will lend tremendous insight.  1.1.3 Gender and Development: A Primer Sex is the biological determination of a person as female or male according to specific set and recognizable physical attributes (Reeves and Baden, 2000). Although the differential status of women and men is often attributed to these biological differences, societal values and attitudes placed on biological sex and resulting inequalities require understanding of gender. Gender, as applied herein, refers to behaviours, attitudes, values, beliefs, etc. that a particular socio-cultural group considers appropriate for males and females, which can shift and change over time, space and circumstance (Butler, 1990).  8  A few simple examples put forth by women and men miners in Ugandan ASM communities illustrate how gender is socially constructed and not derived directly from biology. Attitude changes over the past 50 years include increased importance of educating girls as well as boys, eradication of the belief that women were not supposed to eat chicken for health reasons (infertility, back ailments, death etc) and, very recently (although not widespread), the willing of land to both sons and daughters. Similarly, in the Baganda Region of Uganda, women do not normally ride bicycles, but many women in Teso Region do, while in the Karamoja Region, women are largely responsible for house construction while men primarily undertake this work in the remainder of the country. In Ntungamo District (Ankole Region), women go deep in underground mines to break cassiterite ore while women do not work underground in other parts of the country with the perception they are “too weak” to undertake the work. Each of these examples has obvious implications in terms of economic opportunities, human health, autonomy and other dimensions that impact human wellbeing. Both women and men can experience negative impacts of discrimination based on gender and addressing inequalities requires both women and men to confront their prevailing beliefs, advantages and behaviour (Mayoux, 2005). However, it has been widely demonstrated that women are generally more disadvantaged than men. A few official statistics in Uganda illustrate some key inequalities: 23.1% of households are “headed” by women; men earn over 30% more than women; 76% of adult males and 61% of adult females are literate; women hold 24.7% of seats in Parliament; and only 7% of women own land (UBOS, 2004; Leistikow, 2003). National statistics do not, by any means, fully describe gender differences in terms of vulnerability, access or control, nor do they convey how poverty is differently experienced by women and men or the causes of inequities in status or power. They do, however, provide a glimpse into the outcomes of gender imbalances and posit the significance of inequalities on overall development. In the early 1970’s, the Women In Development (WID) approach emerged in response to the perception that women were “passive beneficiaries” of, or even negatively impacted by, modernization, with recognition that women needed to be actively engaged in development processes in order for development to take place (Razavi and Miller, 1995; Reeves and Haben, 2000:33). With a focus on the commercial roles of women, access and control of resources and equal participation, WID programmes focused on practical needs of women  9  related to employment, income generation, education and financial access. With marginal focus afforded to men or power relations between women and men, WID overlooked the role of gender relations in restricting women’s access in the first place (Razavi and Miller, 1995). Limited progress in achieving development objectives and improving women’s wellbeing under the WID approach led to the rise of the Gender and Development (GAD) perspective. With an emphasis on addressing both practical and strategic gender needs and challenging gender roles and relations that perpetuate power imbalances, the GAD approach explicitly recognizes the socially constructed basis of differences between women and men. The GAD approach is more commonly employed in Subsaharan Africa by Governments, UN, NGOs and other organizations; however, on an implementation level, it is often difficult to discern clear differences between WID and GAD and combinations of both are practically used (Reeves and Haben, 2007). The transition of WID to GAD is succinctly captured by Rico (1998) that “It is not enough to have programmes and projects aimed at women, but that development activities must as a whole contribute to equity, which means that men must be involved as well.” Gender equity is the “condition of fairness and equality whereby gender is no longer a basis for discrimination and inequality between people... In a gender equitable society both women and men enjoy equal status, rights, levels of responsibility, and access to power and resources….to make their own informed, realisable and free life choices.” (Mayoux, 2005:3). Gender equity is commonly distinguished from gender equality as the latter is commonly assumed to focus on removal of obstacles to participation, thereby providing “equal opportunities” but yet not necessarily “equality of outcomes” (Reeves and Baden, 2007:10). Profound change in power imbalances between women and men is central to gender equity, requiring appreciation of differing needs, interests, priorities and distribution of power and resources, i.e. equality of opportunities and outcomes may require different approaches for women and men. The role of both women and men as “dynamic promoters of social transformation” rather than passive victims of externalities is vital (Sen, 1995:189).  10  1.2 Statement of the Problem Substantial scholarly work and policy literature exists on the technical, legal, organizational, human health and environmental characteristics of ASM, a selection of which seeks to elicit the linkages between these aspects (Barretto, 1993; Bannerman et al, 2003; Hentschel et al, 2002; Hinton et al, 2003; Peterson and Heemskerk, 2001; Wotruba et al, 1998; Gunson et al, 2006). Assessments of ASM as a livelihood strategy are less abundant but broadly assert that integrated approaches are vital to effectively understand and respond to the development needs of miners and affected communities (Bayah et al, 2003; Caballero, 2004; Carmouze et al, 2001; Dreschler, 2001; Gyan-Baffour, 2003; Mwaipopo et al, 2004). Each of these vital works generally aim to elucidate critical aspects of the ASM poverty cycle (Fig. 1), although marginal attention is typically afforded to the gender dimension of cultural, social, political, economic, civil and cultural factors that determine access, participation and voice, autonomy, vulnerability and, ultimately, the distribution of impacts and benefits. Identification of the proportions of women and men engaged in mining and, to a lesser extent, their specific gender roles in these contexts is increasingly being incorporated in the ASM discourse. However, identifying respective roles in production gives only marginal insight into status and power differentials between men and women and the social determinants that perpetuate these inequities (Moore, 1988; Razavi and Miller, 1995). If scholarship framing the ASM problematique does not adequately consider the genderspecific nature of development, resulting policies and interventions are likely to be oriented towards the tasks, needs and priorities of men who are typically better positioned to effectively participate and voice their concerns. Indeed, gender analyses of development programmes related to agriculture and forestry found that the quality of women’s lives did not, in fact, improve, and in some cases even declined as a consequence of initiatives that failed to incorporate gender perspectives (Wightman, 2001; Wakhungu and Cecelski, 1995). Even when improvements to women’s quality of life have been achieved, they do not necessarily improve the subordinate position that women often occupy (Jackson, 1993). As women’s direct involvement in ASM frequently decreases with the increased scale and mechanization of a mining operation, it is easy to speculate as to how technical assistance  11  programmes, technocentric policy reforms and ASM-focused development programs could exacerbate rather than ameliorate gender inequalities. The growing body of work on the impacts and benefits of large scale mining on women - as miners, their spouses and/or community members - frequently calls for mining companies to commit to gender responsiveness in engagement, employment, mine planning and design as well as community development interventions (Lahiri Dutt, 2008; Lozeva and Marinova, 2007; O’Faircheallaigh, 2008). The frameworks, approaches and findings that have emerged from these studies provide invaluable insight, yet profound differences exist between large scale mining and ASM in terms of capacity, resources, rural livelihoods linkages, legality, political influence and recognition, among many other distinctions (Priester, 2007). The paucity of work specific to gender-differentiated roles, responsibilities, impacts and benefits in the ASM subsector, particularly that which is framed on the social determinants of health and wellbeing, makes this research extremely relevant. As early as 1996, the UNESCO Committee on Natural Resources called for strategies to support the empowerment of women in ASM (UNESCO, 1996). UNDP, UNIDO, UNCTAD, ILO, AFDB and many more multi-lateral agencies, national governments have recognized the multifaceted dimension of ASM, inclusive of the cross-cutting needs related to gender. Formed in 2001, the Communities and Small Scale Mining (CASM) Initiative housed in the World Bank has committed to promotion of gender equality and empowerment as women as one of its three priority themes (CASM, 2009). Similarly, the World Bank has developed guidelines for their personnel with respect to mainstreaming gender in extractive industries projects, many of which include a component related to ASM. Furthermore, the Japanese International Cooperation Agency (JICA) together with World Bank is currently developing a Toolkit and Guidance Strategy for governments in the mainstreamining of gender concerns in the ASM policies, projects and programmes. Action-based, holistic research focused on the multi-faceted development needs and priorities of women and men artisanal miners and their communities would significantly inform the technical, environmental and socio-economic interventions, policy reforms and ensuing scholarship that have potential to impact human poverty.  12  1.3 Significance of the Work The number of women and men engaged in ASM is substantial with direct and indirect beneficiaries of more than 100 million women, men and children (Veiga and Baker, 2004). Within Uganda, ASM provides a vital source of employment for more than 195,000 people, almost half of which are women (Hinton, 2009a). Most of these miners are “community miners”, who spend their revenues within the subcounties and districts where they reside. In Uganda, the local economic contribution from these incomes alone was estimated at 337 million USD in 2008 (Hinton, 2009a). Despite the economic significance to miners and their communities, ASM is typically characterized by extensive environmental degradation and deplorable social conditions, both during operations and well after mining activities have ceased. Internationally, the number of miners is believed to be on the rise, and, in Uganda, the gender gap in the ASM workforce is expected to narrow over the coming years. Critical factors include: escalation of rural poverty and the feminization of poverty; rising commodity prices; growth of the construction sector (wherein women’s engagement of stone aggregate production is pronounced in Uganda); outward migration of skilled male miners from ASM areas in pursuit of opportunities in urban centers (or, in some countries, due to increased large-scale mining development); evolving cultural norms with respect to gender roles; lack of employment in other sectors; and increased family pressures due to high birth rates and dependency of children orphaned by HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases (Hinton et al, 2003a; Hinton, 2009b).  1.3.1 Towards Gender-Responsive Approaches to ASM and Development Despite the frequently reported negative consequences of ASM, it is widely believed that these activities have the potential to be a catalyst for entrepreneurial activities, the development of sustainable livelihoods and the alleviation of poverty (Hentschel et al, 2002; Pedro, 2003; CASM, 2008). Accordingly, a growing number of efforts to advance the subsector have been undertaken by international organizations, governments and, to a lesser extent, mining companies and NGOs (Hinton, 2006; UNIDO, 2007; Wotruba et al, 1998; Rio Tinto, 2008). Numerous improvements (e.g. licenses granted, technologies adopted, organizations formed) have been observed yet these have been largely  13  piecemeal, while systematic, equitable development progress continues to be largely elusive. As a growing livelihood alternative for millions of rural poor, the feminization of poverty is particularly relevant to the ASM discourse. Over the past two decades, the number of rural women living in absolute poverty has increased by 50% (compared to 30% for men) (Carr, 2000). “The primary cause of the feminization of poverty is gender bias, which in its various forms, prevents women from obtaining the education, training, health services, child care, and legal status they require to escape poverty.” (Carr, 2000). Although the need for positive outcomes for both women and men are increasingly recognized in recent ASM interventions (and to a much lesser extent in policy reforms), the specific need for transformation of gender relations is rarely incorporated within the discourse or methodologies employed. Many ASM researchers and practitioners have long emphasized the need for integrated, interdisciplinary approaches requiring a different skillset (Davidson, 1993; Veiga, 1997). Technical experts, policy makers and environmental scientists are progressively partnering with development specialists, health experts and biologists, among others, to design and implement policies and interventions. However, the absence of gender specialists and engendered approaches in ASM still represents a critical gap (Lahiri-Dutt, 2003). This research is therefore significant as it builds on the limited, albeit insightful scholarship on gender and ASM conducted to date (Amutabi and Lutta-Mukhebi, 2001; Bhagyalakshmi, 2007; Labonne, 1996; Lahiri Dutt, 2003; Heemskerk, 2003; Perks, 2008; Yakovleva, 2006 and others), while employing a methodology that seeks to understand the genderdifferentiated practical and strategic needs, as well as distribution of power and resources, in response to multiple social determinants of individual, household and community wellbeing. The study aims to identify knowledge gaps as a foundation for future research while informing the design and implementation of related interventions  14  1.3.2 Towards Evidence-based Policy and Intervention Despite their interconnectedness, strategies and approaches related to development, environment and gender have evolved almost independently, significantly impacting the policies of various sectors and government agencies (Rico, 1998). With a mandate to promote and manage mineral resource development, most mineral policies are typically narrowly focused on providing security of exclusive tenure, technical aspects, financial benefits (e.g. taxation, royalties), typically underscored by the need for environmental protection. Sectoral performance is often gauged on investment and revenues from mineral production. A focus on economic performance fails to capture the diverse health, cultural and social outcomes that are crucially vital to people’s wellbeing and development opportunities (Heemskerk, 2003). Although legislation in most sectors claims to be “gender neutral”, it can actually serve to exacerbate gender inequities (Reeves and Baden, 2007). Conversely, most human development sectoral policy (e.g. related to health and welfare) tends to recognize gender more explicitly and is underscored by objectives to address poverty, marginalization and exclusion. In many developing countries, the disconnect between mineral and development sector policy objectives, and ways in which their performance is measured, represents a major challenge in terms of achievement of broader poverty reduction goals. This situation is exacerbated by the “visibility crises” of ASM. Although the informal sector is often recognized as crucial to developing economies, the ASM subsector is still largely invisible to most governments, donors, NGOs, the general public and others. Furthermore, mining is commonly viewed as “men’s work” (Momsen, 2008) and, within ASM, the invisibility of women’s work – at the mine site, household and in communities – is even more acute, sometimes even to miners themselves. For example, during gender consultations in Eastern Uganda, a significant proportion of women limestone miners identified their occupation as “peasants” while in a neighbouring ASM area, male miners strongly affirmed that women were not engaged in gold production, yet multiple houses have grinding stones where women pulverize gold ore as they perform domestic chores. Similarly, many government officials engaged in ASM training programmes in 2007/08 were hard pressed to incorporate measures requiring slight budget increases to ensure the participation of women and men miners (mobilization time, child care, adaptation of materials, location selection etc), yet participating women miners frequently reported they  15  would have not benefitted were it not for these measures. The invisibility of ASM, and women’s work in ASM, are factors contributing to exclusion of gender and ASM from national poverty reduction strategies. Within Uganda, this work is particularly significant given planned reforms to the mineral policy and institutional model of the Department of Geological Survey and Mines (DGSM) in the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development (MEMD). Included is the provision of extension services to artisanal miners at a grassroots level and improved intersectoral coordination, in part to address artisanal miners’ multi-faceted needs. Furthermore, recent changes to the National Budget Planning Process involve streamlining budget allocation along themes (including those related to gender equity and social welfare as well as natural resources). This shift from sectoral budgeting seeks to improve coordination between Government agencies while reducing redundant expenditures and ensuring that those agencies that are best equipped to address specific priorities are sufficiently funded. With strong recognition of the importance of the informal sector in national development and firm commitments to promotion of gender equity, an obvious entry point exists to both increase the visibility of the ASM subsector and promote gender responsive, integrated ASM policies and strategies. Standard scientific research approaches limited along strict disciplinary streams are generally inadequate in terms of generating evidence to elucidate linkages between multiple social domains at micro, meso- and macro-levels and their ultimate impact on development and sustainable livelihoods (Killoran et al, 2006). The interdisciplinary framework applied in this research aims to bridge these gaps through established ecosystem and social determinants frameworks while further understanding the relationship between gender and poverty. By shedding light on the interconnection between ASM and other livelihoods and their gender-differentiated effects on poverty, findings speak directly to objectives of national poverty reduction strategies, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and local development plans This research is therefore both significant and timely as it aims to inform policy and decision-making, particularly with respect to ASM and gender, while forming a basis for  16  design and  delivery of  integrated,  interdisciplinary extension services, technical  interventions and related performance assessment frameworks that seek to transform gender relations as a necessity of development.  1.4 Outline The following Chapter Two draws upon international scholarship to introduce critical challenges in ASM and elucidate some of the linkages between ASM and poverty. In particular, it seeks to understand how the gender division of labour and gender relations at ASM sites and communities can determine same and differential constraints or opportunities to escape the ASM poverty cycle. Chapter Three describes the theoretical and conceptual frameworks guiding the examination of gender-differentiated constraints and opportunities facing women and men salt miners and their communities. Sets of lenses include (i) Social Determinants of Health approach, which provides a structured means with which to examine multi-faceted determinants of health and wellbeing, (ii) the Ecosystem Approach to Human Health, which necessitates transdisciplinarity, participation and equity in methods and defined reasonable boundaries for the research; and (iii) the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach, whose clear framework to understand the vulnerabilities, assets and, in particular, processes determining wellbeing is well suited to understanding gender relations within a multilivelihood context. Chapters One, Two and Three ultimately inform the Theoretical Model used in this research, which is described at the conclusion of the chapter. Chapter Four details the methodological approach, outlines the research questions and provides justification for the case study site selected. It further describes how quantitative and qualitative methods and action-based approaches were employed and strengths and weaknesses of the research encountered through their application. Chapter Five describes the overarching “host environment” of the research. Specifically, it outlines national institutional policies, structures and processes that have considerable influence on the distribution of power, access and control of resources, individual and civil society rights and a host of other factors affecting wellbeing at the grassroots level. Explicit focus is afforded to ASM and the mineral rights regime in Uganda and the cross cutting 17  gender legislation and institutional machinery that seeks to redress gender inequalities in support of poverty reduction. Chapter Six introduces the case study community, Katwe Kabatooro Town Council in Kasese District, where the demographic and geographical environment lays the groundwork for understanding the context in which the research is placed. Chapter Seven presents the key findings from this research in the context of the foundations for sustainable livelihoods in Katwe Kabatooro. This includes an overview of predominant livelihoods in Katwe Kabatooro and interconnections between them. Detailed description of salt production, its gender division of labour and organization of work provide the foundation for subsequent discussion while gender-differentiated impacts and benefits are further detailed through multi-livelihood, gender disaggregated comparisons related to natural, physical, social, financial and human assets in the community. Chapter Eight discusses the significance of results within the context of societal conditions that affect health and wellbeing and compares the assets and poverty reducing measures to which women and men engaged in various livelihoods differentially have access. It explores the importance of both national and local policies, structures and processes in determining livelihood outcomes and the roles of ASM in alleviating and exacerbating women’s and men’s poverty. Recommendations for emerging themes of research, policy and institutional reforms and new approaches to ASM development interventions are proposed for academia (inclusive of engineering research in mining institutions) and government, donors and others. Chapter Nine presents key conclusions from this research, attests to its originality and highlights the implications of findings in terms of broader development objectives.  18  2  WOMEN’S WORK, MEN’S WORK AND BEYOND3  For millions of the World’s poor, ASM represents one of the most viable, and sometimes only, opportunities to reduce economic poverty and create wealth in developing countries (CASM, 2003; Hentschel et al, 2002). Miners often earn incomes several times those obtained from other livelihoods, the majority of which is spent locally, thereby stimulating economic development of non-mining livelihoods and increasing local purchasing power (Hayes, 2009; Jacques et al, 2002; Jennings, 1999). In many rural communities, ASM fuels demand for goods and services such as tools, equipment and day-to-day requirements (such as food, water, and other inputs). Further benefits cited include contributions to foreign exchange earnings, reduction of rural-urban migration and potential to exploit deposits which are unattractive to formal mining companies. In countries such as Kenya, Uganda and India, ASM quite literally provides the building blocks of development – construction materials for housing and other infrastructure – and has considerable potential to improve productivity in the agricultural sector through provision of a wide range of vital, soil-enhancing minerals (Asaduzzaman, 2008; Hinton, 2009a; Van Straaten, 2002). Human wellbeing, however, in any given context does not rely merely on income and economic growth, but is determined by a multiplicity of macro, sector-specific, community, household and individual characteristics (Forget and Lebel, 2001). Environmental degradation, perilous work practices, pervasive poverty, gender disparity, HIV/AIDS and malaria, deplorable infrastructure, child labour and scant social services – this is also the face of ASM (Hentschel et al, 2002; Jennings, 1999; Veiga, 1997). Founded on indispensable scholarship and policy literature specific to ASM and ASM communities, this chapter depicts the multi-faceted challenges and opportunities faced by women and men in ASM communities. It aims to build understanding of the trade3  Excerpts of this Chapter have been partly adapted and/or excerpted by permission of the Publishers from: ‘Women in artisanal and small scale mining in Africa’, in Women Miners in Developing Countries, eds. Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt and Martha Macintyre (Farnham etc.: Ashgate, 2006), Copyright © 2006. ‘Women and Artisanal Mining: Gender Roles and the Road Ahead’, In: Socio-economic Impacts of Artisanal and Small-scale Mining in Developing Countries, Ch. 11. G. Hilson (ed), (Balkema publ, Taylor & Frances Informa UK Ltd.) Copyright © 2003 ‘Women, Mercury and Artisanal Gold Mining: Risk Communication and Mitigation’, Journal de Physique IV, Vol. 107, 617-621. (EDP Sciences). Copyright © 2003.  19  offs made by women and men engaged in mineral resource extraction - willingly and unwillingly, informed or uninformed - that can determine differential or same outcomes. These multiple works further point to a clear way forward in terms of crucial gaps in scholarship, policy and practice, thereby providing a foundation, and strengthening the justification, for this dissertation.  