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Learning from the 2010 Vancouver winter Olympic Games about Aboriginal peoples of Canada Aragon Ruiz, Antonio 2008

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LEARNING FROM THE 2010 VANCOUVER WINTER OLYMPIC GAMES ABOUT ABORIGINAL PEOPLES OF CANADA  by  Antonio Aragon Ruiz  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULLFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS in The Faculty of Graduate Studies  (Adult Education)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)  December 2008  © Antonio Aragon Ruiz 2008   ii ABSTRACT This research examines the ways in which the Vancouver Olympics emblem, an Inuit inuksuk, and other Aboriginal symbols have been ‘adopted’ by the organizers of the 2010 Winter Olympics, how visual and textual Aboriginal representations have been incorporated into the public education mandate of the Games, and how this relates to the Aboriginal Participation Goals of the Vancouver Organizing Commite (VANOC). I use Freirian critical cultural pedagogy and Foucauldian theories along with a visual research method, semiotic analysis, as a way to examine the material presented on the oficial Vancouver 2010 Olympic website and related websites.                iii TABLE OF CONTENTS  Abstract ....................................................................................................................................................... ii Table of Contents ...................................................................................................................................... iii List of Tables................................................................................................................................................v List of Figures .............................................................................................................................................vi Acknowledgements................................................................................................................................... vii Dedication................................................................................................................................................. viii  Chapter 1: Introduction.............................................................................................................................1  Statement of the Problem ........................................................................................................................1  Methodology and Theory .........................................................................................................................3  Research Questions...................................................................................................................................4  Research Methods.....................................................................................................................................5  Significance of the Study .........................................................................................................................6 Chapter 2: Literature Review ...................................................................................................................8  Background Literature..............................................................................................................................8  Politics of City Design ........................................................................................................................8  Lessons Learned from the Olympics................................................................................................11  Images and Education ......................................................................................................................13  Literature Relating to the Theoretical Framework ...............................................................................17   Freirian Critical Cultural Pedagogy and Theories of Informal/Incidental Learning.....................17   Foucauldian Theory of Power and Knowledge ...............................................................................21  Chapter 3: Methods ..................................................................................................................................28  Overall Approach....................................................................................................................................28  Role of the Researcher............................................................................................................................28  Types of Data to Be Collected ...............................................................................................................29   Methods of Recording, Retrieving, Storing Data .................................................................................29   Techniques for Validity and Reliability ................................................................................................30   Methodological literature .......................................................................................................................30  Data Analysis Procedures.......................................................................................................................32  Semiotic Analysis Literature..................................................................................................................32   The Site of Production .................................................................................................................38  The Site of Image .........................................................................................................................39   The Site of Audiencing ................................................................................................................39      Semiotic Analysis Procedures................................................................................................................40  Ethical Considerations............................................................................................................................44  Chapter 4: Semiotic Analysis Findings..................................................................................................46  Overall Approach....................................................................................................................................46  Aboriginal Participation Goals...............................................................................................................46  The Image Itself ......................................................................................................................................48  The VANOC Emblem.......................................................................................................................48  The Resist 2010 Poster......................................................................................................................55  The Production........................................................................................................................................57  Logos..................................................................................................................................................57  Posters ................................................................................................................................................63  Visual Elements.................................................................................................................................65  The Inuksuk ..................................................................................................................................65  The Thunderbird...........................................................................................................................71  The Olympic Rings ......................................................................................................................74  The Mohawk Head.......................................................................................................................77  The Text........................................................................................................................................81  iv  The Producers and the production Process......................................................................................90  The Audience........................................................................................................................................100  Discusion about Semiotic Analysis....................................................................................................107  Chapter 5: Pedagogy and the Visual....................................................................................................115  Overall Aproach..................................................................................................................................115  Pedagogy and Critical Pedagogy.........................................................................................................116  Public Pedagogy....................................................................................................................................117  Culture and Public Pedagogy..........................................................................................................118  Hegemony...................................................................................................................................121  Visual Culture, Power and Knowledge.....................................................................................122  Semiotics and Public Pedagogy......................................................................................................123  Critical Cultural Pedagogy...................................................................................................................125  Social Semiotics..............................................................................................................................126  Critical Cultural Pedagogy and the Internet...................................................................................127  Public and Cultural Pedagogies...........................................................................................................129 Chapter 6: Conclusions and Recomendations..................................................................................134  Conclusions...........................................................................................................................................134  Recommendations.................................................................................................................................142 References.................................................................................................................................................145 Appendixes...............................................................................................................................................160  Apendix A...........................................................................................................................................160  Apendix B...........................................................................................................................................161  Apendix C...........................................................................................................................................163  Apendix D...........................................................................................................................................165  