2.1 ASM and Employment: Roles and Remuneration In 1999, the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated that the number of artisanal miners was around 11-13 million in 55 countries, a 20% increase over the previous decade. Although employment statistics were not gender-disaggregated in the submissions from 43 developing countries, ILO asserted that women’s direct involvement was pronounced in many countries, and was estimated at 3.5-4 million (Jennings, 1999). From these statistics, it was extrapolated that 80 - 100 million people worldwide were directly and indirectly reliant on this activity. With mounting poverty due to factors including drought and conflict causing displacement of populations and diseases such as HIV/AIDS, together with the attraction of potential wealth due to rising commodity prices, the number of artisanal and small-scale miners continues to escalate and, in 2004, was estimated at more than 15 million for gold mining alone, at least 4 million of which are women (Veiga and Baker, 2004). In some ASM sites, women miners’ participation is as high as 60-100%, with a regional ratio of men to women averaging about 3:2 in Subsaharan Africa, while the average in Latin America and Asia is on the order of 8:1 to 9:1 (ILO, 1999; Hentschel et al, 2002; Amutabi and Lutta-Mukhebi, 2001; Onuh, 2002). It is believed that these statistics significantly underestimate the actual number of artisanal miners. The informal and frequently dispersed nature of ASM is a key factor. However, to an extent this is also because industrial minerals production (e.g. salt, clay, stone aggregate, sand, limestone etc) is often overlooked with a preferred focus on metallic minerals such as gold, coltan (columbite-tantalite) and tin. This is partly due to exclusion of industrial minerals from mining legislation in some countries and partly as most scholarship has focused on high unit value minerals. Industrial minerals can constitute substantial percentages of ASM workforces (e.g. 80% in Uganda where 70% of salt and stone aggregate miners are women) and, as they are “low unit value”  20  commodities where availability of cheap labour is a key determinant of feasibility, women’ participation is often prominent (Hinton et al, 2003; Hinton, 2006). Employment statistics, therefore, further underestimate the contribution of women to mineral production. To some degree, this can be attributed to their engagement in industrial minerals production, however this is largely due to the gender division of labour at ASM sites. As women often work part time in mining, with domestic responsibilities impeding full time production on site, and they often occupy roles deemed “ancillary” (such as cooks or food vendors, water transporters and other goods and service providers), their contributions are often neglected (Hinton, 2003a). In Tanzania, Dreschler (2001) observed that 2.5 times as many women are engaged in “indirect” roles than in “direct” mineral production, with 25% of the total ASM workforce (550,000) being constituted of women. Susapu and Crispin (2001) observed that, as women are more frequently associated with transporting and processing, as opposed to digging, they are not always identified as “miners”. The visibility crises of women’s direct and indirect contributions to ASM - at the mine site, in the home, community and country – speak directly to inequitable power relations and their outcomes. The gender division of labour can vary between and within ASM sites, however, certain roles are commonly dominated by men or women. Men are overwhelmingly responsible for “digging” or “rock breaking” in the pit or underground while both men and women are engaged in mineral processing (hauling, washing) and ancillary services. In the Cocoase Camp at Tarkwa in Ghana, risks associated with underground mining are given as justification for women’s role carrying gold ore and water and pounding rocks rather than digging (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001). Approximately 90% of mineral processing activities are conducted by women in Burkina Faso, where 45,000 - 85,000 women constitute ~45% of the ASM workforce, and in Mali, where about 50% of miners are women (Gueye, 2001; Keita, 2001). Similar labour divisions – men engaged in digging and women engaged in hauling, processing and service provision - have been documented for metallic mineral and gemstone production in Bolivia, Brazil, Peru, Suriname, Colombia, Venezuela, Burkina Faso, Kenya, Sudan, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, India, Lao PDR, Philippines and elsewhere (Amutabi and Lutta-Mukhebi, 2001; Chakravorty, 2001; Dreschler, 2001; 21  Heemskerk, 2000; Hentschel et al, 1998; Jennings, 1999; Lujan, 2004; Veiga, 2002; Veiga, 1996; Veiga, 1997). This division is also pronounced for many industrial minerals, such as clay in Bangladesh, stone aggregate, limestone and dimension stone in Uganda, stone aggregate and sand in India and stone, sand and clay in Ghana, and marble in Zambia (Asaduzzaman, 2008; Babu, 2004; Dreschler, 2001; Hinton, 2005; Hilson, 2001; Sahnaj, 2004). In a comprehensive assessment of ASM in SADC Countries, Dreschler (2001) observed that in the formal (legal) sector, only ~10% (or 3000) of the miners are women, with the remainder engaged in subsistence mining. He stated: “Most of the women are found at the very bottom end of the sector’s hierarchy, doing subordinate work. Women are not employed in the regions large-scale mining industry, and therefore, they usually don’t have the experience in mining. Women are also not that flexible and able to move around in the country. So, while men are often following the gold-rush in remote corners of the region, women are usually tied to their households and involved in seasonal panning activities around their home areas.” (Dreschler, 2001:6) Similarly, in mica factories in Giridih in Eastern India, Lahiri Dutt (2006:25) observed “the more arduous, tedious and manual jobs are done by women whereas men tend to do more specialised and skilled jobs that often involve the use of machines”. Socio-cultural beliefs and tradition can figure prominently in gender roles and relations that determine access to and benefits from ASM. In the Jos region of Nigeria, Ogbe (2001) found that women’s role in tin mining is largely determined by her husband – in this case, mining is predominantly conducted by women, with their earnings regularly turned over. In N’tulo, Mozambique, women are believed to attract bad spirits, and are therefore banned from working in the mines (Dreschler, 2001). They are, however, permitted to sell food and beer. In Zambia, the belief perpetuates that women should not approach a gemstone mine as the spirits of the stones would drive the gems deeper into the earth (Synergy Africa, 2001) or disappear altogether (Kaingu, 2003).  22  Some cultures believe this is particularly significant during menses. Disappearance of the stones can be averted with the slaughter of a goat or cow, and the calling of the spirits of ancestors (Kaingu, 2003). Menstrual taboos in the Maroon culture of Suriname that prohibit women from engaging in activities, including sex, cooking for men, or touching items used by men, have prompted some women working at mine sites continually take oral contraceptives to prevent menstruation so they can continue mining (Heemskerk, 2000). The perceived repercussions of violating the taboos include illness, death and other misfortune to people in the community. Under the guise of concerns for women’s safety, women were strictly prohibited from entering the artisanal mining reserve in the gold rush in Serra Pelada, Brazil (Veiga, 1997). In Zambia, many women have reported severe difficulty initiating mining in some areas due to the hostility of chiefs threatened by their presence (Machipisa, 1997). Due to the belief that women bring bad luck, women have been legally banned or deterred from working underground in countries throughout the world (Robinson, 1998). Up until the mid-1980s, organized mining companies adhered to this superstition in Brazil, and, in the 1970s, coal miners in Eastern US states adhered to the belief that the presence of women underground would cause explosions (Hodel, 2000). The justifications for discrimination in each of these cases may differ; however, the end result is ultimately a system that undermines a woman’s freedom and choice to participate fully in mining. At many sites, women and men undertake the same direct roles in mineral production; however this does not always equate to same outcomes. In Mali, it is suggested that centuries of mining tradition have determined that women and men work side-by-side gold digging (Keita, 2001), however Labonne (1998) observed that Malinke tradition in the Kangaba area nevertheless dictates that women turn over all gold to their husbands (Labonne, 1998). In Kikagati Mine in Ntungamo District of Uganda, both women and men dig underground while cases of women trading sexual favours for assistance in breaking exceptionally hard cassiterite ore have been reported. This example may depict the desperation of women working underground, but it also puts both women and men at risk while reflecting the “machismo” mentality that may call into the question the strength or virility of a man who denies such a request.  23  The gender division of labour is significant not only as it reflects differential visibility, vulnerability, autonomy, time, domestic responsibility, mobility, access and control, education and skills, among other interconnected issues, but as it determines differential outcomes, such as those related to social status, income and human health risks.  2.2 ASM and the Health of Mine Workers Gender factors that influence occupational health risks faced by an individual can be either biological (e.g. related to physiology, life stage, physical characteristics, etc) or non-biological (e.g. occupation, risk attitudes, nutrition, stress). The role in the mine site, of course, figures prominently. For instance, as men dominate digging and rock breaking in open pits or underground, they are at greater risk of injury or fatality due to pit wall failures or tunnel collapses. Women and men who manually crush quartz-rich stone aggregate are chronically exposed to fine, crystalline silica dust, the inhalation of which can result in silicosis. Gender roles can vary from site-to-site, commodity-tocommodity and within sites themselves, while heterogeneity of miners in terms of risk perception and awareness, power to control and prevent risks and individual physiological differences, among others factors, can determine outcomes. The occupational health issues that plague ASM can primarily be attributed to: the informal and often illegal nature of ASM, economic constraints that result in inadequate equipment and neglect of safety measures, and a frequent lack of expertise and insufficient training (Hentschel et al, 2001). Although the chemical dangers, in particular, those associated with mercury and cyanide misuse, first come to mind, most occupational hazards are a consequence of poor physical conditions, such as ground failure, shaft collapses and machinery accidents. Hydraulic monitoring4 of secondary deposits can also be extremely unsafe, as there is potential to undercut hill slopes and induce landslides (Hinton et al., 2003). In two ASM sites in Indonesia, shaft or pit collapses occur between 2 and 5 times per year (Purwana, 2003). Methane or coal dust explosions are also significant in small coal mines, such as those found in China, where at least 6000 miners die annually (ILO, 1999). Poor lighting and ventilation, 4 Hydraulic monitoring involves the high pressure application of water to “fluidize” metal-bearing highly weathered soils (Hinton et al., 2003).  24  electrocution and explosives misuse are other frequent causes of accidents. Women, men and children who work in ASM face additional illness, injury and stress from dust and noise pollution, as well as extreme exertion from highly labour-intensive jobs (Hentschel et al, 2001). Although accidents are severely underreported due to its illegality, ILO (1999) states that non-fatal accidents in ASM are still six to seven times greater than in formal, large-scale operations while, in reference to India, Rege (2004) contends that thousands of accidents go unreported on a daily basis. Inhalation of fine quartz dispersed during breaking and crushing rock, can result in silicosis, which has been documented in children as young as 14 in Ghana (ILO, 1999). Primarily due to widespread silicosis, life expectancy in a mining region of the Bolivian Altiplano is barely 48 years (Quiroga, 2000), an overwhelming difference from the national average of 63 years (World Bank, 2002). Incidence of silicosis range between 16-57% in different quarries of India, amounting to more than 800,000 mine workers in the state of Rajasthan alone (Lahiri Dutt, 2006). Being in close proximity to mining and milling operations often equates to environmental health hazards for area residents. For instance, in Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania, Tesha (2003) ascertained that chronic exposure to elevated noise levels for millers and those living in close proximity to mills could result in hearing impairment. In Tanzania, Tesha further observed that operators and people around the mill are exposed to a significant amount of dust, largely due to the use of dry grinding. As women are most commonly involved in the processing aspects of ASM, they are also highly susceptible to chemical dangers, particularly in association with mercury misuse in gold mining. Mercury is widely recognized as one of the most toxic metals known to humans. Mercury vapour released during amalgam decomposition poses a serious hazard to women, men and children in close proximity to gold shops and amalgam decomposition sites. In many countries, gold decomposition takes place in the home (using the kitchen stove) or in small sheds adjacent to processing sites. In a study by Murao et al. (2002), women who conducted in-house amalgam decomposition in pocket mines of Luzon Island in the Philippines frequently had elevated levels of mercury accumulation in hair and exhibited symptoms, including 25  kidney pain, respiratory problems, and dizziness. Chronic exposure to mercury vapour can also result in gingivitis and muscular tremors. Mild cases of mercury poisoning have many psycho-pathological symptoms, such as depression and exaggerated emotional responses, which can be mistaken for alcoholism, fever, malaria or other tropical diseases. Exposure to acute levels can produce dysfunction of kidneys and urinary tract, vomiting, and, potentially, death (Stopford, 1979). In El Callao, Venezuela, where thousands of artisanal miners actively excavate ore from hillsides, the amalgamation process is performed by "moliners", who typically own moderately mechanized plants consisting of three to five lines of jaw crushers, small hammer crushers (capacity of five tonnes/h) and amalgamation tables (mercurycovered copper plates (Beinhoff, 2003). Approximately 3 to 20 grams of gold is recovered from each of the 50 kg bags of ore processed through comminution, concentration and amalgamation. During this operation, the molineros direct the pulp with their bare hands over the mercury-covered plates. By doing this operation, all people working in the ore treatment plant are constantly exposed to mercury vapors – many miners have evident symptoms of mercury toxicity. Amalgam decomposition is conducted by burning. Gold production of 650 molineros amount to approximately 45 kg gold per month (Beinhoff, 2003). On a visit to a molinero, Veiga (1996) recounted the following: “We have talked to a molinero, Mr. David Mejias who recently lost his brother with mercurialism symptoms. According to Mr. Mejias, his brother, who used to take care of the amalgamation work, died due to kidney problems, breathing deficiency and swollen heart. As Mr. Melijas was telling this story, his helper, now a woman, was burning amalgam in a shovel. At this point, he said: “from now on I will be inside of my office when she burns the amalgam”. Mr. Melias has never seen a retort and no environmental or mining inspector has ever given him technical advice. He prefers to hire unaware women for dirty work”. Women and men involved in reworking tailings may simultaneously be exposed to multiple pollutants. In Bolivia, where tailings are primarily the domain of women, these palliris may spend several hours per day working in tailings saturated with heavy, metal-rich acidic drainage and cyanide residues (Jerez, 2001). Cyanide, which is used 26  as an alternative to mercury in recovering gold, is an effective asphyxiant and hydrogen cyanide gas (HCN), and can be fatal to humans at concentrations around 250 ppm in air. Chronic exposure to low concentrations of cyanide has been linked to neuropathological lesions and optical degeneration (Potter et al., 2001). In addition to cyanide and mercury, women reworking tailings may be exposed to highly toxic metals, including lead, cadmium and arsenic. Despite the evidence that indicates the strong link between mental and physical health (WHO, 2001), indicators of mental health or stress have not been well studied in the context of ASM. Factors such as heavy workload, poverty, and family illness are expected to negatively impact the mental health of men and women. Further to this, the effects of migration may also weigh heavily on the psychological well-being of women. Migration of women to ASM regions, as observed in the garimpos of Brazil (Sena, 2001; Veiga, 1997), is often related to poverty and economic crises in their homelands. In some cases, women migrate to mining areas for periods of time, leaving their children in the care of relatives (Heemskerk, 2000). Factors such as change in diet and stress associated with leaving traditional lands, often breaking social ties in the process, has been linked to negative impacts on women. In Mashonaland, Zimbabwe, a study of effects of rural economic development on women’s blood pressure revealed notably elevated levels in mining areas in comparison to areas where large-scale agriculture and traditional economic activities took place (Hunter et al., 2000). The health impacts associated with ASM are strongly linked with the poverty cycle. Poor health generates a vicious cycle – when spouses or family members are infirmed and their capacity to work is diminished, a “healthy” family member must work harder to pay for normal living expenses in addition to health costs. Ill health of a family member may initially drive people into ASM and - as arduous work coupled with inexperience in mining and lack of knowledge about chemical exposures can further exacerbate the potential for injury or illness - the cycle of ill health and poverty is perpetuated (Hinton, 2006).  27  2.3 ASM and the Natural Environment ASM can detrimentally impact ecosystems through deforestation and the modifications of hydrologic systems, for example, through silt accumulation in rivers or construction of water reservoirs (Akagi and Naganuma, 2000). Siltation of rivers caused by discharge of tailings into waterways reduces light penetration and dissolved oxygen levels, thereby jeopardizing fisheries, and may result in flooding (Hinton, 2002). As well, silt build-up may effectively modify the dimensions of drainages such that flooding occurs. With decreased organic matter with deforestation, the water retention capacity of soils also diminishes, thereby resulting in an increased potential for flooding. Fishery depletion and frequent flooding can obviously have detrimental effects on riverine communities and others dependent upon fish as a food source. As flooding increases the net area of standing water, it also contributes to malaria and other mosquitotransmitted diseases (Mergler, 2003). Impacts on water quality can increase the burden on women responsible for water and fuelwood collection. Deforestation can significantly impact women and families, due to the importance of forests for fuelwood and, sometimes, food and medicine. Akagi and Naganuma (2000) also identified deforestation as a major consequence of ASM. Peterson and Heemskerk (2001) estimated that up to 2300 km2 of forest in Suriname alone will be destroyed by artisanal miners by 2010. Although regeneration of these forests is anticipated as mining activities subside, it has been shown that regrowth tends to be slow as soil quality has been degraded significantly (Peterson and Heemskerk, 2001). In addition to land clearing, deforestation also provides timber for the construction of shelters, underground supports, to fashion pans, as firewood, and for other domestic uses, as observed by Shoko and Veiga (2003) and Tesha (2003) in ASM regions in Zimbabwe and Tanzania. In Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania, miners use timber from the nearby forest reserve to stabilize pit walls (Tesha, 2003). Prior to mining, the forest around Rwamagasa covered the entire region. At the current rate of forest extraction, Tesha (2003) anticipates that the forest will be completely decimated within the next five years. The environmental degradation associated with the excavation of large volumes of material can affect groundwater (when the water table is encountered), as well as  28  water quality in adjacent drainages. Waste material is often heaped in close proximity to pits. This creates a source of silt which can be eroded by rainfall, clogging nearby rivers. In Gugub Village, Sudan, Ibrahim (2003) estimated that 400,000 to 500,000 tonnes of waste and tailings are piled near pits. Siltation resulting from the erosion of mine waste and deforestation, coupled with the direct discharge of tailings into waterways, is one of the most significant impacts of ASM on the environment (Hentschel et al, 2002). The effects of siltation from garimpos in Brazil, for example, can be observed as far as 300-500 km downstream in the Tapajós River (Carmouze et al, 2001). In the case of artisanal gold mining, organic forms of mercury – specifically, methylmercury – is of the greatest concern in terms of exposure from food. Metallic mercury discharged into the environment (air, water, tailings) from gold mining practices can be transformed into methylmercury, a readily bioavailable form of mercury. Due to its tendency to increase in concentration upward through aquatic food chains (i.e. it is biomagnified), individuals reliant on fish in mercury impacted areas may be at risk. Chronic exposure to moderate levels of methylmercury results in symptoms including: visual constriction; numbness of the extremities; impairment of hearing; impairment of speech; and impairment of gait. In cases of acute intoxication, muscular atrophy, seizures and mental disturbance are prominent. Women of childbearing age and their children are particularly susceptible, as methylmercury readily crosses placental barriers and is considered to be a developmental toxicant (Grandjean, 1999). Depending on the frequency and degree of exposure, effects can range from sterility, and spontaneous abortion, to mild to severe neurological symptoms. In addition to mercury, exposure to other potentially toxic metals (e.g. cadmium, lead) can also occur through inhalation (i.e. of dust) or consumption of contaminated drinking water and food. This can be facilitated by metals mobilization, in association with acid rock drainage, or direct uptake from tailings into crops or grazing animals. Heavy metals can result in a host of negative health effects. Chronic exposure to cadmium, for example, can have effects that include kidney stones to osteomalacia, a form of rickets (WHO, 1996). 29  In a number of communities targeted by UNIDO’s Global Mercury Project, abandoned pits have been described as veritable “death traps.” In Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania, abandoned pits reach depths between 2 and 20 metres (Tesha, 2003). In Galangan, Indonesia, depths typically range from 5 to 50 metres (Purwana, 2003). Animals and people walking in these areas, particularly at night, have been known to fall into pits and drown during the wet season when pits are covered by thick grasses. Flooded pits have also been shown to provide breeding grounds for mosquito-borne diseases, such as malaria (Mergler, 2003). One of the major community health risks from ASM relates to water contamination, not only from mercury used in gold processing and metals leached from mine waste, but also from domestic wastes, such as sewage, detergents and other chemicals (Hentschel et al, 2003). Often these same waters are also used for domestic purposes, including consumption. Inadequate infrastructure, in particular nonexistent water treatment and sanitation systems, coupled with limited access to health services, lead to a host of diseases and ailments. In a major international project targeting ASM sites in Latin America, Asia and Africa, community health assessments documented widespread diarrhoea, typhoid and parasitism, and poverty-related ailments, such as malnutrition (Ibrahim, 2003; Darmutji, 2003; Mtetwa and Shava, 2003; Purwana, 2003, Wagner, 2003; Shoko, 2003). In informal economies in particular, the natural environment is critical to women’s abilities to generate income and satisfy household needs. In addition to crop production, women are typically the main providers of water and biomass fuels, and further rely on the natural environment for medicinal plants and resins. Due to the direct link between women, family health and the natural environment, women can be highly effective in land management and particularly influential in advocating practices that prevent environmental damage and related human health effects. As individuals and groups are less likely to invest time and resources into more sustainable practices on land they do not own (Sass, 2002), the significance in terms of genderdifferentiated control and ownership of mineral rights is especially pertinent.  30  2.4 ASM and Socio-economic Transformation Many regions throughout the world have relied on ASM for centuries and even millennia. In these situations, mining is a culturally significant tradition and its continuation could be viewed as critical to maintaining community security. In Keana, Nigeria, where salt has been mined by indigenous women for the last 700 years, salt is viewed as a gift from the gods (Onuh, 2002). Mining culture also runs deep in the Indian state of Rajasthan, where marble was mined for construction of the Taj Mahal (Chakravorty, 2001). In established ASM communities in Mozambique, Mondlane and Shoko (1993) documented combined power structures comprised of local/state government officials, traditional and indigenous leaders, and mine camp leaders. Miners often continue to honour their religious beliefs by proffering gifts of gold to traditional chiefs and participating in ancestral worship. In many cases, ASM is a migratory or quasi-temporary phenomenon that has tremendous capacity to create profound changes at the household, community and regional level. With the exception of stone quarries and clay brick production in periurban areas, artisanal or small scale mines are typically located in remote, rural areas with deficient infrastructure and poor services (Hentschel et al, 2001). In the case of metallic minerals and gemstomes, in-migration can be extremely rapid upon discovery, with mine camps emerging in the course of a few days and, in some cases, population increasing to tens of thousands in a matter of months. Although these camps typically evolve into permanent settlements, due to the ‘temporary” and ad hoc nature of these settlements, public health and government officials rarely allocate resources to these communities (Hentschel et al, 2001). In these “rush” scenarios, a familiar cycle occurs: “discovery, migration, and relative economic prosperity are followed by resource depletion, outmigration and economic destitution” (Veiga and Hinton, 2002:14). The ad hoc communities that form (or existing communities that transform) around ASM are often characterized by drug and alcohol abuse, prostitution, disease, gambling, and violence (Hentschel et al, 2001, Veiga and Hinton, 2002). In Rwamagasa Village in Tanzania, malaria, tuberculosis, and sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS are the dominant causes of morbidity and mortality (Wagner, 2003).  31  Cultural values can be severely impacted in ASM characterized by migration and transience. In some cases, 50,000 to 100,000 of miners and their families can migrate to a mining area over the course of months (Weber-Fahr et al, 2001), bringing with them a host of different values, practices, opportunities and risks. The promise of real or imagined riches often lures local residents from their traditional ways of life (Hentschel et al, 2001). The pressure felt by local people to make the transition into mining is further exacerbated by the escalation of food and service costs, which frequently occurs as mining stimulates the cash economy. This allure was captured in a major study conducted on ASM in Latin America, stating that the living conditions of girls and women in these communities are “usually on the boundary between poverty and misery” (Veiga, 1997). Living in extreme povertystricken situations, many girls and young women are enticed to remote areas in the Amazon region to work in “night clubs”. Initially, they are loaned money to escape their poverty but very few can repay their debts, particularly given the exorbitant cost of food and accommodation imposed on them. Controlled by violence, most women work seven days a week and often suffer from malnutrition and sexually transmitted diseases. ASM communities can be marked by conflict and insecurity. Conflict may be between nomadic miners and the local community, mainly over natural resources such as land and water, conflict between miners and mining companies and conflict between miners. For example, in 1993, miners invading traditional Yanomami lands in the Brazilian Amazon massacred more than 40 Yanomami men, women and children (Guzman, 1993); in the Madre de Dios Basin in Peru, where 9,500 of 15,000 families are dedicated to gold mining, conflicts with surrounding 43 indigenous communities are frequent (Kuramoto, 2001); in Papua New Guinea, trespassing of artisanal miners onto tribal land is an ongoing source of violent conflict (Susapu and Crispin, 2001). For example, increases in acts of violence by Amerindian men in Guyana have been attributed to the influence of miners and the “mining culture” (Anon, 2001). When men migrate to mining regions, they can return with modified values, sometimes weakening women’s position in the household. In the Sierra region of Ecuador, for instance, it has 32  been documented that men return home with a greater sense of “machismo” than is traditionally observed in indigenous Sierrans (World Bank, 2000). Incidences of violence towards women in ASM communities have been documented throughout the world. In Guyana, rape of Amerindian girls by foreign miners has been reported (Anon, 2001). In addition, increases in acts of aggression by Amerindian men have also been attributed to the influence of miners and the “mining culture”. Martha Bitwale of the Tanzania Women Miners Association has described the fear of sexual abuse associated with women conducting mining and exploration in remote areas (Machipisa, 1997). Maroon women admittedly battle sexual harassment and other hardships (e.g. malaria) only because of the absence of viable alternatives (Heemskerk, 2000). In the mining camp Huaypetuhe in the Madre de Dios gold mining region of Peru, high crime rates and incidences of rape and violence are, in part, attributed to the absence of police and lawlessness common in many ASM communities (Kuramoto, 2001). Escalating violence in Ecuadorian communities has been attributed to rising poverty levels and inequity between men and women (World Bank, 2000). Growing up in a stone quarry or any mine, babies and infants are likely to spend the first years of their lives strapped to mothers back or sitting nearby as she conducts her work at the mine site (Hinton et al, 2003). Over time, small tasks are introduced at the mine site and, before long, the child becomes a miner, in some cases, becoming apprentices of men and women who see the value of transferring their skills. More than 1 million children work in ASM – from stone quarries to gold or metal mines, from clay pits to gemstones (IPEC, 2004). In the best cases, a child works side by side with siblings and parents. Often, ASM is the only alternative to young orphans with few skills and fewer resources. In the worst cases, a child is “lent” or given to a mine operator in payment of debt of forced under threat of violence to spend days and even weeks entering small tunnels deep within a mountainside. Child labour in mining is considered by the International Labour Organization (ILO) as one of the “worst forms of child labour,” because it usually means a denial of children’s rights to healthy development, education and physical well-being. Children’s 33  developing bodies are far more vulnerable to the chemicals, dust, compression of bones from hauling far-too heavy loads or muscle hardening from repetitive motions can doom a child to chronic pain or illness throughout life (Wasserman, 1999). This vulnerability can also extend to sexual exploitation, physical assaults or psychological abuse. Despite these difficult conditions, Labonne (2002) asserts that ASM provides a source of much-needed employment for both women and men in regions where productive alternatives are lacking. In regions with long-established mining histories and for many industrial minerals sites, stable communities are more likely to develop and mining is more likely to make a positive social contribution (Weber-Fahr, 2001). In the village of Keana, Nigeria, where 100% of the mining workforce is comprised of women, revenues generated from salt mining have enabled mothers to sponsor their children to attend school at rates well above the surrounding communities (Onuh, 2002). In the Laroo quarry region in Gulu District of Uganda, women are also predominantly engaged in mining, prompting a shift in gender relations that has enabled them to control family finances (Anon, 2004). In Suriname, Heemskerk (2003) confirmed that women’s status in the household can strengthen with increasing financial contributions from ASM, a contention asserted by other researchers (Fontana et al, 1998). Elucidating the multiple factors determining improved socioeconomic status (SES), for instance related to education, income, participation and voice, among others, has considerable potential to better understand how transformation of gender relations is or can be supported within different contexts.  2.5 ASM and Informality, Disorganization, Rationality and Recognition At the 1995 International Roundtable on Artisanal Mining, it was concluded that none of the challenges facing the ASM sector could be overcome until a prime need was met: legal titles (Barry, 1996). Recognized as a critical precursor to advancement of the ASM sector, enabling legislation provides a foundation for change. Siegel (2007) states that “by not extending rights to the extralegal economy, the institutions of the State are denying economic freedom to what is in fact the overwhelming majority of the World’s people”, which is an “irrational move... wasting an enormous tax base that could support the emancipation of developing countries from much foreign aid.” 34  Poverty is believed to be both a catalyst and consequence of informality. In the case of ASM, informality can perpetuate poverty as it prevents security of tenure and reduces access to the financing and technical support needed for improved economic, environmental and social performance. Conversely, informality somehow benefits many in the mineral supply chain in terms of evasion of taxes, capacity to exploit women and men miners and relative ease of eviction of miners, among others. Around 80% of the World lives in the “informal” or “extralegal” economy (Siegel, 2007) and, in Uganda, this reliance likely exceeds 90% of the population. Many view the informal economy as a reasonable response to formal systems that are inaccessible, impractical and even dysfunctional (Pelon, 2005). Formalization is founded on the principle that extralegal systems, social arrangements and organizational structures exist for legitimate reasons and the law itself should be an evolving and enabling instrument that reflects the changing ways people live (Siegel and Veiga, 2009). With consideration of the overarching need for protection of human rights, formalization is the process of integrating rather than controlling extralegal enterprises by recognizing local arrangements in legislation, reducing barriers to legalization and creating clear benefits from participation in the formal system. In an assessment of livelihood decision making in a gold mining region of Suriname, Heemskerk (2002) used ethnographic decision-tree modelling to analyze and predict occupational choices made by Nduka maroons. Using a gender-sensitive model that identified the factors dictating livelihood choices of men and women, Heemskerk ascertained that decisions to participate in gold mining were ‘rational’, given the limited alternatives available to miners and relative income generating capacity of ASM. I.e. both male and female miners had considered available options prior to entering mining, had the means to enter the mining workforce (e.g. time, transportation) and had some awareness of the health risks associated with mining. Informality is frequently used interchangeably with disorganization. Women and men miners in Uganda have a diversity of work arrangements based on what makes sense given their differential financial, social and technical constraints (Hinton, 2009a). This  35  ranges from small, semi-permanent work groups of 6-10 miners to owner (buyer) controlled licensed enterprises to family-group seasonal miners to independent miners. In many cases, benefit-sharing through agreements with land owners and fees to subcounty governments serve to reduce conflict risks and provide a sense of formality at the local level. Understanding the gender division of labour and power relations within these different scenarios can yield insight into appropriate measures to support formalization while transforming (rather than exacerbating) the gender relations critical to poverty reduction and improved wellbeing. Much ASM legislation has enshrined the formation of cooperatives as a pre-requisite for small scale mining licenses and indeed thousands of cooperatives have been formed for the sole purpose of obtaining a mining title. Most, however, are not true, benefit-sharing, member-owned institutions (Veiga and Hinton, 2002). For example, a regional ASM cooperative (AMOT) in the Tapajos Region of Brazil handles registration of sites and miners for up to 100,000 artisans. Although somewhat effective in terms of advocacy, AMOT is rotationally run by about 10 “bosses” and buyers, who use the institution to identify and monopolize sites across the vast region for their own purposes (Hinton, 2004). At the Kias Gold Mine in Philippines, all members of its mining association are men, but women are often contracted by miners to conduct panning in exchange for payment in tailings that contain residual gold (“linang”) (Bugnosen, 1998). Externally promoted organizational structures run the risk of exacerbating gender inequalities, particularly if current arrangements (and reasons for their existence) are not recognized and differential constraints faced by women and men are not understood. Ultimately, women and men miners will choose to work within a regulatory framework only if (a) they have the capacity to participate; and (b) it is obviously advantageous to do so (Veiga and Hinton, 2002). The majority artisanal miners are unable to satisfy costs associated with taxes, royalties, fees and rents and time and money spent in transport, while technical capacity to complete applications, regular reports and other bureaucratic requirements present additional challenges.  36  Most ASM policy reform and related interventions seek to elevate activities at the subsistence or “artisanal” end of the ASM spectrum to a formal, “small scale” enterprise. Recognizing the role of both women and men in the ASM sector, Jennings (1999:87) stated “women's lack of schooling, their higher rate of illiteracy than men and their general lack of knowledge of mining constitute formidable barriers.” In recognition of their domestic responsibilities, socio-cultural bias and technical, legal and financial constraints, Jennings (1998:87) called for gender analysis in ASM communities prior to policy reform and interventions, further stating “Where women have overcome these constraints they have generally been very successful. Re-thinking assumptions about organization, formalization and legal reform through gender analysis of the systems and work arrangements that exist is likely to achieve better, long terms outcomes while advancing gender equity and development of sustainable livelihoods.  37  3  THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS  This action-based research examines the gender-differentiated constraints facing women and men salt miners, in particular, and main assets or poverty reducing measures to which they have access through the set of lenses provided by the Social Determinants of Health. As it provides a structured means with which to examine these multi-faceted determinants and captures environmental influences on health and wellbeing, the Ecosystem Approach to Human Health was also used as a guiding theoretical framework. These approaches aid in focusing the research by providing a basis for including or excluding related literature, mainly by clarifying the key issues and variables, while providing guidance in the design and execution of the case study research in the salt mining community of Katwe-Kabatooro Town Council in Kasese, Uganda.  3.1 Social Determinants of Health It has been clearly demonstrated that the risk of disease and death cannot solely be attributed to genetic and physio-environmental factors, such as smoking, blood pressure, age and exposure to toxins, etc (Evans, 1994). Health and wellbeing is a result of the complex interplay between factors that include, but are not limited to, income level and disparity, social support networks, education, employment, working and living conditions, physical environments, social environments, biology and genetic endowment, personal health practices, coping skills, healthy child development, health services, gender and culture (Evans, 1994; Health Canada, 2004; Marmot, 2001; Mach, 2004). These determinants function at an individual and collective level (Corin, 1994). Social determinants of health refer to both “specific features of and pathways by which societal conditions affect health and that potentially can be altered by informed action” (Kreiger, 2002:11). These social processes and conditions are factors that “set certain limits or exert pressures” but are not necessarily deterministic (Kreiger, 2002:11). Corin (1994) contends that the social determinants must be seen as a “network of interacting variables” which can exacerbate or mitigate health outcomes (Fig. Two). In addition to this interactive relationship, the social determinants of health are marked by  38  interdependencies. As Nobel Laureate, Amartya Sen states “the deprivation of health is bad even for the economy because people's productivity depends on their level of nutrition and health. The functioning of the economy suffers from illness-related absenteeism” (Mach, 2004).  The cyclical relationship between health and social  determinants is also illustrated by education. Low education levels reduce opportunities to acquire employment and move up in socioeconomic status, yet low incomes, poor health and high financial and psychosocial strains on families tends to keep children from attending school (Buchmann and Hannum, 2001). Socioeconomic position or status (SES) is one of the most significant determinants of health (NALD, 2001). Across nations and cultures, it is widely recognized that health status generally decreases with SES, i.e. the rich and powerful live healthier, longer lives than the poor and disempowered. “While death is ultimately quite diplomatic, deferral appears to be a privilege correlated with rank” (Evans, 1994:9). SES refers to the relative position of an individual or family in a hierarchal social structure. It is based on resource-based factors, such as income, wealth and educational levels, and prestige-based factors, such as influence, power and rank in a social hierarchy (Krieger, 2002, Mueller and Parcel, 1981). The linkages between SES and health have not been fully elucidated; however, they are commonly measured by income, education, and working conditions or occupation (Adler et al, 1994). In addition to these factors, Mechanic (2000) states that “privileged positions provide the social arrangements, skills, information, and tools to capitalize on the most advanced knowledge and practices that facilitate health”. Socioeconomic status and health are classically linked to behaviours or exposure to environments that place individuals at increased risk (Hertzman et al, 1994). Contemporary perspectives suggests that overall health can be attributed to a number of factors including nutrition, access to health services, degree of control over life conditions, and housing conditions, factors which may be lesser in lower socioeconomic groups and therefore increasing their susceptibility to various conditions (Fig. Two). It is believed by many that health status varies as a continuous gradient across socio-economic hierarchies, i.e. health status improves up “steps” of the socioeconomic status “ladder” (Adler et al, 1994; Hudson, 1994; Mustard and 39  General socioeconomic, cultural and environmental conditions Living and Working Conditions  Work Environment Education Agriculture and Food Production Unemployment Water and Sanitation Health Care Services  Social and Community Networks  Individual lifestyle factors  Age, sex and constitutional factors  Figure 2: Multiple Layers of the Social Determinants of Health (Source: Adapted from Dahlgren, 1991)  Frank, 1994), while others contend that consideration of health status are better captured within “cleavages” in societies (Bromley, 1994). Regardless of the nature of partitioning within and between social groups, in societies throughout the world, there is virtually no evidence of high wealth, income or social status inversely correlating with overall health status (Hertzmann et al, 1994). Hierarchal social structures, which tend to be stable over time, can be found in virtually all human groups (Adler et al, 1994). These structures may serve to decrease hostility within social groups, serving as a protective factor for those with high status, while in unstable groups higher “ranking” persons may be at greater risk of disease and illness (Adler et al, 1994). Although there are multiple components of SES, income levels are commonly used to bridge the gap between SES and health. Wilkinson (1996) contends that GNP per capita is the most effective indicator of health status. Marmot (2001) attributes this to both the inability to acquire the material goods necessary for good health (i.e. deprivation) and insufficient means for social participation. Evans (1994) and Coburn 40  (2004) suggest that relative and not absolute income levels better characterize the relationship between income and health, i.e. even at low income levels, the equitable distribution of wealth may result in good health. For instance, certain social characteristics, such as high levels of maternal education, can cause good population health even at low income levels (Evans, 1994). Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, Coburn (2004) explains that in least developed countries (LDCs), there is considerable variability in health status below incomes of $5-10,000 GNP per capita that can be linked to income disparity at a local, regional and even national level. Most studies examining the influences of SES on health fail to concurrently assess a broad range of factors contributing to SES (Adler et al, 1994). Coburn asserts that although income inequality is a major determinant of poor health, this is mainly because it is a proxy for conditions associated with inadequate material goods (e.g. food) and SES. Psychosocial health outcomes, such as low self esteem, and poor social cohesion result from inequities in SES, and impact health through psychoneuro-biological pathways (Fig. Three) (Wilkinson, 1997, Kawachi et al, 1997). Income inequity is only one factor affecting socioeconomic status. Another component of SES, education, may be a better correlate of health than income (Buchmann and Hannum, 2001, Hertzman, 1994, Mechanic, 2000). In a study which explored the role of income inequity versus education in mortality in the US, Muller (2002) established that lack of education was a more significant predictor than income, attributing the connection to health via “economic resource deprivation, risk of occupational injury, and learnt risk behaviour.” Education is a critical step in reducing inequities in SES and, thus, health. "Once begun, inequality is a cumulative process, with each added disadvantage leaving children further and further behind” (Mechanic, 2000). It has further been suggested that higher levels of education may influence health as it may facilitate more supportive relationships, thereby reducing social isolation (Ross and Wu, 1995). Social isolation, which refers to the separation of individuals or groups by physical, social or psychological barriers, is an established determinant of health, mainly due to its impact on stress5 (Bower, 1997). Stress is often the linkage between 5  Stress generates a physiological response vis-à-vis the interpretation of the external social environment by receptors of the nervous system. This, in turn, generates a response by the endocrine system, which is typically experienced as a “burst of adrenaline”. If prolonged, physiological damage, including heart disease, can result. (Evans, 1994).  41  social determinants and physiological outcomes. In addition to the linkages between SES, psychosocial health and stress, a state of continued anxiety may be anticipated in conditions of prolonged vulnerability, such as may be experienced by low SES people, as it is conducive to a heightened awareness of outside threats, e.g. of violence, droughts or other external “shocks”. In examining the social determinants of health, it is important to appreciate that time, as well as space, are the foundations of context (Hayes, 1994). Thus, those factors identified as determinants, in part as they are difficult to link causally to expressions of health, often vary significantly over a lifetime, making them difficult to quantify (Coburn, 2004). The stages of the life cycle must be considered in order to account for latency effects, i.e. events experienced in one stage may result in an outcome in a later stage in life (Hertzman et al, 1994). “At issue are people's developmental trajectories (both biological and social) over time, as shaped by the historical period in which they live, in reference to their society's social, economic, political, technological, and ecological context” (Kreiger, 2002:13). Kreiger (2002) suggests that four types of time must be considered. Elapsed time accounts for the delayed effects between time an event occurs and the impact on health. Biological time is based on the point in the life cycle (e.g. infant, adolescent, children, working age, adults, elderly). Cumulative time relates to dose/length of exposure to a toxicant (e.g. cumulative exposure to silica dust until “sufficient” to cause manifestation of silicosis). Finally, historical time depends on the point in history as well as the subsequent course of events (e.g. exposure followed by availability of treatments). Hertzman et al (1994) indicates that, as establishing causal links is confounded by “latency effects” for many health outcomes, the highest education level attained, which tends to remain more or less constant later in life, is arguably one of the best determinants of health “with all other measures of social class serving as proxies.” (Hertzman et al, 1994:84). In addition to the complexity of time, generalizing research across space, i.e. from a single context to a broader cultural context, is fraught with uncertainty (Corin, 1994). Achieving both generalizability and cultural validity is an ongoing challenge. For 42  instance, the meaning of certain emotions may vary from culture to culture and thus its health and wellbeing implications may also differ. A model of social relationships is critical in advance of any investigation of the effects of various social factors (Blomley, 1994).The inequities that differentially impact the poor that effect health are contended to be consequences of systematic oppression and marginalization. In his critique of the report by Canadian Institute for Advanced Research (CIAR) on the Determinants of Health, Nicholas Blomley (1994) stated that “a positivist framework is good at identifying immediate causal links yet is not up to the job of mapping some of these complex causalities.” (Blomley, 1994:54). Arguing that health may actually be socially constructed, Blomley suggests that the classical epidemiological approaches to health are inadequate to address the dynamic influence of culture in response to various changes. In a subsequent critique of the CIAR report, McCarron et al (1994) contended that approaching the determinants of health must consider the value and meaning of individual experience. Further, health must not be viewed as a product of past events and circumstances but a dynamic process experienced by societies and individuals. The stratification of peoples (e.g. by gender, class, economic status, etc) may serve to neglect the individual experience that may provide much needed insight into the health of individuals. Factors derived in “nature”, such as genetics, age, gender must be appreciated and considered in a comprehensive system in conjunction with factors based in social structure, such as religion, lifestyle, ethnicity, values and beliefs (Hayes, 1994). In order to develop such an approach, it is clear that a relation between various factors must be studied in a variety of ways. Study of the determinants of health has been predominantly undertaken using quantitative classical epidemiological approaches founded in positivism/empiricism, a factor that has been challenged by many researchers (Elliot and Baxter, 1994, McCarron et al, 1994, Blomley, 1994). If the determinants of health are to be modeled in a comprehensive socio-ecological model, the classical epidemiological criteria for judging causation (i.e. establishing correlations between outcome and exposure) are  43  no longer appropriate, at least independently (Elliot and Baxter, 1994). Hayes posits that determinants could simply be “mechanisms that give rise to observed outcomes.” Millar (1994) asserts that conditions in the social environment (key components listed by CIAR being level and distribution of income, the wealth creating ability of a population, social support networks, work environment, employment levels and early childhood development) cannot be causally linked to health outcomes using classical epidemiology as is the case for most environmental (e.g. exposure to toxicants) and genetic factors. After surveying prominent academics and health bureaucrats, Millar concluded that “social and economic factors in health can only be assessed for causality by ecologic and other “subjective” investigation techniques drawn from the social sciences” (Millar, 1994, p. 202). This research seeks to explore the influence of social and environmental factors on health and wellbeing in an ASM community. Elliot and Baxter (1994) suggest that the psychosocial impacts are reliant on four aspects, specifically the characteristics of: the individual; the environmental stressor; the social network; and the community system. Understanding the psychosocial impacts of these stressors requires understanding of the interrelationships between these dimensions as well as the effects on the individual. The efficacy of employing the social determinants framework in a developing world context, where these issues have been largely unstudied, are also explored. Each specific context differs in terms of the gender bias and analysis of its causes in specific contexts has been called for (Anderson, 2004; Rico, 1998). The relationships between sustainable development, the environment, and socio-economic conditions, such as organization of labour (both in productive and reproductive spheres), production and consumption patters and distribution of economic, political and technological power, among other factors, can determine vulnerability and agency, or capacity to mitigate and respond to impacts.  44  45  3.2 Ecosystem Approach to Human Health Understanding the interconnectedness between human health and the social, political, ecological and economic environment is increasingly recognized as critical to effectively responding to current health challenges. In 1987, the Brundtland Commission highlighted the sensitivity of human health to environmental change. At the ensuing Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, the United Nations Commission on Environment and Development (UNCED) further espoused the importance of characterizing relationships between human health and environment, poverty and socio-economic conditions, and development. More recently, this convergence was discussed at the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg and the World Health Organization (WHO) was charged with developing an action plan on health and the environment. The Ecosystem Approach to Human Health emerged with the recognition that a framework to address the multiple factors impacting human health and wellbeing is direly needed. Also known as the Ecohealth Approach, the Ecosystem Approach to Human Health is a systems-based methodology that recognizes that health is reliant on the nature of all biological systems, from the individual up to the biosphere (Lebel, 2003). The approach puts “human health at the centre of development”, while recognizing the critical interrelationship between health and the ecosystems which humans are a part of (Forget and Lebel, 2001). Ultimately, it recognizes that development will only be sustainable when the wellbeing of both human beings and the ecosystem are considered. A fundamental component of the approach involves identifying solutions while developing the integrated model of an ecosystem. This is undertaken using an iterative and action-based (i.e. participatory) approach to research, which attempts to enhance understanding of the components of and linkages between human health and the ecosystem  (Figure  Four).  The  approach  views  ecosystems  as  interacting  heterogeneous units, or “holarchies”, whose influence extend beyond the sum of the individual units, i.e. effects extend beyond simple, linear cause and effect relationships.  46  ECOSYSTEM SOCIOCULTURAL FACTORS  PHYSICAL FACTORS  HOME/WORK ENVIRONMENT NEIGHBOURHOOD ENVIRONMENT URBAN ENVIRONMENT REGIONAL ENVIRONMENT NATIONAL ENVIRONMENT BIOSPHERE  ECONOMIC FACTORS  Figure Figure 4: 4: Nested Nested hierarchies hierarchies constituting constituting an an ecosystem ecosystem (‘Women and Artisanal Mining: Gender Roles and the toRoad (Source: Mergler, D., Integrating Human Health into an Ecosystem Approach Mining, Ch. 87 In: AhHealthy d’ IEcosystems, S i i I 2000.t Lewis f APubl. ti - reproduced l d S with ll permission). Managing for © Copyright  Three pillars of the ecohealth approach are transdisciplinarity, participation and equity. According to the ecohealth approach, health and wellbeing is influenced by multiple determinants as well as interactions between such determinants. These determinants span culture, biology, socio-economics, environment and beyond. Identifying and structuring the multiple issues within the ecosystem logically necessitates a transdisciplinary approach. In addition to collaboration with those with various fields of expertise (ranging from microeconomics to epidemiology), local knowledge is also an essential component. Within the ecohealth approach, local knowledge is as important as scientific knowledge. Thus, the approach calls for in-depth local participation in the research process, beginning at early stages of definition of the research question through to analysis. This participatory approach enables identification of the research needs of the communities participating in the research and supports the development of context-appropriate responses to the challenges identified. Despite concerns that local researchers may be ill equipped to participate effectively to this extent, the ecohealth  47  approach contends that these issues are superseded by one of the primary goals of the approach: to establish communication channels between researchers and communities in order to better understand and respond to health problems (Lebel, 2001). The third pillar of the ecohealth approach requires in-depth consideration of equity issues and incorporation of methods which capture the gender dimension of the research problem and variations between social groups. Thus, gender-differentiated data collection and understanding the lives of women and men within various social and cultural groups is critical to the research. Indicators used in the approach extend beyond those that track both properties and processes in the ecosystem to ascertain its health (e.g. such as primary production, rate of nutrient consumption, the energy cycle). Forget and Lebel (2001) contend that although such indicators provide information on the nature of function of the ecosystem, they do not consider health and wellbeing. In the ecosystem approach to human health, co-development of indicators with the target community is critical to the validity of the process. Using an ecosystem framework combined with a pressure-state-response model in a mining region of Goa, India, Noronha (2001, 2004) suggested that important determinants of wellbeing include availability and command over goods and services, participation in decision making processes, good governance and social capital. This is consistent with a review of women in ASM conducted by Hinton et al (2003), which contended that, in addition to determining the gender-based division of labour, understanding the impact of ASM on the wellbeing of women necessitates consideration of factors including: “women’s and men’s access to and control of resources; their ability to attain knowledge, their decision-making capacity or political power; and beliefs or attitudes that support or impede the transformation of gender roles” (Hinton et al, 2003:13).  