Apendix E............................................................................................................................................167    v LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Sites, Modalities and Methods..........................................................................................37   vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Rose’s Wheel of Sites, Modalities and Methods.............................................................37  Figure 2 The Vancouver Olympics Emblem..................................................................................40 Figure 3 Resist 2010 Poster.............................................................................................................40 Figure 4 VANOC Website Excerpt.................................................................................................48 Figure 5 Vancouver Inuksuk Quadrants.........................................................................................49 Figure 6 Whistler Inuksuk Quadrants.............................................................................................50 Figure 7 The Vancouver Olympics Emblem Quadrants................................................................50 Figure 8 English Bay Vancouver....................................................................................................53 Figure 9 Whistler Inuksuk Lokout................................................................................................53 Figure 10 Top Section........................................................................................................................55 Figure 1 Midle Section...................................................................................................................56 Figure 12 Botom Section..................................................................................................................57 Figure 13 The FHFN Emblem...........................................................................................................61 Figure 14 Beijing 208 Emblem.......................................................................................................62 Figure 15 Convergence February 2010 Poster.................................................................................65 Figure 16 Indigenous Solidarity Poster from Otawa.......................................................................65 Figure 17 Pac Man..............................................................................................................................67 Figure 18 Flag of Nunavut.................................................................................................................69 Figure 19 Ovoid-like Components of West Coast Graphic Art......................................................73  Figure 20 Sample Thunderbirds........................................................................................................73 Figure 21 Interlocking Version..........................................................................................................75 Figure 21 Solid Version.....................................................................................................................75 Figure 23 Protected Area...................................................................................................................75 Figure 24 Handcuffs Symbol.............................................................................................................77 Figure 25 Beijing 208 Handcuffs Symbol......................................................................................77 Figure 26 Warrior Society..................................................................................................................79  Figure 27 arrior Society’s Flag......................................................................................................79 Figure 28 Poverty Olympics Mascots.............................................................................................104 Figure 29 Vancouver Olympic Mascots.........................................................................................104   vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  Conducting this research has been an unforgetable, enlightening, chalenging and fulfiling experience. I would like to thank and acknowledge my partner Saša, for his wonderful support throughout this proces and for dedicating valuable time to those long editing sesions. Special thanks to my friend Ervin for encouraging me to join this program, it’s been worth it! I also want to thank my supervisor, Dr. Amy Metcalfe, for her dedication and work in helping me craft this document. I appreciate those “tough” moments which inspired me to try harder. Thank you, Dr. Michael Marker, for giving me your wise insights and Dr. Kalervo Gulson for your practical advice. I also want to thank my external commite member, Dr. Donal O’Donoghue for agreing to be on my commite. Dr. Shawna Butterwek, thank you for considering this project for the Coolie Verner prize I was awarded in March.   I also need to thank my friend Greta for being my first editor, my friend Etsuko for her wonderful fedback. We owe our friendship to The Adult Education Program at UBC. Thanks to Dr. Kogila Moodley, Dr. Heribert Adam, Dr. Tom Sork, Christine Adams, Rowena Bachus, everyone in the Adult Ed. Department at UBC who helped me, The UBC and University of Otawa Libraries, the Northern Communications Conference and ILAC for contributing, directly and indirectly, to this project.   I would also like to acknowledge the Four Host First Nations, No 2010 and VANOC organizations for contributing to this research study as sources of information.   And of course, my family, who provided emotional support throughout the proces.  vii DEDICATION          To Devon Campbel           1 Chapter 1: Introduction Statement of the Problem  The International Olympic Commite (IOC), the Canadian Olympic Commite (COC) and the Vancouver Organizing Commite for the 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games (VANOC) have been preparing Canadians and potential audiences for the 2010 Vancouver Games. Perhaps for the first time in the history of this mega-event, particular atention has been placed on Aboriginal participation. Acording to the VANOC website, “in 1999, the IOC adopted Agenda 21: Sport for Sustainable Development, which includes the objective to strengthen the inclusion of women, youth and Indigenous peoples in the Games” (para.12, “The role”, n.d.).  VANOC contends that its aim for these Games is to transcend the mere focus on ceremonies and cultural programs as it is commited to achieve unprecedented Aboriginal participation in the planning and hosting of the Winter Games. It plans to reach this goal by developing strong relationships with Aboriginal peoples and with the support of its partners. VANOC has declared that “Aboriginal participation is a key element of our sustainability mandate and is recognized by the International Olympic Commite for the value it brings to the Olympic Movement” (para. 5, “Aboriginal participation”, n.d.).  This research examines the Vancouver Organizing Commite’s stated goals regarding Aboriginal peoples as presented by VANOC and how these goals compare to asociated images of First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples depicted on VANOC’s website. VANOC claims to be working closely with the Four Host First Nations partners (FHFN) on whose traditional and shared traditional teritories the 2010 Games wil be held. In the Partnership and Collaboration tab section, VANOC states that: “One of VANOC’s partners in the planning and hosting of the Games is the Four Host First Nations. These Nations– the Lil’wat, Musqueam, Squamish and           2 Tsleil-Waututh – have been involved in the 2010 Games since early in the Bid proces” (para. 1, “Four Host First Nations”, n.d.). By including the FHFN, VANOC seks to encourage Aboriginal people across Canada to participate in the Games at diferent levels.  Critical studies on informal and incidental ways of adult learning, neo-colonialism and symbolism have focused on Aboriginal representations and the Olympic industry separately, from their beneficial gains to their detrimental, marginalizing impact on the already marginalized (Andranovich, et al 2001; Hogan, 2003; Lenskyj, H, 2000). To date, no other direct study has focused on the elements of public cultural pedagogy presented by the Olympic Movement through visual representations. My study also examines anti-Olympics imagery, as evidence of a contested public discourse surrounding the symbols of the 2010 Winter Games.  Printed and digital promotional materials form part of a series of organizational and educational strategies to inform audiences about these Games. Imagery in the form of fine art, photography, video, public displays, advertising and graphic design wil play a role in conveying information related to the inclusion of the FHFN as Olympic partners. By using a document case study and image-based research tools, I observe and critique the images made available for learning, such as the inuksuk1 emblem and the Resist 2010 poster, in order to connect visual culture and elements of public pedagogy through the use of the Internet as a medium. In sum, this critical qualitative study (Lichtman, 2006) aims to identify, describe and analyse the visual content made available by VANOC’s website regarding First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples, as wel as asociated visual materials made available by other related organizations. I also identify and describe adult learning components and opportunities acesible in this context.             3 Methodology and Theory  Research suggests that to capture people’s atention, an event must have a unique idiosyncrasy (Bery, 1988) that communicates the values and culture visualy, psychologicaly, and emotionaly (Klara, 1997). Through document case studies researchers gather detailed information using a variety of data collection procedures over a period of time (Stake, 1995). I am interested in the digital documents produced on VANOC’s website to entertain, persuade or enlighten (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998) its public; either because such documents are designed to give pleasure to an audience, serve as a form of social influence (guiding people toward the adoption of an idea or action), or because they would broadly help audiences acquire new knowledge or understanding about a particular topic (i.e., the Four Host First Nations that VANOC cals partners).  Acording to Jon Prosser (2004), the one unifying theme of his sourcebook Image-based Research is “the belief that research should be more visual” (p.109). Conventions of publishing have had an impact on how we separate images from writen words. As most information today becomes digital in form, text has turned into image and image has been converted into text (p.162). Philip Belfy (2005) comments on “Permision and Possesion: The Identity Tightrope” that “the use of Indian imagery is one of the most persistent and ubiquitous ‘American’ cultural practices, and only recently has the dominant society been asked to take a long, hard look at the prevalence of these stereotypical images and the damage they do” (p. 38).  