48  3.3 Gender, Human Rights and Sustainable Livelihoods The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach (SLA) essentially evolved from sustainable development  frameworks  that,  despite  addressing  broader  dimensions  of  environmental, social and economic sustainability, did not sufficiently address inequities in access and poverty, particularly from the perspective of social analysis (Carney 1999; Ellis and Bahigwa 2003; Moser et al., 2001). Ownership, access and control of assets is widely acknowledged as the means through which women and men can develop pathways out of poverty (Moser, 1998). For example, within the context of ASM, trading up assets of manual labour and basic tools to minerals to savings to better tools to work in teams to group savings to small equipment is an example of how human, physical, natural, social and financial assets can be accumulated and used to improve wellbeing over time. The principle components of the SLA are, therefore, assets or capitals (DFID, 2001): •  Natural Capital: The natural resources and natural processes that make certain livelihoods possible (e.g. arable land, forests, minerals, water).  •  Human Capital: The ability to work, achieve good health and the skills and knowledge that jointly enable people to attain livelihood objectives.  •  Financial Capital: The financial assets people need (such as income, credit, savings and market access) to accomplish livelihood objectives.  •  Social Capital: Social resources that assist people in pursuing livelihood objectives including networks and social connectedness, membership in formal and informal groups, and the nature of trust and reciprocity between individuals and groups.  •  Physical Capital: Physical capital is the infrastructure, tools, equipment and goods necessary to support people to undertake their livelihoods.  The “escape route” out of poverty is far more complex than a characterization of assets. The level of wellbeing at an individual and household level depends on the assets to which an individual or household has access (financial, human, social, natural and physical capital), the factors influencing access to these assets (e.g.  49  gender norms, how markets operate, local politics), and the broader context (e.g. history of local development, shocks such as conflict and drought, and policies and institutional practices) (Lawson et al, 2006). These circumstances can change over time, with specific factors increasing or decreasing vulnerability. Consider that: “A livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets and activities required for a means of living. A livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets both now and in the future, while not undermining the natural resource base.’’ (DFID, 2001:1) Much like the ecosystem approach to human health, the SLA calls for a holistic understanding of  encompassing  systems,  influencing  institutions  and socio-  environmental context as well as the processes determining the capacity or constraints of an individual or community to access, use and accumulate assets in order to escape poverty. According to Kabeer, gender relationships are “governed by social rules and norms which determine how assets are distributed between occupants of different relationships, how authority and status are assigned, and how labour is allocated”’ (1994:58). Given that the SLA identifies the (a) main constraints people are facing to improving their wellbeing; and (b) assets or poverty reducing measures to which they have access; the framework lends itself well to understanding gender relations from a perspective of identifying differential issues and processes that affect livelihoods and the interconnections between them (DFID, 2001). Moser et al (2001) proposes an adapted SLA framework wherein human rights and gender are more explicitly recognized. Grounded in the concept of rights as “claims (of one person or group on another person, group or institution) that have been legitimised by social structures and norms”, the revision enables more thorough examination of differential power and vulnerability. Using a right-based perspective to understanding poor people’s vulnerabilities and opportunities within informal economies, such as in ASM communities, can strengthen insight into how policies, institutions and power structures are supporting or impeding 50  their advancement. This adapted approach strengthens the SLA by bringing questions of accountability, governance and transparency so crucial to outcomes to the forefront (Moser and Norton, 2001).  3.4 Theoretical Model for Research The World Health Organization (WHO) defines health as “a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease and infirmity.” It is evident that the health and wellbeing of women in ASM communities is a function of a complex interplay of social, cultural, ecological, occupational, political and economic  VULNERABILITY CONTEXT Human, social, natural, physical and financial determinants of health and wellbeing  Factors contributing to or mitigating vulnerability  Factors affecting influence, access and control  HUMAN Health, Education, Labour, Security, Demographic composition, etc  SOCIAL Networks, organizations, cohesion and trust, social safety nets.  LIVELIHOOD ASSETS  PHYSICAL Roads, schools, clinics and hospitals, housing  Livelihood Strategies  NATURAL Land, minerals, water, air, flora and fauna.  LIVELIHOOD OUTCOMES Health and Wellbeing Socio-economic status Autonomy, voice and choice  FINANCIAL Incomes, non-cash assets, savings, access to credit and markets  Factors affecting influence, access and control  POLICIES, PROCESSES AND INSTITUTIONS Central and local government, private sector, organizations, policies and legislation  Figure 5: Theoretical Model for the Research 51  factors. The Theoretical Model for Research explores these facets of wellbeing by building on the growing scholarship establishing causality between social determinants and  wellbeing  and  is  buttressed  by  ecohealth  approaches  necessitating  transdisciplinarity, participation and equity and bringing greater understanding of health within the context of household, community, national and natural environments. The SLA provides a clear framework to understand the vulnerabilities, assets and processes specific to a context while the information and indicators derived from social determinants and ecohealth approaches are both essential to their comprehensive characterization of such “components” while defining reasonable boundaries for the research. The model employed in this research, therefore, examines the realms put forth by the ecohealth and social determinants frameworks through a gender lens while structured within an adapted sustainable livelihoods approach (Fig. 5). In applying this model, this research seeks to avoid reduction approaches that simply study division of labour by sex. It aims to account for social processes in production, power and constraints and opportunities women and men face with respect to access to resources and assets. Rather than focusing solely on women, this research seeks to understand how resources are managed socially and the factors determining different and same benefits and opportunities available to women and men.  52  4  METHODOLOGY  4.1 Rationale for Methodological Approach The primary aim of this research is to examine a largely unknown phenomenon, specifically how different and same social determinants affect the main assets or poverty reducing measures to which women and men salt miners have access. As the current state of knowledge on this issue is limited, particularly within Uganda and even more so within ASM, quantitative methods were supplemented by a qualitative inquiry process to significantly enrich understanding of the impacts of ASM on an individual, household and community level. In order to explore a range of environmental, social and economic elements within the chosen community, this research was grounded in the case study tradition of inquiry, which draws on multiple sources of information and supports holistic analyses of the phenomenon (Creswell, 1998). Participatory, or action-based, research methods were also employed as this approach has the capacity to increase the voice of communities in identifying relevant issues; undertake research that better responds to community needs; encourage skills and knowledge building in target communities; supports cultural appropriateness of research methods; and strengthen relationships between research participants and with related organizations and institutions. Participatory research is defined as a process of “systematic inquiry, with the collaboration of those affected by the issue being studies, for the purpose of education and taking action or effecting social change” (Green et al, 1994). There are several models of participatory research and a spectrum of approaches with varying degrees of participation, each of which are believed to be equally valid. Typically, these approaches all involve: (a) some type of collaboration between the researchers and those being studied; (b) knowledge sharing, or mutual education of the researchers and the researched; (c) an objective of the generation of local knowledge in order to improve conditions or practices (Macauley et al 1998). Participatory research ultimately recognizes that the process of undertaking research is as important as the outcome.  53  Participatory methods can require a greater time commitment from collaborators throughout a project; however, the end result is often information that is more relevant to the target community. Further, it has been stressed that “community control (of health related efforts) may itself be a critical determinant of health” (Gordon, 1994: 208). A community-driven process can support ownership of research and therefore will increase the likelihood of mitigating some health and wellbeing concerns identified through the process. A structured household sample survey and structured survey of women and men miners, the design of which was informed by preceding data collection and findings, further strengthened this research. Although surveys are sometimes criticized because of limitations in eliciting deeper meanings of social actions, because both qualitative and quantitative methods were used, it is believed that a more comprehensive and explanatory picture is yielded, thereby further strengthening the evidence needed to inform development of appropriate policy measures (De Vaus, 1996; Kanbur, 2001). As the research was based on existing conceptual frameworks adapted for the research objectives, the household and miners’ surveys did not seek to elaborate a quantitative instrument for wellbeing in ASM communities based on standardized measures, scale or indices. It did intend to (i) further characterize the context and aid in triangulation of data derived from prior qualitative research within the framework of the proposed theoretical model; (ii) identify if any relationships exist between gender and/or livelihood and key variables such as demographics (e.g. education, origin), savings and assets, health and access to formal and informal networks, among others; and (iii) supplement qualitative findings suggesting the degree of vulnerability and nature of livelihood strategies used by households and individuals. The holistic research was further complimented by a two-day focus group with host community representatives wherein earlier findings were reported back, data gaps filled, critical conclusions drawn and solutions identified together with participating community representatives. The participatory design was drawn from methodologies established to elicit practical and strategic gender needs based on the differential and  54  same roles and obligations of women and men, rights and entitlements and capacity to meet needs, redress gender imbalances and ultimately escape poverty.  4.2 Justification for Site Selection Although mining activities have taken place at least since the 19th century, the hallmark of Uganda’s mining history has been centered on activities in Kasese District, and more specifically the Kilembe Mine, located in the Western Region of the Country. Copper and cobalt were produced at Kilembe from the mid-1950’s until the late 1970’s, during which time it provided up to one third of foreign export earnings for the country (UNDP, 1996). The collapse of the formal mining sector, which was marked by the closure of Kilembe and retrenchment of hundreds of trained miners, was an important catalyst in the development of Uganda’s artisanal and small scale mining sector. Despite the overshadowing influence of Kilembe Mine in Kasese, mining activities throughout the district significantly pre-date those at Kilembe. Artisanal and small scale miners of limestone, salt, building materials (clay and aggregate) are active throughout the district. A larger producer of limestone is also found at the Hima Cement Plant, which runs its own limestone quarry to serve its cement production needs. Within Uganda, few ASM communities can compare with the salt mining community of Katwe-Kabatoro Town Council (hereinafter referred to as “KKTC”) in terms of history, economic significance, cultural diversity and unique interconnection with a biologically sensitive environment. Salt mining has been practiced in Lake Katwe for the past 500 years. After a comprehensive review of multiple ASM sites in more than 14 districts, discussions with women and men mining both metallic and industrial minerals, and consultations with the Dept. of Geological Survey and Mines (DGSM), Lake Katwe was identified as a high priority site within the country. Factors cited included: the dire socio-economic, environmental and human health conditions at Lake Katwe; large workforce (seasonally ranging from 2,500 to 12,500 people), approximately 70% of whom are women; and, through technological improvements, considerable potential to satisfy the salt for human consumption market in Uganda (60,000 tpa). Furthermore, KKTC is a small dezagetted area within the Queen Elizabeth National Park (QENP)  55  boundaries, presenting a unique opportunity to understand the inteconnections between environmental protection, livelihood vulnerability and opportunities within an ecologically sensitive area.  4.3 Introducing the Research Questions Based on the core issues, concepts and theoretical frameworks outlined in Chapters 1 to 3, the central research question guiding the study is: “How do main social determinants of health and wellbeing of women and men salt miners influence the assets or poverty reducing measures to which they have access and control?” The research specifically aims to address the following questions: 1. What are the primary factors affecting differential vulnerability of women and men in KKTC and how do national and local policies and processes ameliorate or exacerbate these vulnerabilities? 3. How do households and individual women and men reliant on ASM compare to households dependent on other livelihoods in terms of health and wellbeing? 4. What are the main assets or poverty reducing measures which women and men in KKTC have access and control of and what role does ASM play? 5. How can policy and intervention support transformation of gender relations in order to advance gender equity and poverty reduction in KKTC?  4.4 Study Design and Methods This single-site case study was conducted in four phases. The initial phase provided insight into the macro-level context, particular that related to the nature of ASM in Uganda and policy, legislation and governance at national levels, while laying the foundation for subsequent work at a community level. The second phase involved a holistic case study of the target community based on qualitative data collection in response to the research questions. Consistent with qualitative and participatory inquiry, the specific details of the research design emerged as the study progressed. In 56  the third phase, a household and miners’ survey was conducted in order to better understand the social determinants of health and wellbeing in KKTC and similarities and differences between specific livelihoods. The fourth phase involved a final two-day workshop with community representatives wherein some earlier findings were reviewed, critical gaps filled, conclusions co-identified and recommendations put forward. It is important to recognize that the scope of this research did not (nor did it intend to) capture a rich description of the individual experiences of women and men lives in KKTC and relationships between them. In accordance with the theoretical model put forth, the research sought to elaborate the complex interplay between social, cultural, ecological, occupational, political and economic factors from a perspective of understanding related gender differentiated opportunities and constraints.  4.4.1 Phase One: Secondary Data Collection and Preliminary Assessment Between May and July, 2005, a broader understanding of the national and local context was obtained with respect to policies, legislation, and demographics. Extensive information was provided by the Department of Geological Survey and Mines (DGSM) in Entebbe, who also aided in making links with the Ministry of Health (MOH), Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development (MGLSD), Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) and other government agencies as well key NGOs (Council for the Economic Empowerment of Women in Africa, CEEWA; DevNet and others). Reconnaissance visits to ASM sites in 19 Districts visits included preliminary discussions with local women and men miners, local leaders and district officials in order to provide an overview of ASM issues in the country. Commodities mined at these sites included gold, cassiterite, coltan, wolfram (tungsten), limestone, marble and salt. This led to a collaborative review with DGSM wherein wherein criteria for site selection were coidentified together with ASM stakeholders. Criteria included: significance of mining to the region, importance of the mineral commodity in Uganda, number of women and men miners, accessibility of the sites, security issues, need and willingness of the local community.  57  Upon selection of KKTC as the target community for the research, a comprehensive review of available documents provided insight into the context and issues that may arise during on-site data collection and analyses. In addition to published reports and national databases (e.g. census), grey literature, in the form of unpublished reports from agencies, not for profit organizations and academic institutions were collected. Sources of secondary data (collected before, during and after field work) included: ƒ  Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS), including the 2002 National Census.  ƒ  NEMA, Ministry of Trade, Tourism and Industry, Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, Ministry of Health;  ƒ  Department of Geological Survey and Mines;  ƒ  Village, sub-county, town council and district officials;  ƒ  Makarere University (library search) and dissertations from other institutions;  ƒ  Local clinics and schools;  ƒ  World Bank (Development Indicators for Uganda), UNDP (Human Development Report), and World Health Organization (WHO); and  ƒ  Internet searches, inclusive of published scholarship.  The UBOS Census Data was particularly useful as data it was sex-disaggregated and provided data down to the parish level. Unfortunately, it did not identify “mining” as a livelihood. The KKTC Development Plan and Kasese District Development Plan were also useful as they supplemented these demographics and provided more specific information on land use, livelihoods and livelihoods needs as well as infrastructure and services related to public health, roads, schools and housing, among others. Secondary data collected included the following: ƒ  Demographics (population, literacy rates, language, ethnicity, average income, employment rates);  ƒ  Health (prevalence of HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, other major diseases);  ƒ  Education (facilities, levels of completion, literacy);  ƒ  Economic activities and livelihoods (agriculture, farming, fisheries, etc);  ƒ  Mining (commodity type and production, employment statistics, accident statistics); 58  ƒ  Land Use (forest cover, agriculture, fisheries, protected sites, road maps);  ƒ  Infrastructure and Services (hospitals and clinics, number of schools, teacher to student ratios, primary and secondary school enrolment and completion, drinking water access, basic sanitation access, roads, energy sources, housing construction, communication services); and  ƒ  Policies and legislation (The Constitution of Uganda (1995); legislation related to the minerals sector, land, social welfare and human rights and environment).  Sex-disaggregated data was sought wherever possible. This review of available documents provided insight into the context and issues that might arise during on-site data collection and analyses. In the case of questionable reliability of data sources, multiple sources were used to corroborate data where possible. Secondary data collected is referenced throughout this work.  4.4.2 Phase Two: Participatory Community-based Research This phase, conducted between September and October 2005, sought to understand the local context, different livelihoods and their significance, identify productive, reproductive and community roles of women and men and related issues and impacts. Data collection, as described further below, relied on a combination of focus groups, one-on-one  interviews,  observation,  document  review  and  visualization  and  diagramming methods (Creswell, 1997). An initial scoping visit to Katwe-Kabatooro Town Council was undertaken in June, 2005. During this visit, brief meetings were held with women and men miners, officials (District and Town Council Councillors, leaders and technical officers, the Town Clerk, and other officials) and local residents. These preliminary meetings provided insight into the key issues associated with mining in Kasese District, affirmed a need and interest to better understand issues (particularly related to development) and demonstrated the willingness of the community to participate. Services of a research assistant were deemed critical at the outset of the research because of the language barrier and obvious benefits in terms of gaining access to the  59  community from persons familiar with local socio-cultural norms. In addition to one local Community Development Assistant (CDA), the DGSM also recognized the importance of building their capacity to respond to broader development issues in ASM and identified 10 officers with backgrounds ranging from mining and mineral processing to social science and environmental management to participate. Due to the diverse backgrounds of assistants and limited “hands on” experience in the methodologies, training was necessary. Prior to field-based data collection, a threeday intensive training and feedback workshop was held with research assistants from the DGSM. This included discussion and refinement of the research issues and approaches and training in secondary data, interviews, focus groups, sample surveys, and participatory methods as well as research ethics (dealing with confidentiality, consent and sensitivity), requirements for interpretation and translation and personal bias. Five subsequent one-day collaborative planning and training sessions revisited these topics and reviewed secondary data, co-developed and pre-tested semistructured interview questionnaires, focus group agendas and survey questionnaires. Subsequent review and discussions of findings with assistants, 3 of whom were from the region, provided further insight during interpretation of results. Sampling Participant identification for interviews was conducted via “snowball sampling”. Through initial meetings with District and Local Officials and visits to the mining area, key local informants were identified. Through networks established through DGSM and Community Development Assistants (CDAs), key informants were located who, through preliminary interviews, provided insight into key issues in the community and can recommend subsequent contacts (Creswell, 1997). In association with initial interviews,  subsequent  participants  were  recommended  by  key  informants.  Subsequent interviewees were also asked to refer other potential participants. As snowball sampling can sometimes lead to exclusion of certain groups, independent “starting points” for the snowball were interviewed whenever possible. Sampling was also purposive, i.e. participants were targeted based on their appropriateness - their ability to inform the research and to sufficiently describe the phenomena. For instance, salt pan owners, salt producers and others performing specific functions were 60  specifically singled out in order to obtain specific information concerning mining and mineral processing. Data was triangulated by using many descriptive sources to explore the same issues with the aim of establishing an accurate interpretation of issues outlined in the theoretical model for research. Sampling for focus groups was undertaken in conjunction with Community Development Assistants (CDAs) and other community mobilizers (e.g. heads of key organizations, parish chiefs) and was further informed by preceding interviews. Focus group participant selection was careful to consider political representativeness (as an election was imminent), gender and vulnerable groups (e.g. disabled, the elderly). For both interviews and focus groups, representatives of “key groups” were sought. Key groups were initially identified in consultation with DGSM personnel upon review of secondary data and following discussions held during preliminary visits and were subsequently adapted as qualitative field work indicated. Qualitative data was collected through the following:  1. Nine individual semi-structured interviews with: ƒ  Two female and two male miners;  ƒ  Two heads of active local women’s associations; and  ƒ  Three Civil Servants/Political Representatives: Primary School Teacher, Head Nurse, Town Councillor for Women.  2. Eleven focus group interviews with: ƒ  Three women’s associations;  ƒ  Women and men salt miners (three) including representatives of two mining associations and one ASM cooperative;  ƒ  Women and men engaged in fishing and related activities including representatives of the Beach Management Unit (BMU) and one fishing association;  ƒ  Women and men engaged in trading and service provision;  ƒ  Cattle Keepers Association (all men);  ƒ  Environmental NGO members and Uganda Wildlife Authority (Park Ranger);  ƒ  Town Councillors (inclusive of Councillors for women, the disabled and youth); 61  Data Collection Acting as interpreters and focus group co-facilitators6, co-researchers played a pivotal role in designing and undertaking the research, as well as gaining access. In accordance with the theoretical model for research (Section 3.4), data was collected on issues spanning environmental, socio-cultural and economic issues including: sources and amounts of income; work history; role of various family members in family spending; nature of family expenditures; perception of local environmental issues and personal health; participation in local organizations, access to information, education, technology, health services, and transportation; and water availability and quality. A detailed profile of mining activities (technical practices, production, environmental impacts, proximity to homes, participation of men, women and children, etc) was also be conducted. Interviews: Tape-recorded, one-on-one, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 9 participants in KKTC (6 women, 3 men). Semi-structured interview questionnaires were developed and pre-tested during collaborative planning meetings with DGSM partners and were refined as the research progressed and themes emerged, enabling for the inclusion of new concepts and issues that arose. Focus Groups: Focus groups were comprised of 6-23 participants from each of the target groups. Themes included: community needs and priorities, impacts and benefits of ASM, land use and management, community leaders and organizations, linkages between different livelihoods and ASM and, for mining specific focus groups, technical, environmental and socio-economic issues related to mining. The content and agenda of focus groups was developed with assistance from DGSM researchers. A core set of questions was used for each group, however adaption given the nature of the group (e.g. women’s development associations versus cattle keepers) was necessary and the research approach was flexible in order to incorporate new concepts and issues that arose.  6  English is the official language of Uganda. While English was widespread and fluency was variable. Thus, local languages were primarily used during data collection. Languages spoken in KKTC included: Runyankole, Rutooro, Luganda and Swahili, reflecting the diversity of origins of community residents.  62  Meetings with Officials: Discussion with agencies and individuals active in the region was also undertaken to ascertain key issues and, in some respects, gain a point of entry into these communities who could facilitate preliminary visits. At the District Level, meetings were held with the Chief Administrative Officer (CAO), LC5 (District) Chairman, District Environment Office, District Planning Unit, District Health Office, among others. District Labour, Probation and Community Development Officers supplemented the data collection. At the Town Council and Village Level, key figures included the local chairpersons, health officers, environment officers, water officers and community development assistants. Other Methods of Data Collection: Observations and detailed field notes were collected, as was photographic7 and written data documenting conditions in the community. Several visits to the salt lake in both rainy and dry seasons yielded critical data on mining methods and units of production, production rates, organization and gender division of labour, numbers of salt pans (validated during a circumference transect walk), salt quality, and environmental conditions, among others. Discussions with health officials, water officers, security and welfare officers, teachers, KADNET (Kasese District Network of Civil Society Organizations) and Save the Children, yielded additional secondary and primary information to supplement interviews and focus groups. Data was collected on issues including but not limited to: housing conditions, water and sanitation, roads and modes of transportation, land use, proximity and conditions of rivers and forests, proximity to mining activities, etc. Additional data collection included compilation of maps, official documents, health data (from local or regional centers), and other reports about the region or community. Preliminary analyses of information derived from interviews, focus groups and supplementary meetings took place concurrently with data collection in conjunction with the co-researchers. Key aims of the preliminary analyses was to identify issues emerging from the data, particularly in reference to the main project objectives, ensure the data being collected is satisfying the objectives of the project, identify important actors to be targeted for subsequent interviews, and to identify themes and categories. Notes on interviews or group meetings were also reviewed on an ongoing basis. 7  All photos presented herein were taken by the author unless otherwise sourced.  63  Data Analysis Data analysis included transcription of tape recorded interviews and systematic review of transcripts to identify repeated and inferred themes and concepts as well as patterns and relationships between them. Themes and concepts were discussed and reviewed with co-researchers and, in the final analysis, patterns observed in the case or related theories were recontextualized, or placed in the context of current knowledge, in order to make them generalizable to other settings or populations (Morse and Field, 1995). Main themes and concepts are captured within the theoretical model for research as shown in Table 1. Additional issues related to vulnerability and livelihood strategies of specific groups were derived during subsequent research. Table 1: Main Themes and Concepts Identified from Qualitative Methods THEORETICAL MODEL CATEGORY Natural Assets  Financial Assets  Human Assets  Social Assets  Physical Assets  RECURRENT THEMES, ISSUES AND CONCEPTS  ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ ƒ  Quality and quantity of salt. Seasonality of salt production. Queen Elizabeth National Park and its benefits and impacts. Quality and quantity of fish stocks. Capacity to engage in farming. Incomes and savings capacity. Access to credit and capital. Distance of the town to main markets. Costs of health care. Occupational health risks to miners at the salt lake. Sanitation and hygiene related diseases. Access to training and tools for alternative, improved mining methods. Drop-out of boys and girls from school to engage in mining or fishing. Capacity of civil servants or political representatives. Fear of rebel incursions from groups in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Levels of mistrust between livelihood groups and towards local government. Organization, trust between miners and ability to stockpile salt in rainy season. Viability and effectiveness of existing organizations. Formal social safety nets needed, particularly for orphans, elderly and disabled. Transparency and accountability of Local Government. Distance to equipped hospitals and clinics and costs of transport and treatment. Fresh water and pit latrine availability at the salt lake. Access to and costs of public transportation Degradation of houses and vehicles attributed to salt dust dispersion.  64  Additional sub-themes related to vulnerabilities and strategies emerged from these themes and concepts and their similarities and differences according the gender were further explored. These issues provided an important foundation for subsequent design of the household and miners’ survey (Phase Three) and the final participatory workshop (Phase Four).  4.4.3 Phase Three: Household and Miners’ Surveys The household survey was designed and pre-tested with co-researchers from DGSM and informed, in its early phases, by discussions and guidance from the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) statisticians). Its format, question design and wording as well as the coding system was strongly guided by the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) census survey and household survey questionnaires. This was particularly useful as (i) the UBOS questionnaires had been scrupulously pre-tested in regions throughout the country and developed in a way such that the content and wording would be comprehensible to potential respondents; and (ii) consistency with complimentary indicators (e.g. related to origins, health, housing conditions) enabled reflection on additional indicators not included in the KKTC Household Survey. The UBOS Census Data was sex-disaggregated and available down to the parish (or ward) level, however lacked distinctions with respect to mining as a livelihood. Findings derived from the KKTC survey were further supplemented by statistics put forth in the KKTC Development Plan and Kasese District Development Plan, particularly related to additional demographic data, and provided more specific information on land use, livelihoods and livelihoods needs, as well as infrastructure and services related to public health, roads, schools and housing, among others. In order to fill livelihood distinction gaps in earlier census data and ultimately support assessment of differential health and wellbeing in mining compared to non-mining households and men compared to women reliant on different livelihoods, the survey addressed a broad range of issues. Certain issues were captured in terms of individual household members and others were more practically limited to the household level. Data was collected for individuals for: basic demographics (e.g. age, sex, origin,  65  education levels of household members); participation in identified livelihoods (mining, fishing, trading and other); and occurrence of significant illness or injuries in the prior twelve months, the frequency of the occurrence and number of work or school days lost for each occurrence. Data was collected for households on: primary source of household income (livelihood) and seasonal alternatives (if any); cash and non-cash savings; household assets; formal and informal credit sources; access to water and health services; nutrition; housing conditions and land ownership; organization and trust in the community; and perceptions of mining (of household head). Understanding variations between mining and non-mining households and between women and men within these households was the foundation for questionnaire design. Those households reliant on mining were requested to conduct an additional, brief Miners’ Survey. This survey addressed issues including: production rates (validated during site visits); mining related assets (e.g. equipment) to health impacts and safety practices to productivity. A sample of the Household and Miners Survey is shown in Appendix One. Sampling The questionnaire was administered to a random sample of households in the three wards of Katwe Kabatooro Town Council (KKTC). As a household listing was not available, a technique was used wherein, in each parish, four teams of research assistants shared a common, geographically central starting point. Research teams (each comprised of one male, one female) were assigned a specific bearing (northsouth-east-west) and an initial random number between one and six (“n”). Starting with this nth household and a sampling interval of eight, survey teams continued in their given direction until the pre-specified number of surveys was completed. As the Town Council populous was confined within a relatively small geographic area, this method proved to be appropriate and, due to the lack of a formal household listing needed to generate a standard random sample, surveyors exceeded the target number of households (based on 1616 households).  66  As shown in Table 2, the Household Survey was conducted in 183 households in three wards of KKTC (11.5% of the 1616 households). The response rate was high and no surveys were disregarded. Although somewhat contrary to gender equality concepts, current convention in Uganda (including that used by UBOS in its national census and other surveys) is to identify household “heads” on the basis of sex. I.e. a woman is almost invariably only identified as the household head if she is un-married, divorced or separated (her estranged spouse living outside the home) or widowed and, if an adult man is present, he is invariably identified as the household head. Exceptions may include the presence of an elderly male dependent or adult son residing in the home. This contention was discussed and confirmed with Ugandan co-researchers, KKTC key informants and UBOS statisticians prior to this assumption. Thus, consistent with Ugandan norms, household heads were self-identified by household members. Interestingly, women “headed” households (N=66) constituted more than one-third of the sample, enabling useful examination of the differential assets and vulnerabilities of these households in comparison to households “headed” by men (N=118). Table 2: Distribution of Questionnaires Administered in KKTC Ward (Parish) Kyakitale  Total No. of Households* 367  Male Headed HH 24  Female Headed HH 19  % of Total Households by Ward 11.7  Number of Households Surveyed 43  Kyarukara  571  43  23  11.6  66  Rwenjubu  678  51  24  11.1  75  TOTAL  1616  118  66  -  184**  Mean  538.7  39.3  22.0  11.45  61.3  *Source: Katwe-Kabatoro Three Year Rolling Development Plans, 2004/5-2006/7.  The Miner’s Survey (N=121) was conducted as a supplement to the household survey in cases where mining was identified as the main livelihood of the head (engagement in production, hauling, loading, pan ownership or construction). Due to high rates of non-response, particularly for questions concerning estimated production and incomes, 20 surveys were disregarded and analysis was limited to 79 men miners and 22 women miners, all of whom were full-time residents of KKTC.  67  Descriptive statistics of the sample (composition of households, age, education, origins etc) are presented in Chapter Six. Data Collection To ensure gender balance and language proficiency of the six survey teams, execution of the survey was undertaken in conjunction with local partners, who were intensively trained over a two-day period prior to the survey. Training included the main objectives and components of the survey and issues related to consent, personal bias and behaviour. A critical component addressed adequate interpretation of the survey in local language in order to ensure meanings were communicated as intended. Prior to the decision to use local assistants, the questionnaire content was reviewed with assistant researchers and selected key informants and it was confirmed that its nature was not sensitive which may otherwise lead to false or non-responses. Household surveys were conducted in local languages with self-identified household heads during a nine-day period in April, 2006. Surveys took approximately 30 minutes and were preceded by a brief statement of study objectives, issues related to confidentiality, voluntary participation and obtaining consent. Data Management and Analysis Household and miners surveys were entered by two assistant researchers into Excel using a numbered coding format corresponding to the survey. Hard copies of sample surveys were retained in a locked filing cabinet and electronic versions were kept on a single laptop, with one backup of the data retained by the author. Data was cleaned and imported into the Statistics Package for Social Sciences (SPSS, Version 12) for subsequent analysis. Although a proportion of the data presented is simply based on descriptive statistics (frequency and crosstabs), inferences were sought between selected key variables  68  and their relations with gender and/or livelihoods. A confidence level for ANOVA established at 95% (alpha = 0.05)8 (Norman and Streiner, 2008). The association between sex and livelihoods was significant (p=0.04). Given that sex and livelihoods were both categorical variables (i.e. nominal categories with no implied order between them) that were taken to be independent, tests were performed for dependent interval or ratio variables (such as value of assets or age) based on the following (after Norman and Streiner, 2008): •  When nominal variables contained only two groups (e.g. male and female in sex), statistical significance of differences between means of subgroups was tested using an independent t-test.  •  For groups of 3 or more, means were compared through analysis of variance (ANOVA) or the Welch Test was used and, if dependent variables were ratio variables (e.g. income in shillings).  When all variables were categorical (e.g. livelihood, gender, own or rent land) then chisquared tests or, when frequency of cells was less than five, Fisher’s exact tests were performed. Results were deemed to be statistically significant when p≤0.05. For nominal variables (e.g. sex, livelihood and other named categories), the mode rather than the mean or median is presented while the median is used for ordinal data (ordered or ranked categories). Under any circumstances where results are not statistically significant but data is presented for descriptive purposes, they are described in the context of the sample alone, i.e. conclusions are not drawn from these statistics and non-significance is explicitly stated. A summary of results of analysis of variance and significance is presented in Appendix Two.  8  The alpha (α) is the probability that a null hypothesis is rejected when it is true. If the probability calculated from the sample mean is less than α then the result is determined to be significant and the null hypothesis is rejected (Norman and Streiner, 2008).  69  4.4.4 Phase Four: Interpretation, Validation and Defining a Course of Action Preliminary Data analysis and interpretation was undertaken between May 2006 and 2007 and was aided by discussion with and feedback from Ugandan research assistants. This was followed by preliminary write-up of key findings and discussion of results. This included placing conclusions in the context of current knowledge, in order to make them generalizable to other settings or populations (Morse and Field, 1995). In addition to other published scholarship, similar research undertaken by the author within other Ugandan communities aided in interpreting and validating findings. A two-day workshop was subsequently held in KKTC in September 2008, designed based on key findings from earlier phases and main data gaps. Comprised of 25 women and 25 men miners and other community representatives, the agenda was guided by a human-rights based approach (UNDP, 2006). Issues such as human rights, land rights and mineral rights were addressed via participatory discussions. This was supplemented by a series of small groups of women working separately from small groups of men, each of which was followed by reporting back and group discussion. Using established gender analysis methodologies (CEDPA, 2002), the workshop was at times broken into small groups of 7-9 persons separating women and men in order to focus on access, control and ownership of resources and their benefits and identification of strategic and practical gender needs in KKTC. Key conclusions were drawn with participants and specific recommendations elicited for individual, community, local government, NGOs and several agencies in central government. Input from this participatory workshop proved crucial to finalization of the dissertation.  4.5 Ethical Considerations Ethical guidelines employed during this research include:  ƒ  Informed consent: Where possible, written consent was obtained from study participants in advance of data collection. However, high rates of illiteracy and predominance of five languages necessitated reliance on oral tape-recorded consent. Participants who were involved in multiple interviews or focus groups were asked to reiterate their consent periodically. In all cases, consent was obtained from potential respondents prior to administration of the survey. High  70  rates of illiteracy and the more than five languages prevalent in the diverse community often precluded written consent and thus,  ƒ  Confidentiality: All information collected from participants was held in strict confidence. Tapes of recorded interviews were coded alpha-numerically and correspond with a separate list of participants in order to assure confidentiality. Actual names of participants are not be used in this written work or discussions of any aspects of this research.  ƒ  Sensitivity of Topics: Potentially sensitive issues, such as those of a political or personal nature (e.g. related to gender disparity, drug use, reproductive health or sexual behaviour), was cautiously approached and guided by discussion with coresearchers.  4.6 Strengths and Limitations This research was considerably strengthened by a number of factors including: •  Strong support from the Uganda Dept. of Geological Survey and Mines (DGSM) under the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development, whose officers played an invaluable and insightful role as assistant researchers, and gave considerable feedback throughout the duration of the work. In accordance with commitment to action-based research, capacity of assistant researchers (and their relationships with and understanding of artisanal miners and gender) was, by all accounts, improved considerably.  •  As one of the first studies of the impacts and benefits of ASM in Uganda, and the first related to integrated approaches to gender, considerable guidance and input was also received from counterparts in the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development and National Environmental Management Authority as well as the Uganda Bureau of Statistics.  •  A preliminary submission of findings and recommendations following the first three phases of research to the DGSM was compiled in a preliminary summary report and 26 DGSM Officers (including two Assistant Commissioners) subsequently received two-day gender training from the Faculty of Gender Studies, Makerere  71  University. This considerably strengthened capacity to assist follow-up workshops of the fourth phase and generated a notable shift in thinking with respect to gender. •  The participatory nature of approach had multiple benefits. Not only was the research relevant to the community, it supported knowledge building of the principal researcher, DGSM assistant researchers and local participants and significantly strengthened relationships between these parties. Repeated visits to the area by Government Officers over a period of three years have resulted in a remarkably positive shift in thinking by the DGSM with respect to both ASM and gender. As DGSM is the government agency that is primarily responsible for regulation and support to ASM, an indirect positive outcome was achieved, even prior to conclusion of this research. The final, two-day workshop focused on conclusions and recommendations further demonstrated the value of participatory, action-based research, not only in terms of research findings and conclusions, but with respect to the potential benefits of any research.  Naturally, a number of problems and limitations were also encountered during the execution of this research. First and foremost, being a white woman who had grown up in a very different, largely privileged agricultural setting on the Canadian prairies, personal biases about the social and cultural setting inevitably played a role in earlier assumptions and interpretations. However, strong and ongoing peer review with Ugandan research assistants, both from the target district and other cultures in Uganda, yielded insights enabling what is hoped to be correction of interpretations to an extent that the research problem that has done proper justice to the outcomes. Every effort was made to objectively report perceptions of a version of reality. Qualitative and quantitative research also requires critical reflection on the role of the researcher and an awareness of how the researcher’s assumptions can influence the research (methods, analyses, interpretation), impact participants and the outcome. Preconceptions on the part of the community may have also (at least initially) limited the degree of trust achieved and honesty of responses, particularly as most assistant researchers represented a government authority. The participatory nature of the research and multiple visits over an extended period of time aided significantly in  72  developing a trusting relationship between the research team and community members. As qualitative research sampling was purposive and a limited number of participants engaged, qualitative findings are not generalizable in a quantitative sense. Qualitative findings were, however, recontextualized by placing the findings in the context of other published research while the supplementary quantitative research aided tremendously in increasing the generalizability of findings. The household survey was deemed necessary to answer central research questions although the author initially possessed limited background in population statistics. Consultative meetings with the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) and detailed review of their guidelines, coupled with a related literature review, provided considerable insight in the design phase of the household and miners’ questionnaires. Although it is fair to say that some relations have been established, causality cannot be, and is not, assumed. Most participants did not speak English requiring heavy reliance on the interdisciplinary team of co-researchers who undertook translation, transcription and interpretation. Although social scientists played integral roles in the team, most coresearchers were not well experienced in socio-economic data collection and interpretation. Although their capacity development in interdisciplinary research methods was an important positive outcome of this work, in some cases, repeatedly ensuring rigorousness was maintained with respect to translation and interpretation was a time consuming venture. Additionally, field activities of assistant researchers were funded by the World Bank, with funds administered via the DGSM. Numerous bureaucratic delays in release of necessary funds (fuel, allowances, etc) required repeated revisions to the field schedule. Primary data collection ultimately took place over the period of a year, with the final phase of the research being implemented two years after the sample surveys. In anticipation of potential frustration by some local community members, the  73  community was updated during brief and periodic visits, supplemented by telephone communications with local counterparts. Finally, the nature of the data collected and its analysis and interpretation sought to inform a holistic, integrated depiction of gender-differentiated power, access, impacts and benefits with a view towards identifying factors and processes that determine them. Any research has limitations in scope, and this study was limited in that it did not (nor did it intend to) fully and richly capture the individual experiences of women and men lives and relationships between them. It did, however, generate a multi-faceted understanding of the factors determining vulnerabilities and opportunities of women and men in a multi-livelihoods scenario that enabled understanding of their interrelationship within a framework of social determinants of human wellbeing.  74  5  ASM, GENDER & RIGHTS: THE NATIONAL MACHINERY  Institutional structures, policies and legal provisions play a critical role in supporting or impeding the realization of human rights and sustainable livelihoods. This chapter broadly depicts ASM and its gender dimension in Uganda and outlines the national policies, legislation and structures that may influence distribution of power, access and control of resources, individual and civil society rights and a host of other factors that can differentially determine health and wellbeing of different groups in ASM communities.  5.1 ASM: Value, Visibility and Vulnerability in the Minerals Sector Mining and production of iron in Uganda has been dated back to ancient times (Tuhumwire, 2002). Between the early 20th century and the early 1960’s, primarily British owned companies operated a number of mines through the Southwest of the country, producing, gold, tin, beryllium, gypsum, lead, iron ore, limestone, columbitetantalite and wolfram (UNDP, 1996). Most of these activities were relatively small to medium in scale9 and strongly reliant on cheap, local labour. A notable exception was the Kilembe Mine, where copper and cobalt was produced from the mid-1950’s until the late 1970’s. During its operation, 271,000 tonnes of blister copper was produced and, supplemented with cobalt revenues, provided up to one third of foreign export earnings for the country (UNDP, 1996). The collapse of the formal mining sector, marked by the cessation of colonial activities (around the time of independence in 1964), closure of Kilembe Mine and resulting retrenchment of hundreds of trained miners, was an important catalyst in the development of Uganda’s artisanal and small scale mining sector (Hinton, 2005).  Unlike neighbouring Tanzania, Democratic Republic of Congo (and to a lesser extent Kenya and Rwanda), mining activities of the magnitude undertaken by large multinationals (e.g. DeBeers, Barrick, BHP Billiton etc) are not found in Uganda. Aside from two cement factories operating limestone quarries (Hima Cement Ltd., Tororo 9 Designations for small, medium and large scale mines vary from country to country. Characteristics such as annual production, duration of activities or areal footprint of the mine are often used to classify the scale of an operation. Although a distinction for small scale operations is used in Uganda on the basis of annual expenditures, no formal classification of medium and large scale mines has been established in the Country.  75  Cement Ltd.), the Ugandan minerals sector is comprised of three main groups of players (Hinton, 2009a): 1. Foreign Exploration Companies: Large licenses are held by less than five mainly Canadian- and UK-registered exploration companies. Most work is at the green fields stage although preliminary drilling has been undertaken for nickel and uranium. 2. Ugandan and Foreign Small Scale Investors: The current license registry is largely dominated by small Ugandan, Chinese, Indian and other foreign companies. Several intend to establish or scale-up small mining operations; however, a significant proportion are mainly interested in speculative license trading, attracting foreign joint venture partners or buying from artisanal miners active on their sites. Although some companies hold “Location Licenses” for small scale mining, these operations essentially just formalize buying arrangements from ASM, with no real support vis-à-vis equipment, tools, safety gear or training. Recently, smaller investors have shown interest in industrialized salt extraction from the research site, Lake Katwe. 3. Artisanal and Small Scale Miners: Almost 200,000 Ugandans use basic tools (like picks, hammers, shovels etc) to extract a wide range of minerals including gold, tin, wolfram, coltan, salt, limestone, marble, stone aggregate, sand, clay, kaolin and gypsum. Locations of active ASM areas are shown in Figure Six. With less than 1,000 women and (primarily) men employed in cement production and exploration, artisanal and small scale miners, by far, dominate the Ugandan minerals sector. The ratio of women to men in ASM in Uganda is near parity, with women’s participation exceeding that of men in stone quarries, salt production and gold in Northeastern Uganda and men dominating gold production in other regions of the country, as well as clay, sand and limestone. For other commodities, women’s participation ranges between 10-50%. Gender differentiation of participation varies significantly according to the type of ASM occurring in a given location as described below (after Hinton, 2009a): 76  Figure 6: Active ASM6:Areas Uganda (Source: Hinton, 2009a) Figure ActiveinASM Areas in Uganda (Source: Hinton, J., 2009, National Strategy for the Advancement of Artisanal and Small Scale Mining in Uganda, unpubl report to Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development).  ƒ  Community Miners constitute more than 90% of the ASM workforce. Using the most rudimentary of methods and tools, these unlicensed miners work individual or in small (often family) groups. With the highest proportion of female participation than other types of ASM, miners work near or in established communities where they reside and often mine as a compliment to seasonal farming activities. Main commodities mined include: gold, tin, stone aggregate, clay, sand, limestone, marble and salt.  