In a very visual way, Paulo Freire (1992) states in his Pedagogy of Hope that “generaly speaking, the powerles, in the early moments of their historical experience, acept the sketch the powerful draw of them. They have no other picture of themselves than the one imposed on them” (p.133). I have personaly wondered about what our position as a general public is and what it should be toward the images and discourses concerning Aboriginal peoples with which           4 we are being presented by groups like VANOC. Would we fal into a reductionist aceptance of them as neutral artefacts, simple documents captured by copy writers and graphic artists? Acording to Teresa Brennan (1996), by so doing, “we would constrain them as natural objects when, in fact, these images are socialy constructed within specific regimes of truth offering indications of the relationships of power” (p. 28). We are indeed learning from this type of portrayal every day, especialy as consumers of commercial goods and events such as the Olympic Games. The Internet has done much to widen the scope of disemination of these portrayals. Herman and Swis (2000) argue that “the World Wide Web is the most wel-known, celebrated, and promoted manifestation of ‘cyberspace’[..] the web as a complex nexus of economic, political, social and aesthetic forces” (p. 1). As I pay special atention to the role played by imagery within the data, two main theoretical perspectives, which are used to guide the examination of visual material, wil be discussed in chapter two. The first is Paulo Freire’s critical cultural adult pedagogy, relevant views on radical concientization as the true role of education among the marginalized and oppresed (Elias & Meriam, 2005). The second perspective deals with Michel Foucault’s theoretical arguments and perspectives on power and knowledge. Research Questions 1. How does the writen discourse of the Aboriginal Participation goals presented on the website of the VANOC compare to asociated images on the site, such as photographs, web design, the emblem and the mascots? 2. How do VANOC’s website images compare to alternative images, such as the ones displayed on the NO2010 website? 3. Are these two websites examples of public pedagogy and critical cultural pedagogy? If so, in what ways?           5 Research Methods Interpretation is a crucial aspect of the human condition. Creswel (2003) stated in Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Method Approaches that we as humans engage with our world and make sense of it based on our historical and social perspective: “we are al born into a world of meaning bestowed upon us by our culture” (p. 9). Qualitative research seks to understand the context or seting of a particular project through visiting this context and gathering information personaly. Within the realm of qualitative research I have decided to conduct a document case study of the materials produced by VANOC during the period starting with the launch of its emblem and ending with the unveiling of its mascot designs. A case study is a story about something unique, special, or interesting (Yin, 2003). Stories can be about individuals, organizations, proceses, programs, neighbourhoods, institutions, and events. In my case, I have chosen to analyse the VANOC website, paying special atention to VANOC’s emblem, as wel as to an image asociated with the anti-Olympic movement, the Resist 2010 poster. Once diferent types of cases have been considered and the researcher has determined the reason for choosing a particular case (because of its uniquenes or relevance), it is time to collect the data, analyse it and diseminate the findings. I wil discuss these proceses in the Methods chapter. In this study, I have conducted image analyses while looking at acompanying texts. For the interpretation of the visual materials, I have chosen semiotic analysis, a visual methodology, based on Gilian Rose’s sourcebook Visual Methodologies (2007), and in particular on her ‘wheel’ of sites, modalities and methods for interpreting found visual materials. Our worlds are saturated by exciting forms and moving shapes yet they are word-oriented. Text, no mater how redundant, sems to always acompany images in order to give them validity. Quite often, methodologies stres the use of the writen and dismis the role played by images. Isues of           6 ‘representation’, ‘trustworthines’ and ‘interpretation’, are highly contested (Prosser, 2004). We know that there is so much more behind images, not only metaphoricaly and artisticaly, but also as sources of information, of cultural imediacy, of historical evidence. Significance of the Study  Due to the history of the Olympics, Indigenous peoples have played an insignificant role in past Games, therefore very litle analytical atention has been paid to their portrayal in the realm of the Olympic Industry. Acording to Gary Youngman, consulting director of VANOC’s Aboriginal participation, “One of our greatest chalenges is that Indigenous participation is relatively new to the Olympic Movement – there is no template we can follow – no clear indicators for how we measure our succes” (para.15, “The role”, n.d.). As such, it becomes even more interesting and important to analyse the approach taken for the 2010 Winter Games in Vancouver.  Few studies on the topic of the Olympic movement have combined visual elements and adult learning. Smith has said that “The lack of research into the consumption of event imagery means that there are few established ways of conceptualizing asociated efects” (2006, p. 80). Addresing Aboriginal representations in society is a relatively emergent field. The chalenge has been focused on capturing the daily life of First Nations reality in a deeper sense of the prosaic, sublime and profound which is visualy more interesting than the staged regalia that has frozen Aboriginal people in the past, relegating them to the ‘natural world’ (M. Marker, personal communication, January 14, 2008). James C. Faris (2003) stated in his book Navajo and Photography, that depicting any reality is a complicated proces. He also argued that the “photograph[er]s only present themselves – anything that we se beyond them in the photograph is representation” (p. 16).           7  Seasonal Olympic Games take place every four years; thus what is learned from every event creates an important precedent to be taken into consideration for subsequent opportunities. If VANOC’s self-proclaimed goal is to achieve unparaleled Aboriginal participation in the Games, what is being planned for these Games and what is delivered deserves atention. Indeed, the results of Vancouver 2010 wil have an impact on the way First peoples themselves wil look at and approach such Games in the future, and most certainly on the way the general public wil perceive such events in relation to Indigenous peoples of the world. VANOC’s policies and actions wil also cary forward and influence the organization of future Olympic Games, particularly in terms of Indigenous participation.  On a personal level, I regard this topic of relationships betwen Canada’s Aboriginal people and the global context of corporate events such as the Olympics as intimately related to my nearest social reality. As an adult educator, I am concerned about the methodological and critical elements of learning present in such contexts as the Vancouver Winter Olympic Games. As a Canadian-to-be, I am paying close atention to the socio-political elements that determine community actions afecting us al, trying to understand the way the first inhabitants of this country have been and wil be involved, defined and portrayed by this event. First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples, policy makers, profit-making and non-profit organizations, felow researchers and educators, graphic artists, Olympic and ani-Olympic followers and interested citizens could benefit from this study. But I believe this project does not end here. Following Nathalie Piquemal’s (2001) recommendations, “The ethics of cross-cultural educational research need to be defined within the framework of universalism that alows for cultural sensitivity” (p. 77), I wil share my findings with the thre organizations from which I am gathering most of the publicly-available information: The Four Host First Nations, the NO2010 website and VANOC.           8 Chapter 2: Literature Review Background Literature  In this section I present some antecedent studies that are closely related to my research project and that form part of a larger ongoing dialogue on the topic. This background literature has been divided into thre sections: Politics of City Design, Lesons Learned from the Olympics, and Images and Education. Politics of City Design  Through VANOC, the city of Vancouver has embarked on a mega-event strategy as future host of the 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games. Despite ongoing criticism from citizens and activists, the municipal governments (Vancouver and Whistler) along with the Canadian Olympic Commite (COC) have decided to proced with the Games and the necesary set up and decorations for the city’s grand celebration. The Vancouver 2010 mision, in VANOC’s own words, is “to touch the soul of the nation and inspire the world by creating and delivering an extraordinary Olympic and Paralympic experience with lasting legacies” (para. 9. “About VANOC”, n.d.). VANOC’s vision is to build “a stronger Canada whose spirit is raised by its pasion for sport, culture and sustainability” (para. 11.“About VANOC”, n.d.). How much of this is just the rhetoric of every “we-mean-wel” strategy? How much of this event would provide social benefits such as needed housing, instead of profitable revenue to corporations, especialy when Olympic legacy projects at the municipal level are putting increased presure on low-income housing in the Downtown Eastside (the inner city of Vancouver)? As critics have pointed out, providing festivals when people need bread is a dubious use of public resources (Eisinger, 2000; Law 1993; Lenskyj, 1996, McCloy, 2002).  In “The Politics of Design and Development in the Postmodern Downtown” Robyne Turner (2002) expreses that there is a consumption-based approach to the development of           9 today’s cities. Downtowns are designed “more like amusement parks for tourists than as urban places for residents” (p. 533). Turner referenced that modern tendency of housing and neighbourhoods to be “designed as a stimulus for downtown commercial development rather than as functional residential places” (p. 536). The main explanation for this phenomena is the financial presure to make downtown property produce revenues “even if it means financialy subsidizing the development” (p. 536); this approach has a strong impact on Aboriginal communities and low-income populations who are unable to benefit from such measures. On the contrary, high-income populations would find it beneficial for their pocketbooks as cities become more elitist. Turner used the term ‘tourist bubbles’ to refer to those areas that are consumption oriented; “These special areas are familiar to tourists due to the presence of brand-name outlets for consumption” (p. 536). Turner ilustrated his theory by mentioning a few American cities which have followed similar paterns: Orlando, Jacksonvile, Phoenix, San Diego, and so on. What is the responsibility of public policy towards its citizens? The article poses some questions in this regard, for instance, “Does the city have an obligation to provide space within the downtown to maintain a place for low income people or is it aceptable to displace them in the name of revitalizing the downtown?” (p. 541). These questions are not necesarily answered but the explanations given to the motives to activate commercial space in the downtown areas lead us to form our own conclusions. Turner also linked the consumption function of cities to imagery. He refered to this as ‘imageability’ with the rationale that “once there is an ability to direct the use of public space, downtowns are vulnerable to manipulation […] Imageability is acelerated by the use of edges, districts, and nodes to orient an individual and creates lines of demarcation” (p. 543). Such demarcation and district-making ideals create the sensation that downtowns are no longer places to satisfy local interests based, for instance, on local or Indigenous customs, history, or culture.           10 “Instead, local culture is used as part of the downtown development strategy to draw external consumers to designated commercial areas” (p. 544). The chalenge acording to Turner is the political and ethical dilema for the development of downtown areas in how to “blend the economical driven need for redevelopment with the expectation from others that people wil be wel treated and that downtown is acesible to al” (p. 545). This important point is part of the chalenge of the city of Vancouver in preparation for its Olympic Games.  But this is not the first time a mega project like the Olympics has captured the imagination and unleashed the power of Vancouver city leaders. Today’s Vancouverites are born to the beauty of Stanley Park, a so-caled lung of the city that officialy opened in 1888. Not many wonder about the origins of the park and venture to explore the secret past of British Columbia’s most popular tourist destination. In Stanley Park’s Secret Jean Barman (2005) uncovered some of the hidden elements of this piece of history. Very few know that Aboriginal people lived at the vilages of Whoi Whoi (now Lumberman’s Arch), and nearby Chaythoos. Hawaian imigrants took jobs at the lumber mils that dotted Burrard Inlet and setled at Kanaka Ranch. Others resided at Brockton Point on the peninsula’s eastern tip. Barman ilustrated textual pasages of the memories expresed by her interviewes with photographs. This linkage betwen text and image is present throughout the book. Barman stated, “Memories also exist in visual form. Descendants have kept treasured photographs acros the generations and generously agred to share them here […] Together the photographs speak as eloquently as words, perhaps more so, to Stanley Park’s secret” (p. 17). It is interesting to note how cities, or in this case Vancouver Parks Board and Parks Canada on behalf of the federal government, make certain decisions to favour a few citizens to the detriment of others. This may be an action that tends to repeat itself as cities grow and sport events are sen as a valuable image or as branding tools. In “Tourists’ Consumption and           1 Interpretation of Sport Event Imagery”, Andrew Smith (2006) suggests that sport events do generate positive connotations for the overwhelming majority of potential tourists. Sport initiatives can generate diferent connotations for cities such as ambition, improvement, newnes, progresion, colour, and modernity. Smith stated that “Sport initiatives appear particularly proficient as tools for connoting that a city is more ‘interesting’. These positive readings of sport event re-imaging have been enabled by the positive meanings atached to the concept of sport in contemporary culture” (p. 94). This may be one of the reasons why Canadian cities, since the 1960s, have sought out mega-events such as Olympic Games, World Expositions and other international sports events. David Whitson (2004) discusses the topic of image building and identity transformation in his work titled “Bringing the World to Canada: the Periphery of the Centre”. Whitson suggested that Canadian cities that have hosted the Olympic Games have had aspirations to change their somewhat provincial image and also to try to reposition themselves on the world stage. “Each of them has sen hosting the Olympics as an opportunity to ‘bring the world to us’, and to demonstrate to visitors and potential investors that they are economicaly dynamic, technologicaly advanced and culturaly sophisticated cities” (p. 1218). Lesons Learned from the Olympics  Numerous studies which have covered the impact of the Olympics at diferent levels have concluded that the commercial reality underpinning today’s mega-event requires an understanding that such an occasion is an enormously expensive venture that cannot be undertaken solely for the sake of global altruism or even patriotism, but with the expectation that the Games wil result in a net economic gain for the host nation and local community (Brohm, 1978; Bryson, 1987; Hargreaves, 1982; Tomlinson & Whannel, 1984; Lenskyj, 2000).           12  In “Olympic Cities: Lesons Learned from Mega-Event Politics” Andranovich, Burbank and Heying (2001) talk about American cities “competing for jobs and capital in the context of limited federal aid and increasing global economic competition” (p. 114). The authors enunciated that a new and high-risk mega-event strategy has emerged to serve as a stimulus to (and justification for) local development. In order to exemplify their claim, they chose thre US cities with contemporary Olympic experience: Los Angeles (1984), Atlanta (1996) and Salt Lake City (2002). They analyzed and compared their approaches and divided their project into thre stages: the bidding for an Olympic event, the organization period, and the legacy of the event (lesons learned and the policy implications of the mega-event strategy on urban politics). Why do cities embrace these types of events if the strategy is not the most appropriate? The authors of “Olympic Cities” mention two reasons for engaging in the mega-event strategy. First, it sems clear that city leaders se the Olympic Games in strategic terms, providing opportunities to gain regional, national and international media exposure at low cost. The mega-event strategy also provides a clear timeline for development projects. “Even though the promise of the Olympics does not eliminate regulatory requirements for planning, the Olympics are prestigious enough to force quick decisions” (Andranovich et al, 2001, p. 127). A second reason for pursuing the games is that “hosting the Olympics can be justified as a boom to tourism and tourism revenues. For cities seking to be competitive this rationale supports the trend toward consumption-based development, which first requires the financing of a tourist-friendly landscape” (p. 128). The VANOC strategy includes in its mision cultural and educational components aimed at tourists with the purpose of reflecting “our city’s, and our country’s, great cultural diversity, rich Aboriginal heritage, and lively, progresive arts scene” (para 10. “Culture and”, n.d.). The how to do it is in question and it wil be interesting to know if it wil be connected first to consumerism and second to stereotypical asumptions of what           13 Canadian and Aboriginal culture is like. “The symbolism of the Olympics alows advocates of growth to set the terms of the policy debate in cities, and these terms have been narowly defined around consumption-based economic development” (Andranovich et al, 2001, p.115).  Whitson (2004) states that Olympic advocates for capital spending aim primarily at the visitor clas, although they claim that the projects they propose wil benefit the city as a whole (by increasing tourism and contributing to economic growth). Whitson’s work focuses on diferent aspects of re-imaging cities such as image building, signaling and identity transformation. He does not refer to the ‘tourist bubble’ but quotes sociologist Zygmunt Bauman who has proposed a ‘socio-cultural bubble’ in which many afluent busines and profesional people now live and that “has insulated them from any real awarenes of how people on wages—let alone social asistance—actualy live, and hence the impacts of neoliberal social policies on their lives” (p. 1228). Whitson believes that the 2010 Winter Olympics infrastructure wil be concentrated in the wealthiest corner of the province, Vancouver and Whistler, while schools and hospitals are being closed in rural areas in the interior of BC. Whitson stated that the “Vancouver Olympics are envisaged as a showcase for a decade of neo-liberalism, just as the ‘fre enterprise’ Olympics in Los Angeles were celebrated by some US conservatives as confirming the values of the Reagan years” (p. 1228). Images and Education  Fewer analyses have been done on the educational aspect of the Olympic Games, the content of the ideology supported by the IOC and on the way that local populations and cultures are portrayed. Education plays a major role in the development of the framework behind any ideology (Freire, 1993) because we learn under these diferent circumstances and absorb information presented to us in open and subtle ways. Informal and incidental learning take place           14 wherever people have the need, motivation, and opportunity for learning (Marsick, & Watkins, 2001).  In “Picturing Practices: Research through the Tourist Gaze”, Mike Crang (2001), points out that there are limitations when looking solely at cultural products without looking at how they are taken up and used. The author invites the reader to look at how practices of seing act to form experiences and how technologies of seing may shape proceses of knowledge. He says that this is surely “a particular middle-clas self’s way of projecting a sense of meaning over life and colonizing the future” (p. 365). In order to exemplify this idea he refers to “the display of succesful familial life” (p. 366) as part of an ideology of comfortable middle-clas existence in the ‘Kodak type of culture’. This author discusses the role of photos and images in constructing both memories (remembrances of the past) and identity (constructions of self facing the future).A quote by Chalfen (1987) remarks on the details of what a Kodak culture promotes and acurately summarizes some of the findings of this article: Kodak culture promotes the visual display of proper and expected behaviour, of participation in socialy approved activities, acording to culturaly approved value schemes. People are shown in home mode imagery ‘doing it right’, conforming to social norms, achieving status and enjoying themselves, in part as a result of a life wel lived. In short, people demonstrate knowledge, capability, and competence to do things ‘right’. In these ways a sense of belonging and security is developed and maintained. (p. 139)   When it comes to visual consumer education, tourism and visitor studies, Chris Ryan (2000) stated in “Tourist Experiences, Phenomenographic Analysis, Post-positivism and Neural Network Software” that tourism as a phenomenon can be constructed in many ways. “A traditional approach has been to define it as a social proces with economic, social, cultural and           15 environmental impacts” (p.119). Hollinshead (1999) has described the tourist as an agent of seing, being, experience, cultural invention and knowing. Acording to Fjelman (1992), visitors to cities are presented with myths behind which dominant interests hide. “To these myths the tourists bring their own interpretations, ready to be cynical or beguiled, but above al using the focus of signs and symbols to create their own meanings” (Ryan, 2000, p. 121). Several authors recognise the need for more research on the consumption of event imagery. Philip Belfy (2005) comments on “Permision and Possesion: The Identity Tightrope” that “As Indigenous people in North America, we are bombarded by ‘Indian’ images every day of our lives, be it through the use of Indian mascots in sports or the portrayal of ‘savage Indians’ in popular culture” (p. 38).Along these lines, Thomas Popkewitz (1999) suggests that educational researchers need to: understand that the eye does not merely se, but is socialy disciplined in the ordering, dividing, and ‘making’ of the possibilities of the world and the self. By asking how the eye ses, it is possible to ask about how the systems of ideas ‘make’ possible what is sen, thought about, felt, and acted on (p. 22). When