ƒ  Micro-enterprises comprise ~8% of the ASM workforce and consist of teams of 610 mostly male miners who work together regularly to mine mainly alluvial and hard rock metallic miners (gold, cassiterite, coltan, wolfram) in East, Northeast, West 77  and Southwest Uganda. Although somewhat migratory, movement is typically only within a district and relationships with local government and communities are usually reasonably well-established. Women usually comprise less than 10% of micro-enterprises though may be involved in food and some service provision. Micro-enterprise scenarios can also be found for clay and sand production throughout Central Uganda. ƒ  Small enterprises, most of which are involved in production of metallic commodities (gold, cassiterite, coltan, wolfram) in Western and Southwestern. These consist of small groups of 6-20 miners working at the same site, usually on the location license held by a Kampala-based “boss” or owner who also acts as a buyer and supplier of basic tools. With the exception of cassiterite production (where men and women are almost equally engaged), women’s direct participation is typically less than 25% Although licenses are often held, no formal labour agreements exist and miners are paid based on production at a negotiated price. Although tools may be a slight improvement over the crudest of methods employed by some community miners (e.g. manually crushing rocks with harder rocks or pieces of iron), there is generally little difference in technology between small enterprises, micro-enterprise or community ASM.  ƒ  Small Companies hold Mining Leases and, although somewhat mechanized (e.g. with crushers, mills, bulldozers), reliance on manual labour (particularly in extraction/digging) is still typically high. “Workforces” of 30-50 occasionally have labour agreements with the company (rather than paid-by-production set-ups) and are mainly men, usually with the exception of 2-5 women typically employed as cooks, secretaries or cleaners.  The various types of ASM generate useful questions concerning gender-differentiated constraints to participation in more organized, permanent ASM. Most evident, proximity to home, reliance on subsistence farming and domestic responsibilities likely restrict women’s engagement in micro-enterprises or small companies. Most small enterprises, however, are usually fixed in location and provide flexibility through payment based on production rather than time, thus, the lack of women’s participation  78  (particularly given that they may be engaged in “community mining” in the same areas) suggests more profound limitations. Furthermore, the latter three ASM types are generally more organized (formally or informally) than community mining, suggesting more systemic barriers related to gender bias (which may be held or sustained by both women and men) that can create an inhospitable environment and restricted autonomy (particularly given that microand small-enterprises are commonly viewed as a formal “job”). This lack of autonomy may be attributed to traditional patrilineal structures influencing customary law and practice that regard women as minors without legal status or rights, a scenario which is believed to be more pervasive in Uganda than in other parts of East Africa (Kabeer, 2007). The gender-division of labour provides additional insight. Men undertake a broad range of tasks, including extraction (digging and rock breaking), while women are almost exclusively fixed to mineral processing and related services (crushing, grinding, hauling, panning etc). While both women and men may sell mineral products, buying is almost solely by male intermediaries (mineral dealers). Even in male-dominated community mining scenarios, those engaged in digging often control the mine, while processors are often viewed (or sometimes paid) as labourers and typically obtain lower revenues. When women are present, their work in processing may even go unpaid or is turned over to their husbands. Conversely, in micro-enterprises, regardless of the role or function, revenues are typically shared evenly between team members and salaries in small companies are generally the same for jobs in the pit and the mill (Hinton, 2009a). Questions of value, visibility and vulnerability for ASM – and women’s work in ASM in particular – become even more prominent when contributions to the national economy are explored.  5.1.1 ASM and the National Economy In the 1960’s, at the height of Kilembe Mine productivity, mining provided 30% of foreign exchange earnings and in the 1970’s it constituted 8.5% of total export 79  earnings. At this time it contributed to ~5% of the gross national product. Following the instability that continued until the mid-1980’s, development of a favourable investment climate spawned considerable growth in the mining sector at a rate of approximately 11% per annum (DGSM, 2003). Uganda’s minerals sector is rapidly expanding with growth more than doubling in terms of licenses granted and non-tax revenue collected between 2004 and 2008 (DGSM, 2008). This is largely attributed to the recently enacted Mining Policy (2001), Mining Act (2003) and Mining Regulations (2004), increasing prices of gold, cassiterite, coltan and wolfram and substantial increases in industrial minerals fueling construction sector demands, which experienced 10.8% growth in 2008 (UBOS, 2009). In 2008, reported mineral production amounted to more than 44 million USD with contributions of more than 1.9 million USD in non-tax revenue like royalties, fees and rents (DGSM, 2009). More than 1.2 million USD in royalties was shared between central government (80%) and district government (17%) while the remaining 3% royalty share accrued to landowners has largely not been paid out due to lack of awareness of this right and bureaucratic procedures in its release from Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (MFPED). These formal statistics exceedingly undervalue the contribution of ASM to Uganda’s economy. In a recent assessment of ASM participation and production across the country, Hinton (2009a) estimated that: ƒ  With ASM mineral production valued at more than 700 million USD in 2008, the contribution of ASM to total GDP is more than 4%, well above the 0.3% attributed to mining and quarrying in National Statistics. If formalized, ASM would yield an additional 9.8 million USD to Government coffers in the form of royalties.  ƒ  Only 0.6% of the Ugandan population is directly engaged in ASM as miners compared to 73% in agriculture, forestry and fishing to which 23.7% of the GDP is attributed. This suggests that the average woman or man miner contributes almost 20 times more to GDP than the average person engaged in these other sectors.  80  ƒ  Women and men miners spend most earnings in the local economies where they live. Estimates put this direct annual contribution at US $337 million, providing a significant stimulus for local enterprise development and increase to the cash component of household incomes.  ƒ  Based on ASM production of gold, coltan, cassiterite and wolfram, whose export value was estimated at US$92 million in 2008, ASM (if formalized) would be the third highest foreign exchange earner10 after coffee (US$403 million) and fish and fish products (US$124 million).  As a non-agricultural, mainly rural livelihood alternative, ASM further reduces ruralurban migration and directly benefits local government in the form of taxes and licensing fees, in some cases amounting to up to 90% of subcounty operating budgets (Hinton, 2005). Indeed in one government poverty assessment on Wakiso District surrounding Kampala, clay mining and brick making was cited as “the main source of livelihood for male youth in both rural and urban sites” yet the assessment itself focused on agriculture and trading as the main livelihoods. Although in the same area, women constitute 60-70% of stone quarry workers, the report continued that “female youth are left out completely from brick making since its labour-intensive”, reflecting both the significance of the activity to local government and biases that can preclude women’s involvement (including by government officers who prepared the report). Although ASM is increasingly cited in local government development plans, its invisibility in terms of contributions to the national economy inevitably influences (and is influenced by) the policies, legislation and the extent and nature of institutional support received from government.  5.2 The Institutional and Legal Framework for ASM Around 80% of the World lives in the “informal” or “extralegal” economy11 and, in Uganda, this reliance likely exceeds 90% of the population. Even when legal 10  Foreign Exchange Earnings refer to the dollar value for all financial assets that are available to the central monetary authority for use in meeting a country's balance of payments. It includes foreign currency and gold, as well as a country's holdings of Special Drawing Rights in the International Monetary Fund. Simply put, foreign exchange earnings are used to finance foreign currency liabilities (debts) for both the public and private sectors. 11 De Soto (2000) cited in S. Siegel (2007)  81  provisions exist for formalization and licensing of ASM, accessibility is commonly a function of privilege and status. As a consequence, legislation may actually serve to exacerbate socio-economic inequalities rather than alleviate them (Reeves and Baden, 2007). Thus, the national legal and institutional context governing ASM is a critical factor determining access to rights, capacity to claim them and benefits (or disbenefits) accrued from them.  5.2.1 ASM Legislation and Regulation The importance of creating an enabling environment for legalization of the ASM sector was recognized by the Government of Uganda in the late 1990’s and is reflected in the new Mining Policy (2001), Mining Act (2003) and Mining Regulations (2004). Among progressive changes in the legislation, Article 14 of the Mining Act has lifted an earlier ban on women’s participation in mining, stating: “Notwithstanding the provisions of any other law to the contrary, a woman may be employed in any underground work in any mine or in any operation or activity relating to or associated with mining.” Women and men miners can now obtain Location Licenses, whose requirements are far more appropriate to ASM than those for Mining Leases acquired for larger scale investments. Specifically, ASM is referred to in the context of “small scale operations” or “prospecting or mining operations which do not involve expenditure in excess of five hundred currency points12 or the use of specialized technology” (Mining Act, 2003). In order to acquire a location license, applicants or association members must hold Ugandan citizenship or be comprised of a joint venture with more than 50% Ugandan ownership. Applicants that fit these criteria can apply for an exclusive “location license”, which is granted for a two year period, at which time it may be renewed. Given expenditure limits (and that the only other mining licensing category applies to large scale investment), artisanal miners face major barriers in becoming responsible small scale operations through reinvestment in mechanization.  12  In 2008, five hundred currency points was equivalent to 10 million Ugandan Shillings (~6000 USD).  82  Location license applicants must submit a statement concerning the location, proposed mining methods and mineral, and the applicant’s capacity in terms of financial and human capital (Mining Act, 2003). In lieu of a detailed Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), applicants append a simple “Project Brief”, which describes basic measures for environmental protection, reclamation and rehabilitation, such as backfilling of pits and use of sedimentation ponds to prevent siltation of rivers (Kyakonye and Nyakaana, 2004). The channels through which artisanal miners can access and claim their rights can reflect whether the existence of these rights can empower or disempower. Insight can be drawn in terms of access and capacity of artisanal miners to obtain a Location License from a brief description of the application procedures: ƒ  A prospecting license costing 150,000 USh (~75 USD) is needed before applying for any other mineral right. Although the process simply requires filling of a simple form, payment procedures are extremely bureaucratic and time consuming, as described for location licenses below.  ƒ  Applicants must verify from DGSM (Entebbe) that the area of interest is available.  ƒ  Although the two-page application form is simple, assistance from a DGSM Officer is typically needed to undertake this, prepare the Project Brief (typically 5-10 pages) and 1:50,000 map sheet of the area. DGSM personnel can provide considerable guidance in preparation of applications, with costs for services related to Project Briefs and site map preparation range between 150,000 and 800,000 USh (~75-420 USD). Due to lack of field officers in regional DGSM offices, this normally must be done in the DGSM Central Office in Entebbe.  ƒ  The completed application must be taken to the Chief Administrative Officer (CAO) in the district of work for endorsement. This usually requires an additional districtspecific processing fee (50,000-200,000 USh or ~25-100 USD).  ƒ  With a signed application in hand, applicants must return to the DGSM in Entebbe to obtain a Bank Payment Advice Form (BPAF) in the amount of 650,000 USh (~340 USD) for a one year license or 850,000 USh (~450 USD) for two years. This  83  payment includes mineral rent (200,000 USh per annum) and fees (preparation: 400,000 USh and registration: 50,000 USh). ƒ  The BAPF Form is then taken to a specified bank in Kampala, who provide a Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) receipt upon payment. This procedure alone typically takes 4-8 hours.  ƒ  The URA receipt is taken to the Accounts Division at the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development (MEMD) in Kampala where another receipt is obtained. This MEMD receipt is taken to DGSM in Entebbe for recording in the Accounts Section and the Location Application is submitted.  ƒ  Review and processing can take several weeks and, although it does not guarantee approval, if it has been submitted before other applicants for the same area, it is typically granted (i.e. first-come, first-serve basis). Typically, refusal of an application is associated with concurrent claims for the same area or the presence of pre-existing claims and not with inappropriately completed applications.  From the procedures in place alone, it is not surprising that community miners or micro-enterprise associations have not yet acquired a Location License in Uganda. Even when miners are aware of the possibility to obtain a Location License, constraints related to language (all documents are in English), literacy, licensing costs, transportation, accommodation and unforeseen, unofficial facilitation costs as well as the potentially intimidating experience of navigating the bureaucratic channels of Central Government present major barriers. Women in Uganda are typically more constrained with respect to these factors and many face the additional challenge of time and autonomy. For instance, many women tin miners in Ntungamo District report needing permission from their husbands to take sick children to health clinics just a few kilometres from home (Hinton, 2009b). Thus, travelling more than 300km to spend several days in large cities pursuing a license obviously presents an even greater challenge. This situation is exacerbated by the lack of areas available for licensing, with most ASM metallic mineral sites being held under exploration licenses held by others. Thus, even if barriers of time, autonomy and  84  financial and technical capacity were overcome, there remains little recourse for formalization and legalization.  5.2.2 ASM and the Institutional Framework The Mining Policy (2001) now mandates the Department of Geological Survey and Mines (DGSM) under the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development to: “Regularize and improve artisanal and small scale mining through light-handed application of regulations, provision of information on production and marketing, provision  of  extension  services  through  miners  associations  and  implementation of awareness campaigns targeting artisanal and small scale miners.” There has been a deliberate effort within the Department of Geological Survey and Mines (DGSM) to encourage the participation of artisanal and small scale miners within the legal framework. In-office guidance is sometimes provided to small scale miners on issues ranging from technology use to mineral markets. These efforts are recognized as an important step towards enforcing compliance with other aspects of the legislation and developing mechanisms of support for the ASM sector. The DGSM is, however, inhibited by a lack of resources for monitoring and site-based assistance, precluding enforcement of and advisory support as outlined in their mandate. In association with a 7-year World Bank Project in MEMD, ASM has recently increased its profile in DGSM, resulting in design and initiation of training programs for more than 1,000 women (43%) and men (57%) in 17 communities. The gender dimension has received attention during gender training of 26 key DGSM Officers in 2006, explicit gender mainstreaming requirements for the training program and subsequent gender consultations and development of a related Strategy for Promotion of Gender Equity in Mining (which is partially informed by preliminary findings from this research). Although officers involved in these efforts have demonstrated remarkable dedication to ASM and sensitivity to related gender perspectives, multiple DGSM priorities (primarily focused on promoting larger investment) and limited resources reduce the likelihood of sustained institutional commitment.  85  Under the Uganda Gender Policy (2007), all government institutions (inclusive of MEMD) are “expected to identify entry points and opportunities for networking and collaboration to ensure synergy and maximum impact in addressing gender inequality” by mainstreaming gender in all sectors and ensuring gender responsiveness in work programmes in their areas of mandate (UGP, 2007: 30). In conjunction with recent changes to the National Budget and Planning Process (2009), line ministries have been called upon to explicitly incorporate gender objectives within their annual performance and work plans while Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (MFPED) is responsible for ensuring that gender-targeted activities are given priority in budgets. Because the gender dimension of ASM has recently come to the forefront, this represents an important entry point for DGSM to obtain necessary funds and is a significant opportunity for women and men miners to receive additional government assistance as per the DGSM mandate. Despite this, the absence of engendered objectives, performance targets and budgets in 2010 DGSM workplans reflects a reticence likely due to marginal resources, lack of political will or a combination of both (Hinton, 2009b). Throughout Uganda, there is “concern about the depth of ownership of economic reforms and poverty reduction policies among politicians and civil servants” (Ellis and Bahigwa, 2002: 998). Gender mainstreaming and poverty reduction within the mining sector is likely no exception and, in fact, if insincerely promoted, a potential exists for any related resources allocated to primarily service existing underfunded priorities.  5.2.3 ASM and Other Government Agencies Although permitting and reporting requirements are far less stringent for Location Licenses, they are still bound by the multitude of regulations present in Uganda. In addition to the Mining Act and Regulations, artisanal and small scale miners must comply with a host of other laws and regulations. These include the National Environment Regulations (2001), the National Water Resources Regulations (1998), the Land Act (1998) and the National Environmental Management Regulations (2000).  86  Intersecting responsibilities and contradictory positions of these agencies, combined with limited resources, hinder efficient enforcement and monitoring of the ASM sector and create an additional barrier for miners who may have limited skills to comply with these regulations. Furthermore, most regulating agencies charged with addressing specific subcomponents of these activities (e.g. Ministry of Local Governments, Ministry of Defence, Ministry of Internal Affairs, National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA) etc) frequently lack understanding of the minerals sector (and even more so ASM), related legislation and the varied needs of its different players, providing an added constraint to effective management. Intersections with the Land Act (1998) are particularly relevant. Although the Mining Act states that mineral rights cannot be granted for a place of religious significance, the onus is on the landowner, who often resides “off-site”, to attest to this value (Kyakonye, 2005). As the land owners receive compensation for mining activities on his/her land, there is little motivation to preserve either culturally significant sites or the rights of land occupiers. The differing rights of land owners and lawful occupiers in Uganda and those rights temporarily granted for mineral extraction or exploration are often a source of conflict in many mining areas. It is useful to recognize that, under current practices, unlicensed artisanal miners typically give a portion of mining proceeds to land owners in lieu of rent, an arrangement that often more acceptable to land owners than pursuing 3% royalty returns from MFPED. The discourse on governance in Uganda cannot go without recognition of the current significance of decentralization, particularly as it relates to service delivery, accountability and execution of policies at the community level. Uganda has gone through various phases of decentralization and centralization, including abolishment of the post-independence, pro-decentralization Constitution in 1966 in favour of full powers vested in the President, followed by re-instatement of decentralized governments with the ascension of the National Resistance Movement and President Yoweri Museveni’s enstatement in 1986 (Okidi and Guloba, 2006). Particularly since the Local Government Statute (1993) and submission of the first draft Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP) in 1997, Uganda has enthusiastically pursued decentralization as a core policy instrument for poverty reduction (Ellis and Bahigwa, 87  2002). In current day Uganda, decentralization of key government services and functions to local administrations, particularly to district (LCV), subcounty (LCIII) and village councils (LCI), is firmly entrenched in the national machinery13. Although administration is overseen by the Ministry of Local Government (MoLG), most line ministries have vertically linked technical staff at District and Subcounty Levels with mandates complimenting the transdisciplinary challenges faced by ASM. These include District Community Development Officers (CDOs), Environment Officers (DEOs), Health Inspectors (DHIs), Welfare Officers (DWOs), Labour Officers (DLOs), Planning Officers (DPOs) and others, in some cases, working within specific units (e.g. Planning Unit). Although technical staff are most common at the district level, most subcounties also often employ a range of environment, health, agriculture and water officers, among other technical staff, to act as extension service providers at the grassroots level. Located in relatively close proximity to ASM sites (and with only three marginally active DGSM Regional Offices providing limited services), District and Sub-county officers are, in theory, better positioned to provide services essential to wellbeing of women and men miners and their communities. In reality, most miners report that the interaction between ASM and other agencies is negligible with government officers citing deficiencies in resources, motivation and awareness of mining and inadequate technical capacity to fulfill mandates as key constraints. Saito (2000) identified a “perception gap” between service providers (e.g. teachers, health workers, agricultural extension officers) and service receivers in Uganda, wherein the former report that decentralization has improved services while the latter frequently affirms the contrary view. In a multi-livelihood, multi-community study undertaken in Kamuli, Mbale and Mubende Districts, Ellis and Basigwe (2002) found that agricultural, fisheries and other extension agents were prevailingly viewed by community members as “unhelpful”.  13 Local Councils are comprised on a chairperson, vice chairperson and councillors who are supposed to be elected based on individual merit rather than party or other lines. District (LCV), County and Municipal (LCIV) and Subcounty and Town (LCIII) councils are Local Governments with legislative, financial and administrative powers while Parish (LCII) and Village Councils (LCI) are administrative units (World Bank, 2003).  88  Given gender divisions in labour and inequities in power, autonomy and resource control, extension services may be even less accessible to women. Indeed, USAID (2006) has suggested that this phenomena is endemic, indicating that, worldwide, only 5% of agricultural extension services are directed at women farmers. Miners further report that, when interactions with decentralized government officers do occur, it is typically one of acceptance (live and let live) or, in some cases where local officials have an awareness of legislation, exploitation (extortion) of illegal miners occurs. Women and men in one Kampala stone quarry, for instance, report that the Local Village Council (LCI) Chairman visits the site on a monthly basis to collect a fee of 100,000 USh (~60USD) in exchange for allowing them to work illegally. Similarly, male gold miners in forest reserves report threats of eviction or imprisonment by some forest rangers if gold is not preferentially sold to them. Taxation by local government (e.g. permits, fees imposed on mineral traders etc) with unseen benefits or unclear terms of their use have also been common complaints of miners and mineral dealers, particularly for more visible, high volume mineral commodities (e.g. stone, sand, limestone, cassiterite etc). In principle, decentralized services can arguably reduce poverty by ensuring contextspecific needs are identified and met through more cost-effective service delivery to poor communities. Whether decentralization is part of the ASM poverty cycle or part of the solution is subject to debate. Local governance in Katwe Kabatooro Town Council (discussed in Section 7.9) lends further insight, suggesting that issues of voice, participation, autonomy and capacity to exercise legal claims to rights figure prominently.  5.3 Gender and Rights Regimes in Uganda The State is ultimately obligated to respect, protect and fulfill rights as enshrined in law. Opportunities for women and men to claim their rights and yield benefits from the exercise of rights are partly determined by the way in which rights are not just defined but interpreted and implemented (Moser, 2001). Although full provision of rights - such as clean water and education – is unlikely to be achieved in many developing  89  countries in the short-term, it is primarily due to progressive changes in Ugandan legislation for which the country is commonly heralded as a model for its support for women’s participation in politics, girl child education through Universal Primary Education policies and recognition of women’s land rights, among other key areas (Ahikire, 2009; Lakwo, 2006). Legislation provides a powerful platform on which institutions, structures and processes can be mandated to advance pro-poor objectives, however it is the outcomes on women’s and men’s lives that denote efficacy of both policies and implementing institutions.  5.3.1 Hallmark Advances in Legislation Much of the progressive evolution of Ugandan legislation has been framed on the Constitution of Uganda (1995), which declares in Article 21: “…all persons are equal before and under the law in all spheres of political, economic, social and cultural life and in every other respect and shall enjoy equal protection under the law”. Numerous articles in the Constitution supplement this declaration. Article 31 of the Constitution of Uganda (1995) entitles men and women to “equal rights in marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution”. This would be given effect through the Domestic Relations Bill, which deals with marriage, separation and divorce, marital rights and responsibilities, foundations for breakdown of marriage, rights on dissolution of marriage, co-ownership of property and other related issues. The Bill was first put forth over 20 years ago and has been shelved several times, attesting to the difficulty in achieving consensus on appropriate laws to support gender equality. Article 33 further states: ƒ  “The state shall recognize the significant role that women play in society”.  ƒ  “Women shall be accorded full and equal dignity of the person with men”.  ƒ  “The state shall provide the facilities and opportunities necessary to enhance the welfare of women to enable them to realize their full potential and advancement”.  ƒ  “The state shall protect women and their rights, taking into account their unique status and natural maternal functions in society”.  90  ƒ  “Women shall have the right to affirmative action for the purpose of redressing the imbalances created by history, tradition or custom”.  