it comes to Indigenous representations in photography, James Faris (2003) raises questions such as: what is not represented? What is outside the frame? What is not focused? What are the silences to be listened (or watched) for? Faris argues that photographs are “gripping because they have boundaries and focus; the limits are clear, established. Framing is a device for speaking (showing) truth” (p.13). He states that photography emerged in a historical seting, a prepared field that has a particular way of seing and seting visualist discourses, “a saturated domain in and by which it was acepted, utilized, extended, and alowed” (p. 14). Susan Sontag (1977) also pointed this out in her seminal study about photography. She argued that a capitalist society requires a culture based on images. Societies (in her view) or           16 organizations (in this case) have a need to provide enormous amounts of entertainment in order to stimulate buying and thus anesthetise the injuries of clas, race, and sex. They need to: gather unlimited amounts of information, the beter to exploit natural resources, increase productivity, keep order, make war, give jobs to bureaucrats. The camera's twin capacities, to subjectivise reality and to objectify it, idealy serve these needs and strengthen them. Cameras define reality in the two ways esential to the workings of an advanced industrial society: as a spectacle (for mases) and as an object of surveilance (for rulers). The production of images also furnishes a ruling ideology. Social change is replaced by a change in images. The fredom to consume a plurality of images and goods is equated with fredom itself. The narowing of fre political choice to fre economic consumption requires the unlimited production and consumption of images” (p. 57).   In the late 1990s, the field of educational research also saw the emergence of several works that criticaly inquired into aspects of visual culture and education. Analyses of film, television, advertising, and popular culture in the works of Karen Anijar (2000), Mary Dalton (1999), Elizabeth Elsworth (1997), Henry Giroux (1994, 2000), bel hooks (1995), Gene Maeroff (1998), Antonio Novoa (2000), and Joseph Tobin (2000) brought atention to the significant impact of visual culture on schools, students, and teachers (Fischman, 2001: p. 28). Regardles of these eforts, Chalip et al. (2003) stated that “more work is needed to identify and explore the way that event audiences construct and interpret what they se, hear and read about the host destination” (p. 229). Education as a field of inquiry has been inclined to avoid the examination of visual culture and the necesary debates about the epistemological value of images in educational research (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998; Paulston, 1999).           17 Literature Relating to the Theoretical Framework In this section I discuss various bodies of theoretical literature that informed this research project. My theoretical framework draws on Freirian critical cultural pedagogy, theories of informal and incidental learning and visual research methodologies; as wel as on the Foucauldian theory of power and knowledge. Freirian Critical Cultural Pedagogy and Theories of Informal/Incidental Learning  Acording to Elias and Meriam (2005), critical adult education has its origins in the various radical movements that have emerged in the past thre centuries such as anarchism, Marxism, socialism, left-wing Freudianism, critical theory and radical feminism. In this realm, education is sen as being closely connected with “social, political, and economic understanding of cultures, and with the development of methods to bring people to an awarenes of responsible social actions” (p. 14). Brazilian adult educator Paulo Freire has been regarded as an important advocate for this philosophic position. Pedagogy of the Oppresed by Freire (1970) has played a significant role within the field of radical pedagogy and has also influenced my studies from the very beginning. One of the main characteristics of this school of thought is that social theory should play a significant role in changing the world (Elias & Meriam, 2005). In my eyes, the significance of this view rests in the way it chalenges the status quo. Freire’s related work serves as part of the theoretical lens or perspective to guide this study because it embraces social change and the importance of re-evaluating the social paterns in order to transform them. Freire has contributed to the field of adult learning by questioning the neutrality of traditional education, a system that stil excludes certain groups or members of society and that cannot be considered neutral. He has also questioned the teacher-student role when he described such traditional education as banking education (action where the teacher deposits information in the students as ‘containers’ and the           18 students are expected to memorize and repeat). In contrast to banking education, Freire promotes a libertarian education, or in his own words, a problem-posing education, that is based upon a democratic relationship betwen teacher and student. The result of this new approach to teaching should be ‘conscientization’, a proces of awarenes (that could include visual literacy) by which the learner advances towards critical consciousnes. In my eyes, the new hegemony of international corporations has become another form of oppresion, not only to those exploited for being les privileged, modern slaves of capitalist societies, but also to the privileged people who dedicate their lives to consumer habits and can hardly ever take a look at their regular endeavours to criticaly question them. Freire refers to a culture of silence, in which dominated individuals lose the means by which to criticaly respond to the culture that is forced on them by a dominant one (Freire, 1970).  Informal and incidental learning take place wherever people have the need, motivation, and opportunity for learning (Marsick, & Watkins, 2001). Informal learning occurs as a function of everyday life, resulting from our interactions with others and our environment (Dennen & Wang, 2002). Informal learning has been defined as learning that is socialy reliant on others and motivated by an internal or external need within one’s daily life (p. 441). It is closely related to incidental learning which is learning that happens tacitly because of the resulting opportunity to intentionaly explore the learning scenario (Marsick & Watkins, 2001). The Internet offers those extended avenues through which informal learning may take place because of its ability to provide rapid aces to information on demand. This proces of learning requires that the learner engages in reflection and action with the medium although learning is largely shaped by circumstance as it may not be formaly designed or controlled (Marsick & Volpe, 1999).           19  Acording to McLaren and Kincheloe (2007), “the traditional public role of pedagogy has been undermined by a private corporate view of the role of education” (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007, p. 25). In several studies done on informal and incidental learning, Marsick and Volpe (1999) concluded that knowledge acquisition is integrated with daily routines and it is triggered by an internal or external jolt. Informal learning is not highly conscious, it is haphazard and influenced by chance. People learn through an inductive proces of reflection and action and also through the learning of others. In this milieu, we (the general public) can be transformed from citizens into consumers, “capable of being bought and sold” (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007, p. 25). Kincheloe also states that the logic of social re-education promotes the construction of a private market where the praised values are isolation, self-help, corporate management and consumerism in lieu of public ethics and economic democracy. I believe there is a need for critical media literacy to recognize that images may not just represent reality but shape it and define it. In this regard, Weaver (2005) argues that “the impact of popular culture images is more profound than the writen word and more influential in shaping what people acept as truth” (p. 101). Given the framework of critical adult education, I believe that the visual information VANOC has produced so far, and what visitors, participants, local and international audiences wil continue to witnes (and take away from this display) should be an object of deep scrutiny.  Contemporary critical cultural pedagogy is concerned with new technologies and organizational developments that have alowed capital greater aces to the world and to human consciousnes. Acording to Critical Pedagogy, Where Are We Now? Edited by McLaren and Kincheloe (2007), trans-national capital has embraced an aesthetic that worships “co-modification of diference, ephemerality, spectacle, and fashion” (p. 30). The cultural domain surfaces as a central political place where ideological consciousnes and education is           20 constructed. In this realm, everyday life is influenced by a semiotic environment shaped in part by corporate-produced images. The flow of capital is producing new discourses designed to “regulate the population”, as many come to asociate the “good things in life” and happines with the privatized dominion of consumption. Critical cultural pedagogy is the belief that “without critical intervention, the public space deteriorates and critical consciousnes is erased” (p. 30), especialy since pleasure produced by capital is distorting traditional concepts of space and time. Pleasure is believed to be a powerful social educator. Since corporations produce pleasure, the leson is that individuals should align their interests with them. This type of power, that produces the dominant meanings and values of a society and is maintained by culturaly constituted norms, is what Antonio Gramsci termed hegemony (Rose, 2007). “Hegemony in this new context operates where afect and politics intersect: the cultural realm” (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007, p. 31). The cultural realm involves popular culture and its relationship to power. Popular culture involves “television, movies, video games, music, internet, instant mesaging, iPods, shopping mals, theme parks, etc.” (p. 31).  Hal (1980) used semiological tools to understand how social power relations were ‘encoded’ into the programes and publications of the mas media. “A ‘code’ is a set of conventionalized ways of making meaning that is specific to a particular group of people” (Rose, 2007, p. 199). Acording to Hal, encoding is the proces in which a particular code becomes part of the semiotic structure of an image. Hal argues that mas media usualy encodes ‘dominant codes’, which support the existing political, economic, social and cultural order. This is important since language is never neutral. It caries symbolic meanings that reveal a particular political viewpoint, perspective or worldview. When verbal or non-verbal forms of communication are used, they can shape the way the viewer or reader, indeed, an entire community ses an isue. Almost al isues start from certain asumptions which can afect           21 conclusions and the information that flows from these is ordered in a chosen way. Broadcasters, anchors, web content developers, may explicitly lead their audience to a given conclusion. But even if that is not the case, implicit meanings and asumptions may have the same result, especialy if these are presented within a certain social context. This proces applies to al popular culture technologies that can therefore be subject to a proces of ‘decoding’. Rose (2007) states that the proces of decoding is the central principle of audience studies (p. 200). Audiences read and decode discourses and images in diferent ways. They are in a constant proces of meaning making as they try to make sense of the information they encounter in everyday lives. There is a prefered reading of images which tend to afirm the hegemonic political, economic, social and cultural order. There is also an oppositional type of reading, counter-hegemonic, that understands what the media are saying, but chalenges the way it afirms the dominant order of things. The last type of reading is the negotiated one, which mixes the prefered and oppositional readings. Foucauldian Theory of Power and Knowledge  I find Foucauldian theory relevant to this study, not only because of its connection to the internal functioning of organizations but because of the idea of power’s fre flow within individuals and the connection betwen power and knowledge. The notion of discourse is central to Michel Foucault’s theoretical arguments and to his methodology. Rose defines discourse as “groups of statements which structure a way a thing is thought, and the way we act on the basis of that thinking” (2007, p. 142). Discourses are al around us in our daily lives and they are not limited to printed text, they are also articulated through al sorts of visual images such as the ones found in magazines and websites. Rose further stated that “It is possible to think of visuality as a sort of discourse too. A specific visuality wil make some things visible in particular ways and other things un-seable”. (p. 143)           22  Foucault (1980) considered discourse as a form of discipline, hence his concern with power in relation to it. He believed that power is engrained in discourses to the degre that they cannot be established, consolidated or implemented without the production, acumulation, circulation, and functioning of a discourse. Discourses are powerful because they are productive. Foucault said that “The exercise of power itself creates and causes to emerge new objects of knowledge and acumulates new bodies of information” (p. 51). For Foucault, there can be no possible exercise of power without a certain economy of discourses of truth. “We are subjected to the production of truth through power and we cannot exercise power except through the production of truth” (p. 93). For Foucault, knowledge and power are interwoven; truth lies at the intersection of power and knowledge: “not only because al knowledge is discursive and al discourse is saturated with power, but because the most powerful discourses, in terms of productivenes of their social efects, depend on asumptions and claims that their knowledge is true” (Rose, 2007, p. 144). A regime of truth, an expresion used by Foucault, is the ground on which the truth is claimed. Foucault argued that “power never ceases its interogation, its inquisition, its registration of truth: it institutionalizes, profesionalizes and rewards its pursuit” (Foucault, 1980, p. 93). The asertion is that “power is neither given, nor exchanged, not recovered, but rather exercised, and that it only exists in action” (p. 89). Power circulates and functions in the form of a chain. It is never localized in a particular spot nor caught in anybody’s hands. It is never appropriated as a commodity or piece of wealth. Power is exercised through net-like organizations. Individuals circulate betwen its threads and they are always in the position of undergoing and exercising this power simultaneously: “in other words, individuals are the vehicles of power, not its points of application” (p. 98). Power operates throughout a multiplicity of sites at a local level and it is not only represive; instead, power also flows in           23 multiple directions. “What makes power hold good, what makes it acepted, is simply the fact that it does not only weigh on us as a force that says no, but that it traverses and produces things, it induces pleasure, forms knowledge, produces discourse” (p. 119). Power also changes through time and must be analyzed at diferent social-historical stages. For Foucault, power operates through systems of knowledge. Knowledge functions as a form of power and diseminates its efects when it comes to spatial terms such as region, domain, implantation, displacement and transposition (Foucault, 1980, p. 71-72). Foucault states that what power needs is not science but a “mas of information which its strategic position can enable it to exploit” (p. 75). The production and circulation of discourses are the ways in which social power is able to function.  In Power Knowledge, Selected Interviews and Other Writings (1980), Foucault lays out five “methodological precautions” to take into consideration when addresing power. The first precaution is acepting that the analysis of power should not concentrate on the more regulated and legitimate forms of power located in central sites where power is obviously produced. On the contrary, it should be concerned with power at its extremities, further afield, at more regional and local levels or in diferent forms and institutions. For instance, instead of analysing how the right of “punishment” is founded on Sovereignty, Foucault concentrated on how the power of punishment is efectively embodied in satelite institutions where there is torture and imprisonment (p. 96). Foucault’s body of work, including The Archaeology of Knowledge (1972), Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (1977) and The History of Sexuality (1979), examined specific institutions and their disciplines: prisons, hospitals and asylums. He introduced the idea of a Panopticon (designed by Jeremy Bentham in 1791). A Panopticon was a tal tower surrounded by an annular building filed with cels. Each cel had windows aranged in a way that occupants were visible from the tower. Inmates could never be certain if they were           24 under observation at any particular moment, thus never certain of invisibility. Hence, they had to behave ‘properly’ at al times. The major efect of the Panopticon is “to induce in the inmate a state of conscious and permanent visibility that asures the automatic functioning of power” (Foucault, 1980, p. 210). This sort of visuality, in which one subject is sen without ever seing, and the other ses without ever being sen was caled surveilance by Foucault. Since it was an eficient means of producing social order, it became a dominant form of visuality throughout modern capital societies. In line with this asumption, my research wil not study VANOC as an organization but wil look at its image production on its satelite website. I am interested in the kind of power relations that circulate to a public device such as the website and the kind of knowledges that are being deployed and favoured.  Foucault’s second methodological precaution afirms that the analysis of power should not focus on the level of conscious intention or decision by asking who has power and what is in his mind. For Foucault, these types of questions are unanswerable. He believed that what results paramount is the “external visage” of power, at the point where it relates with its object and target; where it instals and produces real efects. Foucault found it beter to ask how things work at the level of ongoing subjugation where “subjects are gradualy, progresively, going through a multiplicity of organisms, forces, energies, materials, desires, thoughts, etc” (p. 97). At this level of the how of power, Foucault elaborated two points of reference: one is concerned with the rules of right that provide a formal delimitation of power, and the other is focused on the efects of truth that this power produces and transmits, and which in turn reproduce this power. In the same way, image-based research tools, as the ones employed in this study, do not necesarily explain why things happen but identify paterns and repeated codes that “say something” about the flow of power and serve as instruments of interpretation.           25  The third methodological precaution relates to the fact that power is not to be taken as a phenomenon of one individual or as homogenous domination. Power must be analysed as something which circulates, or rather as something which functions in the form of a chain. The individual is an efect of power, and at the same time, the element of articulation. The individual who has been formed by power is at the same time its vehicle.  The forth methodological precaution afirms that power is not distributed evenly. The analysis of power should be conducted in an ascending way, starting at the most basic level while observing how the diferent mechanisms of power (with their own history, trajectory and tactics) have been and continue to be “invested, colonized, utilized, involuted, transformed, displaced, extended, and so on” (p. 99).  The fifth and last methodological precaution states that it is possible that the major mechanisms of power have been acompanied by ideological productions. There is a production of efective instruments for the formation and acumulation of knowledge, such instruments are engrained in methods of observation, techniques of registration, procedures for investigation and research. What this means is that power, when it is exercised through these subtle mechanisms, evolves rapidly, organizes and puts a kind of knowledge into circulation (p. 102). Foucault defended the belief that power is not simply represive or coercive but is productive and “constitutive of al forms of embodiment, identity, and agency” (Herman & Swis, 2000, p. 1) and can again be linked to the concept of hegemony as proposed by Antonio Gramsci. Acording to Weaver (2005), “hegemony is the belief that modern societies do not maintain power through brute force but through persuasion” (p. 39). Antonio Gramsci concluded that power is usualy sustained through institutions of culture such as schools and mas media.           26 Foucault suggested that institutions work in two ways: through their apparatus and through their technologies (Foucault, 1980). Institutional apparatus is the form of power/knowledge that constitutes the institution. It is represented through architecture, regulation, scientific treatises, philosophical statements, laws, morals, and so on (Rose, 2007). Institutional technologies are the more practical techniques used to practice power/knowledge. Photography and other sources of imagery are understood as some of these technologies. Visualy, power and knowledge can be analysed in spatial terms. Space-wise, al images are organized in some way. One aspect is the organization of space within an image and how its elements are structured in relation to one another. The other aspect is a more general spatial organization of images and how it offers a particular viewing position to their spectators (Rose, 2007).  