ƒ  “Laws, cultures, customs or traditions which are against the dignity, welfare or interest of women or which undermine their status are prohibited by the Constitution”.  Two years following adoption of the Constitution (1995), Uganda experienced a hallmark year for the advancement of gender equity in Uganda. In 1997, the National Gender Policy (NGP) was adopted in order to explicitly place gender in the development agenda of Uganda. Guided by the NGP, the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development (MGLSD) was established in the same year, providing the machinery through which gender-responsive development is to be coordinated and gender advocacy advanced in all sectors (CEDAW, 2002). Implementation of the Universal Primary Education (UPE) policy, wherein government committed to sponsoring four children per family (two of which must be girls) soon followed. In the same year, support for the advancement of women was additionally built into decentralization policy via the Local Government Act (1997). In Article 180 (I) (b), the Act obligates local government to ensure that at least one-third of councils, statutory commissions and committees have to be women, the main intent being to address inequitable political representation of women (Akiiki, 2002). However, although onethird of female representation at local government level is secured, true participation is not necessary attained. Although the Local Government Act seeks to ensure nondiscrimination on political, social, cultural and economic fronts, it has perhaps realized its most significant achievements in exposing women to experience in public leadership and political participation, despite challenges reported by women in making their voices and issues sufficiently recognized in these fora. Progress in the following year was marked by adoption of the Land Act (1998), wherein the law explicitly protects the rights of spouses on “family land”, i.e. land on which a family resides or sustains the basic necessities of life. Under the Act, if a spouse who is title holder wants to sell, lease, exchange, transfer, will or mortgage family land he or she must first get written permission from his or her spouse in writing 91  in a prescribed form (Land Act, 1998). Explicit courses of action, via the Administrative General’s Office, present opportunities to redress violation of these terms. Adoption of the National Action Plan on Women (NAPW) for the period 1999-2004, sought to further advance equal rights and opportunities for women and men by empowering them to participate in, and benefit from the social, economic and political development and affirmative action to close gender gaps. Formulated on the Beijing Plan of Action (1995), four target areas outlined in the NAPW were: (i)  Poverty, income generation and economic empowerment, under which the Poverty Eradication Action Plan and Plan for the Modernization of Agriculture (1999-2004 and 2004-2007) captures gender as a cross-cutting issue;  (ii)  Reproductive health and rights, an objective explicitly captured through numerous policy objectives of the National Health Policy and Strategic Plan;  (iii)  Legal framework and decision making, which is complimented by primarily institutional organs such as the Uganda Human Rights Commission, Uganda Law Reform Commission, Uganda Women Parliamentary Association and National Association of Women Organizations in Uganda (NAWOU).  (iv) The girl child and education, which received subsequent support from UNICEF, World Bank, USAID and other partners, primarily for complimentary and alternative education programs. In 2007, a revised National Gender Policy (NGP) was adopted with the purpose of providing “a clear framework for identification, implementation and coordination of interventions designed to achieve gender equality and women's empowerment in Uganda” (UGP, 2007: 14). Building on growing international and Ugandan knowledge and experiences acquired in the preceding decade, the 2007 UGP has adopted priorities specific to “gender and livelihoods, rights, governance and macro-economic management”. Included in the policy is more explicit commitments of MGLSD to support other line ministries as well as non-governmental actors and increased responsibility to MFPED to ensure budget allocations prioritize gender-targeted activities.  92  Despite the GOU commitment to a number of key policies, conventions and programmes, progress has been slow in terms of overcoming patriarchal behaviour, breaking down harmful stereotypes and countering attitudes concerning women’s subordination to men (CEDAW, 2000). This is exacerbated by low awareness with respect to constitutional provisions related to non-discrimination and lack of enforcement of relevant legislative measures. Indeed, past Ministers of the MGLSD have reported negative responses from some male counterparts when gender-related issues have been brought to the floor of parliament (CEDAW, 2002). Ultimately, policy and legislation is a platform on which change in terms of gender equity can be founded, however it does not, in itself, affirm that transformations have or will be achieved in terms of gender relations and biases. Lakwo (2006) further asserts that incorporation of women in the political system via quotas (e.g. one-third mandated representation in government) does not reflect “women’s capacity to influence norms, rules and practices” as much as it represents the degree to which men control political processes. He goes on to cite the use of women’s groups by local government leaders as a means to “win votes” as further indicating that genuine shifts in political commitment have yet to be demonstrated in Uganda. The status of men and women in Uganda provide further insight into the effectiveness of the national legislative context and its machinery in advancing gender equity.  5.3.2 The Status of Women and Men in Uganda According to the 2005 UNDP Human Development Report, Uganda’s steady 6-7% annual economic growth rate is attributed to macroeconomic adjustment and structural reforms since the early 1990’s. This growth, particularly in industry and services, has reduced the share of agriculture’s contribution to GDP from 68% in 1985 to 31.8% in 2005. Economic growth, however, does not always equate to improved wellbeing of a nation’s people. Uganda has one of the highest population growth rates in Subsaharan Africa (3.4%) and 73% of the population of 30.1 million still relies primarily on subsistence agriculture, forestry and fishing to which 23.7% of the GDP is now attributed (UBOS, 2009). Lakwo (2006) suggests that, due to population growth and an annualized inflation rate of 7%, average income is actually lower than it was in 1970. Although the proportion of Ugandan’s living in absolute poverty has dropped from 56% 93  in 1992 to 38% in 2004, marginal changes in agricultural methods, lack of savings accumulation, rising rates of HIV/AIDS, and a corruption ranking of 17th in the World, put improvements in poverty reduction at risk (Lakwo, 2006). This economic growth and progressive changes in pro-gender equality policy and legislation does not implicitly indicate that the gender gap is closing. National statistics do not, by any means, fully describe gender differences in terms of vulnerability, access or control, nor do they convey how poverty is differently experienced by women and men or the causes of inequities in status or power. A few key indicators, nevertheless, provide insight into the status of women and men in the Ugandan context: ƒ  The ratio of women to men for earned income is 0.67, indicating that women make 33% less than men (UBOS, 2009). Significantly, women produce about 80% of Uganda’s food and constitute 70% of unpaid agricultural labour and generally dominate most subsistence, informal activities (74%); yet, these activities are not captured in the “income gap” suggesting a harsh underestimate of this gender gap (Kabeer, 2007; UBOS, 2009).  ƒ  Although marked improvements from a 58% literacy gap in 1991, literacy rates show 15% disparity, with 76% of adult males and 61% of adult females being capable or reading or writing in any language (UNDP, 2005). These improvements are largely attributed to enrolment increases in primary education (from 3.4 million in 1996 to 7.3 million in 2002 with a ratio of boys to girls of near parity), however this rise does not account for population growth, nor does it address the systemic factors that girls may enroll in school but are more commonly prematurely removed from school than boys due to household responsibilities, sexual harassment from male teachers or students, fears of pregnancy on the part of parents, among other factors (GOU, 2007; Kabeer, 2007; Lakwo, 2006).  ƒ  In 2006, 31.7% of seats in Parliament were held by women, an increase from 27% in 2000, yet not yet reflective of the population (~1:1) (UNDP, 2006).  ƒ  Violence against women continues to go tolerated in Uganda (despite zero tolerance policies) with the prevalence of sexual and domestic violence against 94  women is 74% in the eastern region, 62% in eastern-central region, 60% in north east, 41% in Kampala and 24% in Central Uganda (MGLSD, 2009). ƒ  Although 97% of women have access to agricultural land, only 7% own land through customary tenure and 8% under leasehold land tenure (UNDP, 2006).  Although the national machinery is in place, these statistics call into question whether real change has been achieved with respect to the status of women and men and genuine transformation of gender relations that is so profoundly influenced by entrenched values and beliefs. The impact of national institutions, policies and processes at a community level provides further insight into how reported improvements are being experienced on the ground.  95  6  KATWE KABATORO: INTRODUCING THE HOST COMMUNITY  In order to appreciate the socio-cultural, environmental and economic impacts and benefits of ASM in Katwe Kabatooro Town Council (KKTC), it is necessary to understand the social context in which ASM takes place. In order to lay the foundation for this research on mining as a livelihood among a community of other livelihoods, the people and place – the context – are introduced.  6.1 Location Located in Western Uganda, Kasese District borders the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to the West, and the districts of Bundibugyo to the North, Kabarole to the North East, Kamwenge to the Southeast and Bushenyi to the South (Fig One). Approximately 17% of the District area (2724 km2) consists of water bodies, including Lake Edward and Lake George, with a significant area also covered by Queen Elizabeth National Park (QENP) (32% of the area) and Rwenzori National Park (RNP) (24% of the area) (KDLG, 2004). Katwe-Kabatoro Town Council (KKTC), degazetted from the national park in 1995, borders QENP in the north, east and west and Lake Edward in the south. Being  Figure 7: Location of Katwe Kabatooro Town Council (Source: ILM, 2001, Lake George Report No.36: ILM/P/2001. Uganda.)  96  bounded by QENP and the lake, KKTC faces unique challenges due to the small area covered by the Town Council and unique livelihood constraints related to QENP. KKTC has three parishes (also called wards), Kyarukara, Rwenjubu and Kyakitale.  6.2 Climate KKTC experiences two rainy seasons annually, from March-May and SeptemberNovember, resulting in an annual average rainfall 800-1000 mm in the savannah characteristic of KKTC, while more mountainous parts of neighbouring subcounties achieve rainfalls of 1000-1200 mm (MDP, 2004; KDEP, 1996). Across both rainy and dry seasons, the average temperature in Kasese District is 23°C, from the high mountainous areas to the savannah plains, with daily sunshine averaging 5.5-8 hours per day. In more arid areas, temperatures average several degrees higher. The aridity observed in the lowland savannah is attributed to higher evaporation rates than precipitation. These climatological factors influence all livelihoods to varying degrees, with the rainydry season variations driving efforts by many to engage in multiple activities on a seasonal basis. Reportedly due to climate change, rainfall distribution has been increasingly unreliable and uneven.  6.3 Topography The western border of Uganda with the DRC is marked by the Western Rift Valley, which extends, in Kasese, from the basins of Lakes Edward and George, and continues north up to the Lake Albert and to the Nile. Kasese District topography is marked by the southwest-to-northeast trend of is the Rift Valley, which essentially splits the District into two components. In association with up-faulting during rift formation, the Rwenzori Mountains in eastern Kasese District rise to elevations as high as 5110m at Mount Stanley, the highest point in Uganda (KDLG, 2004). The mountains are deeply incised and drain towards the rift valley floor in the east. The rift valley floor, where KKTC is situated, consists of plains lying between 90m and 180m above sea level (KDLG, 2004).  97  6.4 Population and Age Distribution The estimated annual population growth rate (4.7%) of Kasese District exceeds the national average of 3.3% and has resulted in a population density of 232 people/km2 in settled areas, well above the national average of 124 people/km2. In 2002, the population of Kasese District was 584,272 (51% female, 49% male) (UBOS, 2002). As shown in Table 3, the population of KKTC in 2005 was 6,150 with a ratio of males to females of 1.2:1 (KDLG, 2005). Youth and children comprise a large proportion of the total population (48%)14 which equates to a large number of dependents and can readily increase the burden on households and create pressure for youth the leave school and engage in income earning activities. Between the ages of 5 and 14 years, 9% of boys and 7% of girls were reported to start work in mainly mining and fishing to “help pay for school fees… but its only after school and on weekends.” This number increases dramatically for 15-18 years olds, where 41% of boys and 42% of girls, of which 67% engage in mining. Table 3: Population and Age Distribution in Katwe- Kabatoro Town Council.  Unit Householdsd Individuals  Survey Sample % Missing Malec  % Femalec  Mean  Std. Dev  64.1  35.9  50.0  0.48  3  53.3  46.7  49.8  0.49  125  0  48.0  52.0  2.45  1.2  179  377  1  52.8  46.8  7.3  4.2  239  515  16  53.3  46.7  22.4  17.9  Populationa  Maleb  Femaleb  Total  1616 6180 3,389 M; 2,761 F  118  66  184  0  484  424  908  60  65  198 236  Age Distribution (years) 1258 Children Under 5 yrs (20%)e Children 2966 under 18 (48%) e years Adults 19 3214 years and (52%) e older  a. Source: Katwe-Kabatoro Three Year Rolling Development Plans, 2004/5-2006/7. b. Coding designated 1=male, 2=female. c. % given as valid percent, i.e. missing values excluded. d. Male and female in the Household row refers to sex of household head. e. Source: UBOS Census 2002, sex-disaggregated data on children not available.  14  The proportion of children and youth under 18 years in the sample was 41.5%. Children under 5 years was also lower than UBOS (2002) statistics at 13.8%.  98  6.5 Ethnicity The complex history of immigration, conflict and economic changes - in part associated with the establishment of QENP as well as the rise and collapse of various economic activities - have resulted in highly heterogeneous and ethnically diverse communities. In KKTC, the Bakyingwe, Banyabindi and Basongora are recognized as the “original tribes”, although immigration associated with both the fish and salt industries has led to an influx of peoples from around the country. Other tribal groups include: the Batooro, Bakonzo, Banyankole, Bakiga, Bacholi, Iteso, Banyoro, Lanki and Banyarwanda. Traditional territories of major ethnic groups are shown in Figure 8.  KKTC  Figure 8: Traditional Territories of Major Ethnic Groups in Uganda (Source: Nzita, and Mbaga, People and Cultures of Uganda, (Fountain publ,) © 1998, reprod with permission)  99  Despite the broad range of ethnic groups in KKTC, tribal conflicts are believed to be minimal, with most divisions on the basis of local politics, rather than ethnicity. Livelihood differentiations are even less distinct in terms of ethnicity with ASM and other livelihoods being undertaken by a number of tribes jointly. This situation differs somewhat from neighbouring subcounties where farming and cattlekeeping are more significant activities. In nearby Muhokya Subcounty, some cattlekeepers have indicated that tribalism is a factor hampering local development and providing them with inadequate political representation. For example, the Banyabindi were identified by some as being a marginalized and vulnerable group in a neighbouring subcounty that are restricted from speaking in public. Also, land disputes associated with their livelihoods (i.e. farming versus cattle keeping) have also been reported. Due to the nature of their activities, the Basongora cattlekeepers tend to be somewhat migratory, particularly in the dry seasons, and frequently cross into crop land of the farming Bakonzo. Civil war in the 1960’s to 1970’s resulted in death of many local Batooro and Bakonjo involved in the conflict (and catalyzed inter-tribal tensions which continue to this day). A slight Batooro majority and affiliation of the Toro Kingdom with colonial and postcolonial powers saw other tribes, such as the Bakonzo, Baamba and smaller groups, feeling neglected and disenfranchised. In 1961, the Batooro requested a separate district and subsequent installation of a king. Upon denial of these requests by the government, a movement was mobilized, which remained active for several decades. Reportedly, the political alliances traditionally held over past decades have led to some degree of political divisiveness along tribal lines. Some groups report that past elections have been based on tribal grounds and not necessarily capabilities and suitability, thereby “denying quality leadership” and resulting in the economic decline in the area. Elders and clan leaders within KKTC and continue to play an active advisory role in land disputes (and to a much lesser extent in serious marital or domestic disputes) and as ceremonial leaders at weddings and funerals. However, there seems to be little 100  ongoing collaboration between these leaders and individuals within the community, despite a reportedly deep respect for their positions. Clan leaders do have an audience with Town Council administration, but reportedly possess only marginal influence on governance issues. In KKTC, many have difficulty clearly identifying clan leaders and elders and suggest that marginal adherence to traditional cultural activities (e.g. dancing, drama) has diminished recognition of elders as formal leaders.  6.6 Religion The dominant religions in KKTC are Roman Catholicism, Anglicanism, Protestantism, Islam and Pentecostal (Table 4). Other religious groups include the Orthodox, Seventh Day Adventists, Baptist and Jehovah’s Witnesses. Traditional beliefs are also reported, but little is known about the extent of this as practitioners apparently avert attention from this. Table 4: Religious Affiliations in KKTC (% of population)a Catholic  Anglican  SDA*  Pentacostal  Muslim  Other  None  Total  Kasese  35.0  45.0  8.4  3.4  6.5  1.7  0.1  100.0  Katwe Kabatoro Town Council  50.1  24.3  1.0  4.7  18.8  0.7  0.3  100.0  a. Source: UBOS 2002 Population and Housing Census, Gender disaggregated data not available. * SDA = Seventh Day Adventists  Many KKTC residents indicate that the influence of local religious leaders is largely constrained within the realm of religious matters with little influence on issues related to land, economics or development. However, women interviewed cited cases where religious leaders were involved in domestic or marital issues. For example, when a wife is considering leaving her husband due to regular physical abuse (to which many women attribute to “overdrinking” alcohol by their husbands), some consult religious leaders for guidance. Many of these cases are reportedly handled by clan members15.  15  Sexual and gender based violence (SGBV) are further discussed in Section 7.7.2.  101  7  THE FOUNDATIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS  Understanding the foundations for livelihoods means characterizing the assets or poverty reducing measures to which people have access, factors affecting their vulnerability and understanding livelihood strategies used to improve or maintain their wellbeing. Key components of the foundations for livelihoods include: •  Access, control and ownership of natural resource stocks from which resources can be used to enable (or constrain) certain livelihoods;  •  Governance and the institutional environment that affects the capacity of women and men to fulfill livelihood objectives and participate in decisionmaking;  •  Social networks and connections that support knowledge development, innovation and psycho-social wellbeing;  •  Skills, knowledge and ability to work and achieve good health that jointly enable people to meet their needs and achieve their livelihood objectives;  •  Personal security, or the “freedom from threats or violence”, that enables both mental and physical wellbeing and the continued engagement in a livelihood to meet personal and family needs and objectives;  •  Access and control of decisions in the use of infrastructure and public services that support or hinder women’s and men’s livelihood choices; and  •  Financial resources that people require to attain their livelihood objectives.  Access, control and ownership of resources are the primary means through which women and men can develop pathways out of poverty (Moser, 1998). For example, within the context of ASM, trading up resources of manual labour, basic tools and minerals to savings to better tools to work in teams to group savings to small equipment is an example of how human, physical, natural, social and financial assets can be accumulated and used to improve wellbeing over time. Each of these elements jointly influences the capacity of an individual woman or man, their families and community to drive poverty reduction and benefit from growth and development. This chapter described the research findings in each of these critical areas as a basis for discussion in Chapter Eight.  102  7.1 The Livelihoods There are five main livelihoods in KKTC: salt winning, fishing, trading, wage income earners (e.g. people working in shops, restaurants and bars; casual labourers and a small proportion of civil servants) and agricultural livelihoods (subsistence farming and animal husbandry). In terms of agriculture, cattle-keeping is, in particularly, is identified as being important by community residents. Due to their relative wealth, perceived or real political influence and sometimes negative relationship with salt miners (primarily due to cattle grazing on the hillslopes of the salt crater lake), they are considered by many residents to be prominent community members. Indeed both cattle keeping and farming were historically significant prior to establishment of Queen Elizabeth National Park (QENP) in the early 1950’s. However, as shown in Table 5 and observed during field activities, the number of households and individuals reliant on these activities are quite few compared to other livelihoods. Therefore, for purposes of quantitative analysis, they have necessarily been integrated with “other” economic activities in the sample. Cattle keeping, as well as subsistence farming (which was found to be an important livelihood strategy for the poorest of the poor), are nevertheless considered in qualitative terms. Reliance of KKTC residents on specific livelihoods were identified as “the household’s main source of household income in the past twelve months” (hereinafter referred to as “primary” as opposed to secondary or tertiary livelihoods). In terms of a primary livelihood for individuals in households, results indicate that 49.0% of men and boys and 48.8% of women and girls surveyed in KKTC are primarily reliant on mining (Table 5). Upon comparison with Kasese District and national averages, where 1.3% and 0.6% of the population are officially engaged in mining, respectively, ASM is undoubtedly a key component on the socio-economy and environment in KKTC. Fishing and related activities (fish smoking, net mending, fish vending to dealers etc) are the next most important activity, supporting 20.7% of residents surveyed. Rwenjubu Ward is significantly different from the other two parishes in KKTC in terms of the high concentration of those in fishing (33.3% men, 43.5% women) and relatively limited numbers of miners (27.1% of men, 47.2% of women), particularly compared to 103  Kyakitale Ward. This is not surprising given its close proximity to the fish landing site and distance from the salt lake. Conversely, miners are concentrated in Kyakitale Ward, nearest to the salt lake, while those primarily reliant on fishing are altogether absent. Table 5: Primary Livelihoods of Residents of KKTC (% of household members) Ward Sex Kasese District* M F  Mining  Fishing  Farming/ Livestock  Trading  Other  Total  1.9% 0.8%  2.8% 0.7%  66.2% 84.6%  n/a n/a  29.1% 13.9%  100% 100%  0 N=0 0 N=0 22.6% N=36 19.4% N=28 33.3% N=70 43.5% N=54 21.9% N=106 19.3% N=82 20.7% N=188  0.9% N=1 7.4% N=7 0 N=0 0.7% N=1 1.9% N=4 2.2% N=4 1.0% N=5 2.8% N=12 1.9% N=17  13.0% N=15 13.8% N=13 6.3% N=10 4.9% N=7 20.5% N=43 21.5% N=40 14.0% N=68 14.2% N=60 14.1% N=128  11.3% N=13 9.6% N=9 11.9% N=19 11.8% N=17 19.9% N=37 18.4% N=73 14.0% N=68 14.9% N=63 14.4% N=131  100% N=115 100% N=94 100% N=159 100% N=144 100% N=210 100% N=186 100% N=484 100% N=424 100% N=908  Katwe Kabatoro Town Council Kyakitale 74.8% M F Kyarukara  M F  Rwenjubu*  M F  All Wards  M F Tot  N=86 69.1% N=65 59.1% N=94 63.2% N=91 27.1% N=57 47.2% N=51 49.0% N=237 48.8% N=207 48.9% N=444  *Source: Kasese District Development Plan, 2004-2007. n/a = not available. M = male; F = female. Livelihoods: Pearson Chi Square (6) = 172.2, p<0.02; Gender not significant by ward.  Distinctions in terms of the gender division of labour (as discussed below) and the relative impacts and benefits of various livelihood strategies provide more holistic insight.  7.1.1 Mining Kasese District has historically been the hub of mining in Uganda. Historically, the Kilembe Mine, where copper and cobalt was produced from the mid-1950’s until the late 1970’s, was the most significant mine in not just the District but, indeed, the country (UNDP, 1996). When in full operation, Kilembe Mine directly employed ~7000 104  men, not including those employed at the roaster (just outside of Kasese Town) and smelter (in Jinja). From the mine operation alone, this equated to indirect benefits to at least 50,000 more16. With closure of Kilembe Mine and collapse of the formal mining sector under Idi Amin, hundreds of trained, unemployed miners shifted into ASM, providing an important stimulus for growth of the subsector (Hinton, 2005). Currently, the largest mining operation active in Kasese District, the Hima Cement Ltd. limestone quarry exemplifies a well-mechanized, medium-scale operation. Staffed by at least 18 men, this quarry produced more than 280,000 tonnes of limestone in 2004 (Kyakonye and Atuhairwe, 2004; DGSM, 2005). In addition to employment at the quarry and cement plant, Hima Cement Ltd. supports the livelihood of artisanal miners through the purchase of minerals from ASM operations in Kasese (limestone), as well as Bundibugyo (gypsum), Kabarole (volcanic pozzolana) and Kabale Districts (volcanic pozzolana and iron ore). A few other medium limestone producers can be found in the district, most of whom who produce lime. Specifically, the equally well-mechanized Kasese Copper Cobalt Company Ltd. (KCCL) limestone quarry currently produces and consumes 200 tons of lime daily on average while the Kilembe Mines limestone quarries have up to five kilns with a capacity of 30 tonnes each used for lime production (Kyakonye, 2005).  History of Mining Activities at Lake Katwe ASM at Lake Katwe reportedly began when the Kingdoms of Uganda were established in the 1700’s and salt, much like gold, was a highly valuable, traded commodity (Connah, 1990; Briggs, 2002). By the 19th century, it held both economic and political significance, in particular to the Kingdoms of Toro in Lake Katwe and Bunyoro (at Kibiro in Hoima District) (Connah, 1990; Briggs, 2002). Upon arrival of European explorers in the mid-19th Century, a number of crater lakes in the area provided important sources of salt and have since dried up but the most significant, by far, was Lake Katwe (formerly known as Myiko) (Connah, 1990; Briggs, 2002). In the 19th century, salt production was largely under control of the Toro Kingdom, was then taken Indirect benefits commonly refer to dependents of employees and indirect service provides (e.g. food stuffs, local merchants etc serving employees and their families). These discludes benefits and related multipliers from the service providers to the mine (e.g. equipment, maintenance) not directly employed, and those employed at the roaster and smelter. 16  105  over by the Banyoro in the late 1870s and, shortly thereafter in 1890, by a British-Toro coalition led by Captain Lugard, an agent of the Imperial British East Africa Company (Briggs, 2002). Despite the fact that mining methods are marked by intensive manual labour, both women and men miners express a sense of pride that salt production methods have gone unchanged over the centuries. The quality of salt, its value, the number of miners and gender division of labour have, however, changed significantly. In 1890, Lugard observed salt piles, “some beautifully white and clean” and suitable for human consumption (Briggs, 2002:290) while, in 1930, A.W Groves reported that this purest salt was Grade No 1, obtained naturally from the lake edges (Harben, 1993). A 76year old male miner, having begun working at the age of 7 with his mother (who retired at the age of 94), displayed a small handful of Grade I salt, and confirmed the marginal availability of Grade I salt around the lake edges compared to the past and commenting on its declining abundance “now, this is all we get.”