Although Foucault explored the concept of an institutional gaze and the resulting relationship betwen image and power, he generaly rejected these models of interpretation not only at the level of methods, but also at the level of explanation. As stated before, he was not interested in why power works in the way it does, but more in the question of how power works. The question to be asked, he states, is “how things work at the level of on-going subjugation, at the level of those continuous and uninterupted proceses which subject our bodies, govern our gestures, dictate our behaviours, etc.” (Foucault, 1980, p.97). In the atempt to link power/knowledge theories of discourse and semiological studies, Cohen et al (2007) use the term “discoursive consciousnes”, which refers to the ability of individuals to “reflect on, monitor and give rational acounts of their actions” (p. 56). In terms of semiology and meaning making, these authors suggest that discoursive consciousnes is one’s awarenes of how meaning making works, how it can break down and what the implications are for this rupture. They state that it is “about understanding not only the relationship betwen signified and signifiers, but of the ways           27 in which relations of power and powerlesnes are played out in meaning systems, about how certain meanings come to be acepted as natural and/or inevitable…” (p. 57). This understanding of how language works in the construction of the social and organizational realities is one of the intersections betwen Foucauldian theory and semiology. Visual research methods can be conducted in such as way to be consistent with Foucauldian analysis. Image-based research methods such as semiology “asume that analysis needs somehow to delve behind the surface appearance of things in order to discover their real meaning” (Rose, 2007, p.144). Semiology looks at dominant codes or referent systems “that underlie the surface appearance of signs” (p. 145).                          28 Chapter 3: Methods Overall Approach  In this chapter I provide a brief methodological literature and a description of the method employed in data collection and analysis. First, I refer to the role of the researcher and the way my own subjectivities for conducting this project impact the research proces. I then refer to the diferent data-gathering methods and the types of data to be collected. I also look into the methods for recording, retrieving and storing data, techniques for validity and reliability and also ethical considerations.  Role of the Researcher  I understand that I wil filter the collected data through a personal lens that is situated in a specific cultural and historical moment. Creswel (2003) argues that “one cannot escape the personal interpretation […] The personal self becomes inseparable from the researcher’s self” (p. 182). That has been the case throughout this research project. My interest in Indigenous people is personal and intimately related to my own heritage. As a Colombian, I believe I am the result of a dramatic amalgamation of races including the Aboriginal, the African Black and the White European. I grew up in a society that dismises these roots due to neo-colonial ideals and clas struggles. I have come to terms with my own reality and fel the pain and great eforts of felow Indigenous peers to make their way through societies that have tried to exterminate them tacitly or openly. As a new imigrant to Canada I have been presented with diferent versions of the history of First peoples and I am constantly bombarded with stereotypical imagery available for consumption. I believe the Vancouver Winter Olympic Games are an opportunity to addres some past mistakes and set a precedent for future events of the same calibre. This study considers how far VANOC has progresed down that path.            29 Types of Data to Be Collected  This study has taken place in the greater Vancouver area, province of British Columbia, Canada. It has been conducted by Antonio Aragon betwen the months of September 2007 and September 2008. It is a document case study that looks at digital images made public by the Vancouver Organizing Commite for the 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games (VANOC) and alternative websites within this timeframe. I have delimited the data to a period starting with the launch of the Vancouver 2010 emblem design competition in June 2004 and ending with the unveiling of the event’s mascots in November 2007. In my view this represents a certain phase in VANOC’s overal marketing strategy. These images have been gathered from VANOC’s website, as wel as any other material that is germane to the investigation. The content of these resources makes direct or indirect reference to the First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples of Canada, including the Four Host First Nations (FHFN) designated as partners. I have considered online links to the partner FHFN and the NO2010 websites. These alternative materials produced by other movements have been contemplated and referenced acordingly when necesary (as alternative documents, they serve to corroborate the evidence and compare it). I have not discussed material produced by the International supporters, the national partners, the official supporters or the official suppliers of this event. Methods for Recording, Retrieving, Storing Data  Acording to Creswel (2003), documents enable a researcher to obtain the language and words of participants; can be acesed at a time convenient to the researcher (an unobtrusive source of information); represent data that is thoughtful, in that participants have given atention to compiling and, as writen evidence, it saves a researcher the time and expense of transcribing. Their limitation is that there may be protected information unavailable to public or private aces, that is why, for the most part, this study focuses on collecting publicly available data.           30 (For graphic information se al the diferent figures, tables and appendixes present throughout the document).  Aside from the visual method I wil be describing in subsequent sections, my overal approach for recording and storing data has been relatively simple. I have kept a journal where I enter and describe the documents I come across as wel as my own thinking, experiences and perceptions throughout the research proces. I have also created diferent files to store the information. Some files have stored digital content and some physical materials, papers and books. Each document collected has been identified and stored. The protocol I have used includes: title of the material, source, date, link to research questions, highlight and reflective notes. Some of these documents are primary materials (information coming directly from the situation under study) and some of them are secondary materials (second-hand acounts writen by people external to the oficial sources under study, used specificaly for asesment and comparison). In early March 2008, I also created a blog in which I have posted information relating to the proces as wel as some images. The changes to the analysis that I have gone through are evident in this blog. I did not post much information toward the end of the study as I was concentrating on the findings and preparing the final document. Techniques for Validity and Reliability  Acording to Creswel (2003), reliability and generalisability play a minor role in qualitative inquiry. The most important element is validity. Folowing the suggestions of Creswel, I used the following strategies to check the acuracy of the findings: First, contrast diferent data sources by examining evidence from such sources and using it to build a coherent justification for themes. Comparing contradicting information and alternative documents would contribute to coroborate evidence. Second, rich description would serve to convey the findings.           31 Third, clarify the bias I bring to the study. Fourth, present negative or discrepant information that runs counter to the themes. And fifth, use an external auditor to review the entire project.  Methodological Literature  Our understanding of the world is not a direct sensory one. It is mediated by signs and, thus, by the images that they elicit within our mind-space (Danesi, 2004). Images can be polysemic or ambiguous, as they can have more than one meaning. That is why most images are acompanied by some form of text. Text has the role of “disambiguating” the image. Roland Barthes refered to this action as “anchorage” (Rose, 2007). In both writen and spoken language, signs appear sequentialy. In images, however, the signs are present simultaneously. When connecting images with research questions it is important to recognize the symbolic and/or representational meaning of images. There is a concern that we approach images with our own biases and limitations. Our “ways of seing” (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007) would tend to dictate the order in which we approach the image. Our cultural background, our myths, our fears, paradigms, felings and rationale, they al have their say. My limitations could be in the technical knowledge of graphic design, visual analysis or even the physical impediment of diferentiating colours. The research was also influenced by the biases and limitations of the emblem creators and the photographers, the environment in which the inuksuk was produced, their intentions and expectations, and the technologies they used to produce this design. “The seing of an image thus always takes place in a particular social context that mediates its impact. It also always takes place in a specific location with its own particular practices” (Rose, 2007, p.11). Looking at the Vancouver emblem entailed a reflection about how it offered particular visions of social categories such as clas, gender or race. Subjectivity as a concept could have become a limitation unto itself. In order to addres this isue, I approached the emblem as a partial truth, rather than a complete document.           32  Data analysis in qualitative research is inductive and iterative (Lichtman, 2006) which means that during my study, I wil be identifying and describing paterns and themes present in digital visual and writen data made available by VANOC; arguing from specific examples to universal conclusions. Through semiotic analysis, I atempt to understand and explain these paterns and themes through the lenses of Foucauldian and cultural critical pedagogy. As the data was organized and reviewed continualy, major ideas that surfaced were chronicled. I used my own categorization to sort the relevant data, grouping it comprehensively and regrouping it for analysis. Data Analysis Procedures Semiotic Analysis Literature Semiology provides the conceptual toolkit for approaching sign systems in a systematic form and for discovering how such systems produce meaning. Danesi (2004) argues that semiotics is the field that pays more atention to visual elements, to what symbolic images mean, and on how they have been put together with signs. He believes that “this is why [semiotics] also includes the study of purely fanciful, misleading, or deceitful signs and mesages” (p. 10). Acording to Gema Penn (2000) in Semiotic Analysis of Stil Images, “language is conventional, a social institution, that the individual speaker is relatively powerles to change” (p. 228). Images share these properties with language as structures constituted by groups of signs. Semiology is a science that studies the life of signs within society and provides the analyst with a conceptual toolkit for approaching sign systems systematicaly in order to discover how they produce meaning. While language, as a conventional social institution, cannot be changed easily by individual speakers, images, objects and behaviours can and do signify, but they never do so autonomously. As humans we have the ability to produce sounds           33 and create meaning, and thus we have produced conventions to homogenize those sounds in the form of syllables that can be represented by leters and words. Penn states that the act of reading a text or an image is thus a constructive proces. Meaning is generated in the interaction of the reader with the material. The meaning I make of each image wil vary with the knowledges available to me through my own personal experience. Objects exist in the environment but their representation and their significance has been expresed through the creation of signs. Signs are merely human and do not exist in the real world. Having this in mind, we can say that language and meaning are purely subjective and depend on the application of a series of rules to facilitate their interpretation. I have understood through Rose (2007), when