. Groves further observed an issue that continues to this day: solar evaporation salt from pans was considerably contaminated with mud since the “natives” worked directly in the pans, thereby stirring up the black mud that constitutes the bulk of pan walls (Harben, 1993). Rock salt, the most impure form of salt produced and sold at Katwe, was usually bright pink and visibly consisted of a mixture of multiple salts, as well as mud and algae. He reported that any “native” was allowed to work for one third of their production while the remaining two-thirds went to the store of the Native Government (Harben, 1993). Prior to World War II, mining was not of major importance to the Ugandan protectorate government and, in the period just after the Second World War, salt was imported from Pakistan by Asian merchants, largely due to the low quality and limited supply at Katwe (Syakuha-Muhindo, 1996; Elkan, 1957). Various unsuccessful attempts were made to improve the quality and quantity of salt produced at Lake Katwe between 1948 and 1967 by Katwe Salt Trust (1948–50), Uganda Development Corporation (1954–58) and the Geological Survey of Uganda (1966–1967) (Harben, 1993). At the  106  time, more attention was given to development of export markets rather than industrialization of mining, and these efforts largely failed on technical grounds. In the late 1940’s, the move to support export crop production, especially cotton, coupled with construction of a fish processing plant in nearby Kasenyi and opening of the Kilembe Mine in the 1950’s attracted many men from the salt lake to fishing, cash crop production and large scale mining (Syakuha-Muhindo, 1996). It was at this time that a tremendous shift occurred in the gender balance of the Lake Katwe labour force. This was further catalyzed by the establishment of Queen Elizabeth National Park (QENP) in the early 1950’s, which restricted women from planting crops in gazetted areas and civil strife in Zaire (now DRC) which drew many women refugees to seek work at the salt lake as labourers. As a consequence of these events, women continue to dominate the salt mining workforce today. In the 1940’s and 50’s, the import of salt, locally referred to as ‘Hindia’ (due to its association with the Asian merchants), reduced the size of the market of Katwe salt. Imported salt was generally considered to be cleaner and of better quality, particularly since Katwe salt was perceived to give a strange taste to sauces and soups containing animal protein. However, the importation of salt had not fundamentally undermined the market for Lake Katwe salt as many of the rural and urban poor still preferred Katwe salt to the imported salt, especially in cooking of legumes, greens, yams and other root tuber foods. Rock salt continued, and continues, to be used as the main cattle lick resource for the pastoral communities in Ankole, Toro, and Bunyoro and, with the influx of imported, high-quality Hindia, the emphasis shifted towards Grade III (cattle lick quality) salt in pan production also (Syakuha-Muhindo, 1996). In the 1950’s, construction of roads linking Katwe to the Mbarara-Kasese Highway and Katunguru opened up the salt market and reinvigorated male participation as traders. This led to increases in outputs from 150 tpa to 5,000 tpa (Syakuha-Muhindo, 1996). A veteran of 40 years of salt mining at Lake Katwe explained that, in the early 1960s, there were only about 80 salt miners, mostly men of Bakonjo, Bakingwe and Batoro origin. Famines in Busongora and Bukonzo in the 1930’s and early 1940’s were early 107  migration catalysts. These were later on joined by Baganda from central Uganda who engaged in both fishing and salt mining. The shift to a multi-cultural workforce over the past century is indicative of the regional and national forces, including the events described above, many of which have driven cross-border and tribal immigration throughout the country. Between the 1960’s and early 1970’s, Muhokya Township, located approximately 50 km from KKTC along the Kasese-Mbarara Highway, became the second largest cosmopolitan center in the district after Kasese Town (Syakuha-Muhindo, 1996). This period saw the immigration of Arabs, Indians, Congolese, and various Ugandan tribes, driven mainly by the establishment of Sterling Astardi, who employed up to 300 men in its limestone mining and lime production operation. At this time, a large fish processing facility was also operating in the Muhokya Sub-county and a local potent alcoholic drink called “Kasese-Kasese”, was uniquely distilled there on a quasi-industrial scale. A series of events eventually brought about the cessation of Sterling Astardi operations along with many other key activities and with this, a rapid economic decline ensued. Among these, between the 1960’s and late 1970’s, marginalization of the Bakonjo tribe resulted in a civil war that saw the outmigration of many local Batooro and Bakonjo tribes from Muhokya Subcounty, with the former – who occupied the rich lowlands - facing demands to leave the area (Syakuha-Muhindo, 1996). This catalyzed intertribal tensions which continue to this day. The closure of the rail line (with cessation of activities at Kilembe Mine) saw increased prices for transportation and, Kasese-Kasese liquor was increasingly copied throughout the country, undermining the monopoly earlier enjoyed in the district. Each of these factors caused a migration to nearby Lake Katwe which was further stimulated by Amin’s declaration of the “Economic War” that saw expulsion of most Asians from Uganda in 1972. This created a massive salt shortage and, by 1975, Lake Katwe was the only source of salt available to a large proportion of Ugandans and neighbouring regions (Harben, 1993). This prompted Amin’s military regime to put pressure on Uganda Development Corporation to hasten the construction of a salt factory at Katwe in order to produce refined salt. 108  QUEEN ELIZABETH NATIONAL PARK  Lake Katwe  To Bwera Town and DRC Border  Katwe Kabatooro Town Council  To Kasese-Mbarara Highway  UDC Salt Plant  Lake Edward  Figure 9: Location of the Salt Lake relative to the Town Council, Lake Edward and Queen Elizabeth National Park (Source: Google Earth, “©2007 Google).  Between 1975 and 1980, a German firm, Thyssen Rehinstalin Technik installed a chemical extraction plant that was intended to put the artisanal salt workings on an industrial footing (Fig. 9) (Ddungu, 1990). The saline waters of Lake Katwe were to be pumped to the plant site located on the Lake Edward shoreline, where they would be passed through an evaporation and purification system to yield a high grade product. However, after commissioning by the Uganda Development Corporation (UDC), the plant operated for a few months until it failed, reportedly due to poorly designed heat exchanger tubes; and has since then been virtually useless as a commercial asset to the Lake Katwe community. Attempts to repair the plant and resume production in the mid 1980’s encountered financial management problems and the plant has since remained inoperative. By the late 1980’s, the salt pans along the Katwe Lake shores numbered about 2000, with 600 – 900 owners (Harben, 1993). Considering that a single pan is usually worked 109  by four to six people, Ddungu (1990) calculated that the number of salt miners was about 12,000 during the peak seasons. A “salt pan” is a constructed pond (typically ~8m x 12m) with mud-and-stick lined walls where brine is directed via trenches through temporary openings in the pan wall. Solar evaporation leads to precipitation of salt, which is collected from the pan bottom. Throughout the process, cleaning of secondary, low quality precipitates that form on the surface helps to reduce impurities in salt. This process is overseen by pan owners, who often also engage in the work, and workers are paid as labourers and/or in exchange for salt. Salt is also harvested as “rock salt”, which is only undertaken by men and involves prying hard salt precipitated on the lake floor. In 1990, this activity was limited to only 80 licenses (granted by the Town Council) with the intent of ensuring sustainability of the resources. By the early 1990’s, employment from 2220 salt pans was estimated at around 12,500 during the dry (peak) season, including about 300 women engaged in provision of food and other goods and services (Harben, 1993). Although more than 50% of the Lake Katwe workforce was, and continues to be, women, in 1993, less than 3% of the salt pans were owned by women (Harben, 1993). Production at this time was estimated to be between 8,500 and 12,000 tpa. At this time, the price of salt ranged between 0.35 USD per 20 kg bag (~0.02 USD/kg) in the dry season and USh 0.92 per 20 kg bag (~0.05 USD/kg) in the wet season when production declined. Gradual reductions in the districts’ cotton production due to decreased demand from Nyakalonzi Cotton Cooperative and inadequate regulation of the fishery resulting in near decimation of fish stocks since the early the late-1990’s has since attracted thousands of more new miners to the salt lake.  Photo 1 (top): The defunct UDC salt plant on the shores of Lake Edward. Photo 2 (bottom): Over 3,000 salt pans line the shores of Lake Katwe.  110  Currently, Lake Katwe has formed the basis for an artisanal industry that is a primary source of livelihoods for more than half of KKTC households and a secondary or tertiary source for 35% more. In the rainy season, 49.3% of “primary” salt miners surveyed engage in other livelihoods, including fishing (13.8%), farming (12.3%)17, trading (16.9%) or other activities (4.6%) (p<0.01). Salt mining is exclusively practiced year-round (although not as intensively or regularly) by 50.6% of resident salt miners.  Current and Projected Mineral Production Lake Katwe is irrefutably the most important producer of salt in Uganda. Salt produced in Lake Katwe reaches markets across Uganda as well as in Rwanda, Tanzania and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Traditionally, it has been the source of three different types of salt that have been used for human consumption, animal feed and in tanning hides and skins: 1. Grade I – Human Consumption: In the past, crystallized salt, referred to as No. I grade salt was extracted seasonally from the lake using grass hurdles to collect salt blown ashore by winds during the very long dry seasons (Harben, 1993). Local miners generally indicate that this grade of salt has not formed for almost 20 years although small handfuls of the pure salt can be collected on an extremely marginal basis. 2. Grade II – Human and animal consumption: Salt referred to as No. II grade salt is produced mainly during the dry season in man-made mud-lined salt pans by surface brine evaporation. It is produced in two forms – crude, known as “ekihabure”, which is used as a cattle lick, and washed grade II salt sold for human consumption. 3. Grade III – Animal feed: This grade, known as rock salt is extracted from the crust at the center of the lake beneath the surface brine, and floated to the shore of the lake on trains of ambatch rafts. The crust beneath the brine consists of different layers and is formed as a result of natural salt crystal formation in the salt lake. It is extracted throughout the year.  17  Included due to engagement as labourers in commercial farming (mainly for cotton) in surrounding subcounties as well as subsistence farming due to lack of alternatives.  111  KKTC administration, through a tendered contract, collects taxes on the salt at a rate of $0.35 USD per 50kg of crude salt. Salt mining is the largest income earner for the Town Council local government with estimated monthly revenue of 7,300 USD coming from salt taxes. Based on these average monthly revenues, current crude salt production may reach 967 tonnes per month (11,600 tpa). However, this only takes into account the salt sold and does not include salt stockpiled or salt consumed by miners. Furthermore, as the contract for tax collection is on a flat rate basis, this does not reflect salt produced and taxed, but not reported to Town Council administration. Based on the number of salt pans, average productivity per pan, number of rock salt miners and their average productivity, salt production18 is more likely on the order of 18,112 tpa. Breakdown on the basis of salt grade is estimated at: Grade II (washed): 4,029 tpa, Grade II (crude): 5,971 tpa; Grade III: (crude): 8,112 tpa. Projected salt production at Lake Katwe can be assessed in terms of industrial production and improved artisanal salt workings. On an industrial scale, earlier studies showed that most interstitial brines could be pumped from the lake at a rate of ~ 60m3/hr, providing production of 50,000 tpa of salt (Morton, 1971). It was suggested that this could be sustained for ~ 10 years before any decline in brine strength would become evident. Concerns of decreased influxes of brine into the lake were largely not addressed in these studies and it is hoped that recent investors who have demonstrated interest in industrial production would undertake more in-depth assessment. On an artisanal level, current average production per pan is ~5 tpa. If technical, intermediate improvements to salt extraction methods were to double pan productivity and the current number of functioning pans were maintained, annual production of crude grade II salt could increase to 20,000 tpa (Section 8.3). Sequential precipitation of secondary products (such as gypsum) may present an additional opportunity.  The number of salt pans is estimated at 2500 to up to 3000, although (due to disrepair) only 75% are assumed to be in production at any given time. Although individual producers report much higher yields, production per pan averages about 5 tpa from a medium sized pan (~8m x 12m). Rock salt production is based on 130 licensed extractors each generating 12 bags (100 kg/bag) per week.  18  112  Although overall artisanal salt production may increase, evidence suggests the quality and per person quantity of salt produced may be declining. Heightened anxiety and concern is reflected by one woman miner’s statement “We are told the lake is dying out. Is it true? We don’t know why…” As described throughout, these changes are likely the result of a complex interplay of multiple factors that may include increases in water levels due to influxes from underground freshwater springs, de-vegetation of crater slopes due to mining and cattle keeping activities as well as climate change while the growing number of salt pans, miners, poor erosion control and pan cleaning practices may play prominent roles.  Technological Practices, Division of Labour and Organization of Work Given the increased number of salt pans around the lake since the 1990’s, it is estimated that up to 14,000 miners are now actively involved in salt mining and trading in Katwe during the peak seasons, a number which decreases by 60-80% in the rainy season. This includes women, men, youth (girls and boys) as well as children who come to the salt mines after school and on weekends. Pans are located around the 7 km perimeter of the lake and extend as far as 150 m into the shallow water. The lake is located at the base of a crater with banks ~300m high. It covers up to 2.5km2 and consists of a circular western portion ~ 1.5km in diameter from which an arm branches off to the north east. Its depth averages ~ 0.75m although this is substantially reduced during the prolonged dry seasons.  Photo 3: (from top) Women mainly engage in harvesting Grade II ekhibure salt from pans. Photo 4: Only men hold the 130 licenses to pry rock salt from the lake bottom, that is loaded and transported via simple rafts. Photo 5: Women and mainly men are employed as labourers to haul rock salt for sale to vendors.  113  Production of salt from Lake Katwe takes two forms: non-mechanised production of salt from small pans located at the shoreline of the lake and mining of rock salt that crystallizes at the bottom of the lake. Using the same labour intensive methods employed for centuries, there is limited control of both the quantity and the quality of the salt. Salt produced does not meet the specifications prescribed for table salt as methods poorly separate impurities such as mud, soda ash, sodium and potassium sulphate, sodium carbonates and potassium bromide. Production in Salt Pans: Salt production in mud-lined pans constructed around the entire margin of the lake produce Grade II washed salt. About 70% of those involved in salt production in pans are women although very few (~3%) own the pans. The main activities required to produce salt in a salt pan include: construction of the salt pan, filling the salt pan with brine, harvesting the salt and occasional cleaning by scraping mud from the pan floor. Labour arrangements are often based on the task where harvesting is often on an individual basis (i.e. by pan owners), in a family unit or contracted out while construction, filling and cleaning is commonly undertaken by contracted (i.e. per week or month) or casual (per day or by task) labourers. Men largely dominate construction while women dominate all other activities. 114  Photos 6 (from top): Characteristic colour change when evaporation rates are high. Photo 7: Early harvesting of salt flakes from the surface. Photo 8: Salt is piled next to pans and then washed in basins to clean the salt. Photo 9: Cleaning of pans  The pans consist of low banks constructed with mud, sticks and grass and are linked to the main lake by small man-made channels (Photo 6-10). Construction of a medium sized pan (~8m by 12m) takes about 3 weeks and costs $90-$100 USD in total, inclusive of hired labour (at a cost of about ~$1 USD per day) and purchase of wooden pegs of up to one meter length  (~300  pegs  costing  $0.05-0.1  USD/stick), 400 bundles of grass (costing $0.08  Photo 10: Digging trenches to route water from the salt lake into pans (J. Hinton)  USD/small bundle), spades and hoes. The level of brine fed into the pan is determined by the owner but depths generally averages 30 – 40cm. Brine is routed from the lake through mud-lined channels and, once the desired depth is achieved, pan owners begin to monitor for signs of increased salinity as indicated by formation of crystals at the surface or colour changes in the water (Photo 6). Rises in water levels in the absence of rain are also monitored as it suggests seepage through openings on the floor of the pan. Many salt miners believe that these holes bring in fresh groundwater through underground springs and can reduce salinity and slow evaporation. Skilled people are often contracted to locate and block these “holes” with mud. Initial stages of salt formation are characterized by blackish-grey burkeite crystals (an evaporite mineral resulting from co-crystallization of sodium sulphate and sodium carbonate, (Na6(CO3)(SO4)2). This crude salt is laborious to clean (by washing and decanting of impurities) and, as is it primarily comprised of non-chloride compounds, it is uneconomical to wash. Crystals are therefore simply scraped from the surface, piled at the sides and sold as unwashed salt (“ekihabure”) for animal feed (Photo 7 and 8). When evaporation rates are high and salinity begins to increase, a filmy scum of salt crystals begin to form on the surface and, later, at the bottom of the pan. Pan workers occasionally sprinkle additional brine on the scum, increasing crystals to a size that  115  sink to the bottom of the pan for further growth. Harvesting takes place after about seven days although prevailing temperatures and rainfall determine duration. Metals scoops or hoes are used to scrape crystals from the pan bottom, which are stockpiled adjacent to pans. This is followed by repeated washing in plastic basins wherein brine from the pan is mixed with the crude salt and trampled with bare feet or kneaded by hand while impurities are intermittently decanted off. The resulting end product is sold for human consumption. This process is repeated 3–10 times (depending on the composition of the salt and amount of silt impurities) to yield one basin. It takes up to 7 hours for a hardworking labourer to produce one full 150kg bag of washed salt containing ~ 6-8 basins of salt. Casual labourers engaged in harvesting of salt are usually paid partly in cash and partly in salt. In such cases, the labourer receives one basinful of salt (~20kg) at the end of the day in addition to the days pay ($0.5-0.75 USD/d). Sometimes, the pan cleaning and salt harvesting are contracted to one person at ~$2.50 – 7.50 USD per month, or else, individual labour if obtained at a cost of $0.75 USD per day and $1 USD per day for pan cleaning and salt harvesting, respectively. Most of the salt harvesters and pan cleaners are women. Even those few women who own pans typically work as labourers when their pans are not in production. Although a small number of men engage in salt harvesting on a casual basis, most participate in relatively higher paying activities such as constructing and repairing salt pans, transporting salt from pans around the 7km lake perimeter and loading salt onto trucks. Occasionally, prisoners from local prisons (e.g. the Lake Katwe Subcounty Prison) are employed as labourers at the salt lake. As a means to support their rehabilitation, the District has plans to purchase 10 salt pans for this “training” (and revenue generation) (KDLG, 2004). Rock Salt Production The number of rock salt licenses, exclusively granted to men, has risen from 80 to 130 in the past decade. Rock salt is extracted throughout the year and, like work in pans, is highly manual and requires spending several hours immersed in the corrosive brine. 116  Using 2m long, 5kg iron bars, rock salt miners prospect for hard salt rock crystallized on the lake bottom. Once found, the rock is struck to break off salt slabs. The piece is then lifted onto ambatch rafts and, once fully loaded, the train of rafts is pulled to shore and stockpiled for sale. The ambatch logs are obtained from QENP by a licensed contractor who sells to the rock salt extractors. Prior to 1988, rock salt extractors were hired on temporary basis by wholesale agents (appointed by the Toro District Administration) and were paid per ton of salt produced (Syakuha-Muhindo, 1996).  Currently,  the  salt  extractors  work  independently and sell rock salt to agents (some of whom are women) who in turn sell to buyers,  Photos 11 (top): Men dominate rock salt production from the lake bottom. Photo 12 (bottom): Rock salt is stacked adjacent to the lakeshore  who are predominantly men. Hauling and Loading: Packing, hauling and loading of salt is an ongoing source of employment at the salt lake. This is largely undertaken by a group of men locally known as “genderaho”. Packing of 150kg bags earns genderaho ~$0.30 USD per bag while hauling and loading onto trucks costs ~$0.60 USD per bag or more for longer distances. Some salt is carried in basins (at a cost of $0.10 USD per basin) and then compressed into bags by another group of men, also at a cost of $0.10 USD per basin. Finally, another group loads the salt on the trucks at a cost of $0.75 to $1 USD per 150kg bag. Each loader requires an annual $5 USD permit from the Town Council as well as a recommendation from the area LC3 Chief, who likely also requires a facilitation fee. Loaders are organized into groups whose leader helps monitors the work of members.  117  Salt Traders About 50 dealers, primarily men, are licensed by the Town Council and buy salt in large quantities. A number of smaller buyers also accumulate small quantities from multiple pans and sell to dealers, most of which are also labourers seeking to supplement earnings from work in the salt pans.  7.1.2 Fishing KKTC borders Lake Edward, which is diversely populated with a number of fish species, most importantly tilapia, bagrus, clarias, protopterus and barbus (KDLG, 2004). As custodians of fisheries  resources in  Lake Edward,  the  Government of Uganda (GOU) places limits on the number of fishing boats and requires that each boat is licensed and each fisherman and bariya holds a permit. Permits are additionally required for “fish moving” or trade. In order to  Photos 13 and 14: Men dominate roles in salt hauling, loading and trading  support participation of poorer boat owners, including women, boat licenses can be shared between individuals (ILM, 2004). In 2003, a National Fisheries Policy (NFP) was developed and identified Beach Management Units (BMUs) as a means to improve support to fishing communities and ensure effective management of fisheries resources through community-based monitoring and decision-making. BMUs are the first community based organizations in Uganda that are legally empowered under the Fish Act (1964) through the BMU Statute (ILM, 2003). In addition to issuing permits and licensing boats, the BMU is responsible for collecting information needed for fisheries management. They also are empowered to enforce safety guidelines for fish quality assurance, safety practices, sanitation and waste disposal at landing sites.  118  There are 120 BMU authorized canoes operating on the Katwe landing site19. The BMU is composed of: (i) canoes owners, (ii) ‘bariyas’ (labourers), (iii) fish mongers and (iii) net spreaders. People, primarily women), engaged in smoking fish are not included in BMUs yet constitute large numbers. In addition to issuing permits and licensing boats, the BMU is responsible for collecting information needed for fisheries management. They also are empowered to enforce safety guidelines for fish quality assurance, safety practices, sanitation and waste disposal at landing sites (ILM, 2004). Despite the presence of Lake George, Lake Edward and several fish bearing rivers, fishing officially employs only about 2% of the district population, of which 90% are women, who deal in post-harvest handling, smoking and petty trade, which yields far lower incomes than those of men who dominate fishing, market dues collection as well as wholesale trading (Oxfam, 2004). Only 2% of fishing boats in the district are reportedly owned by women, while in Lake Katwe, this exceeds 28% (Table 6). What is also likely not captured in formal statistics, 18.4% of men and 5% of women miners transition to the fish landing site in the rainy season. Although no women in KKTC are directly engaged in fishing, some do own boats, a fact they largely attribute to revenues from mining in the nearby salt lake. This provides additional earnings yearround through revenue sharing or rental agreements with men who use the boats, providing a valuable supplement to boat owners. As shown in Table 5, labourers or bariyas, 20% of which are women, working within fishing crews are considered to constitute the most vulnerable group at fish landing sites, largely due to high competition for employment and reduced bargaining power coupled with the low number of bariya licenses. In 2002-03, Katwe had the highest number of licensed boats (134) and greatest number of bariyas (960) of any landing site in Kasese District. The number of illegal boats is not known but is suggested to be high, particularly from encroachers from the DRC side of the lake. Increasing rates of illegal fishing activities, use of undersized nets and poor fishing methods have caused major declines in 19 Facilitated through the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industries and Fisheries, the BMU is a communitymanaged and operated committee that plays a key role in the planning, monitoring, and control for activities at the landing site and in the waters.  119  Table 6: Boat Ownership at Fish Landing Sites on Lake Edward and Lake George (2002-03)  Fish Landing Sites Lake George Kahendero Hamukungu Kasenyi Katunguru K Katunguru B Kashaka Mahyoro Kayinja Lake Edward Kazinga Kisenyi Rwenshama Katwe Kayanja Average  % Bariya licensees  Women with Boat Licenses  % Women Licensed as Bariyas  No. of Bariyas in 2002  Bariyas with Fishing Permits  5 8 3 12 9 15 2 4  6.8 13.7 4.8 26.7 24.3 21.4 3.4 7.0  12 9 11 10 13 13 13 6  16.2 15.5 17.5 22.2 35.1 18.6 22.0 10.5  360 286 125 90 120 166 20 146  192 192 192 120 120 192 160 136  2 3 3 8 4 6  3.7 4.8 4.2 6.0 8.5 10.4  7 11 17 28 6 12  13.0 17.4 23.6 20.9 6.4 18.4  130 125 240 960 140 224  136 192 178 480 136 187  Total No. Boat Licenses  Bariyas with boat licenses  74 58 63 45 37 70 59 57 54 63 72 134 47 64  Source: Integrated Lake Management (ILM), 2003, Manual for Beach Management Units, Unpubl. Ministry of Environment Report.  productivity, in particular tilapia, the main staple fish in the lake. A development planning process undertaken by KKTC in 2004 identified lack of standardization at landing sites (e.g. net mesh size) resulting in capturing of undersize fish, theft of nets and other fishing supplies, and capsizing of canoes (for instance, during heavy storms) as key concerns (KDLG, 2004). Furthermore, growing numbers of crocodiles in Lake Edward has led to competition for declining fish stocks and continues to threaten the lives of local fishermen. A lack of “savings culture” among the fish mongers is believed to further impede the escalation of many fish mongers out of poverty. Fish smoke houses and cold storage equipment (i.e. freezers) to preserve their fish have been identified as needs to improve the contribution of fishing to KKTC. With the lake falling within the Queen Elizabeth National Park (QENP) boundaries, the Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA) has become increasingly involved in fisheries management in recent years, a move perceived by many community residents as an additional threat to the livelihoods of those involved. The perception that UWA works 120  more so in the interests of animals t