referencing Freud and Lacan, that psychoanalysis has played an important role in the theoretical formation of concepts of human subjectivity, sexuality and the unconscious. Lacan argued that “certain moments of seing, and particular visualities are central to how subjectivities and sexualities are formed” (Rose, 2007, p. 107). Acording to Rose (2007), subjectivity “entails the acknowledgement that individuals are indeed subjective: that we make sense of ourselves and our worlds through a whole range of complex and often non-rational ways of understanding” (Rose, 2007, p. 110). Acording to psychoanalysis, we are made as subjects through disciplines, taboos and prohibitions, and we learn to se in particular ways. Foucault’s understanding of the subject bears some resemblance to the approach of psychoanalysis (Rose, 2007). Acording to Amy Alen (2002) “For Foucault, individual subjects don’t come into the world fully formed; they are constituted in and through a set of social relations, al of which, […] are imbued with power” (p. 135). Rose says that “Foucault too considered that human subjects are produced and not simply born” and that human subjectivity is constructed through particular proceses. In this regard, power is a condition for           34 the possibility of individual subjectivity. For Foucault, knowledge and power are imbricated, not only because knowledge is discursive but also because most powerful discourses, in terms of their social efects, depend on the asumption that their knowledge is true (Rose, 2007). In “Subjectivity and cultural critique”, Shery Ortner (2005) defines subjectivity as the “ensemble of modes of perception, afect, thought, desire, fear, and so forth that animate acting subjects. […] as wel the cultural and social formations that shape, organize, and provoke those modes of afect, thought and so on” (p.31). In addition, Ortner suggests that subjectivity is the basis of ‘agency’ (a part of understanding how people act on the world even as they are acted upon). For Sewel (1992) also, “while subjects are understood to be fully culturaly and structuraly produced, there is also an emphasis on the importance of an element of ‘agency’” (p 15). I believe that this approach to ‘agency’ is what helps individuals chalenge the structures that form them and acknowledge that meanings are “social constructs, produced, reproduced and transformed in particular social contexts” (Mingers, 2000). From a critical pedagogy perspective, learning and knowledge construction is possible not only as a pasive act (banking education) but also as a problem-posing act where resistance is key, that is “the power of human agency to question, reject, modify, or incorporate dominant ideologies and cultures” (Sandlin & Milam, 2008).  Ferdinand de Saussure (1916) atempted to create a system of rules through the analysis of signs, which he divided into two components, the signifier (signifiant) or the sound-image, the form which the sign takes; and the signified (signifié) or the concept or idea it represents. The relationship betwen the signifier and the signified is refered to as signification. A sign can be an icon, an index or a symbol.  A symbol is the mode in which the signifier does not resemble the signified, therefore the relationship betwen the two has to be learnt. It is the most arbitrary or purely conventional.           35 Examples are alphabetical leters, punctuation marks, words, phrases and sentences, numbers, Morse code, trafic lights, national flags. An icon is the mode in which the signifier is perceived as resembling or imitating the signified (it tends to be looking, sounding, feling, tasting or smeling like it). Examples include a portrait, a cartoon, a scale-model, metaphors, sound efects in radio drama, a dubbed film soundtrack, imitative gestures. An index is the mode in which the signifier is not arbitrary but is directly connected in some way (physicaly or causaly) to the signified. This link can be observed or infered. Examples: natural signs (smoke, thunder, footprints, echoes, non-synthetic odours and flavours), medical symptoms (pain, a rash, pulse-rate), measuring instruments (thermometer, clock), signals (a knock on a door, a phone ringing), etc. (Penn, 2000).  Colin Symes (1998) in “Education for Sale: A Semiotic Analysis of School Prospectuses and Other Forms of Educational Marketing” critiqued the work of mainstream semiotics, particularly the Saussurean followers, as he believes it has tended to be lacking context, “overly concerned with the formal and structural properties of language and sign systems, and to maintain a divide betwen itself and the power dynamics of society which create uneven and inequitable distributions of symbols and symbolic proceses” (p. 135). He supports the idea of social semiotics which does not stres ‘system and product’ but prefers to emphasize “speakers and writers or other participants in semiotic activity as connecting and interacting in a variety of ways in concrete social contexts” (p. 135). Acording to Symes, “social semiotics brings into close focus the way in which signs play a role constructing the social world, in translating its meaning and significations in a climate of an ever-changing political economy of competing interests and demands” (p. 135). He argued that in this sense, symbolic proceses are not arbitrary or acidental but are more integral parts of a           36 social framework that is shifting, especialy under the influence of governments, changes in the economy, and the diferent dynamics of the consumers’ market. During the semiotic analysis proces, once the images to be analyzed have been chosen, identifying the elements present in them is the next step. This proces is known as a denotational inventory. The denotation procedure is very literal, its goal is to describe “what we se”. The denotational proces or first level of signification is motivated, with a distinction betwen motivated and arbitrary. Higher levels of signification are more arbitrary as they rely on cultural conventions. First levels are motivated and spontaneous. Hence, it is important to analyze the higher-order levels of signification. The second-order system is known as connotation and it expreses “a further concept, not derived from the sign itself, but from conventional, cultural knowledge” (Penn, 2000, p. 228). Connotation implies “how the elements relate to each other [and] what cultural knowledge is required in order to read the material” (Penn, 2000, p. 234). Acording to Roland Barthes (1968), for denotation the reader requires only linguistic and anthropological knowledge; however, at the connotation level, the reader requires further cultural knowledges. These knowledges are known as lexicons (a portion of the symbolic plane of language which corresponds to a body of practices and techniques). One form of second-order signification to which Barthes devoted much atention was that of myth. Myth is the means by which culture naturalizes, or renders invisible, its own norms and ideology (Penn, 2000). Theoreticaly, the proces of analysis is never exhaustive and thus never complete (p. 237); to narow it down to the necesary elements involved in one’s research is the best way to approach it and thus be as specific as possible.           37  Figure 1. Rose’s wheel of sites, modalities and methods2  In order to conduct a more thorough and measurable connotation analysis, I wil be refering to the methodological tools for visual image interpretation suggested by Gilian Rose (2007), the so-caled Rose’s wheel (se figure 1). Rose’s wheel, with its categorization of sites, modalities and methods for interpreting visual materials, is further described in table 1. Table 1. Sites, Modalities and Methods SITES MODALITIES METHOD Image itself Production Audience Technological Compositional Social Semiotic analysis             38 Acording to table 1, there are thre modalities:  Technological: It is “any form of apparatus designed either to be looked at or to enhance natural vision, from oil paintings to television and the internet” (Mirzoef, 1998, p. 1). Compositional: This refers to the specific material qualities of an image of a visual object. As images are produced, they draw on diferent formal strategies such as content, colour and spatial organization (Rose, 2007).  Social: Rose (2007) refers to this as the range of economic, social and political relations, institutions and practices that surround an image and through which it is sen and used.  These thre modalities are found in the thre respective sites: production, image and audiencing. The site of production.  In terms of the technologies used in the making of an image, it is asumed that they determine the image’s form, meaning and efect. The conditions of an image’s production may govern its compositionality. This argument is usualy made in relation to the genre of the images. “Genre is a way of clasifying visual images into certain groups. Images that belong to the same genre share certain features” (Rose, 2007, p. 15). The economic proces in which cultural production is imersed may also give form to visual imagery. This argument is made in relation to visual images as elements of a popular culture influenced by the flow of capital. In this regard, Harvey (1989) states that visual images are influenced by “the mobilization of fashion, pop art, television and other forms of media image, and the variety of urban life styles that have become part and parcel of daily life under capitalism” (p. 63). Socialy, the production of images depends on more detailed analyses of particular industries which produce visual images and also on the social and/or political identities that are mobilized in their making.            39 The site of image.  Images have a number of integral components. Some of these components “wil be caused by the technologies used to make, reproduce or display the image” (Rose, 2007, p. 19). Other components of an image wil depend on social practices. Compositionality is the modality that is argued to be the most important element in an image’s efects, the way it is presented and designed. Rose states that visual materials have an agency which “exceds, or is diferent from, the meanings brought to them by their producers and their viewers, including their visual culture critics” (2007, p. 21). Images alone can have their own efects and this does not necesarily mean that they produce their own meanings. The site of audiencing.  Audiencing is defined as the proces by which a visual image has its “meanings renegotiated, or even rejected, by particular audiences watching in specific circumstances” (Rose, 2007, p. 22). In terms of compositionality, the formal arangement of the elements of a picture wil dictate how an image is sen by its audiences. In technological terms, an image’s meanings often imply that the technology used to display an image wil control an audience’s reaction and how it is looked diferently in diferent contexts. There are two aspects of the social modality of audiencing: the social practices of spectating and the social identities of the spectators. An image is not sen in the same way at a cinema, on a television scren, or on a canvas in a galery. Rose states that “images appear and reappear in al sorts of places, and those places, with their particular ways of spectating, mediate the visual efects of those images” (p. 23). Audiencing also depends on the social identities of those doing the watching. For Rose, “diferent audiences interpret the same visual images in very diferent ways, and these diferences have been atributed to the diferent social identities of the viewers concerned” (p. 24).            40 Semiotic Analysis Procedures In this section I detail the diferent steps implied in semiotic analysis, mostly based on Gema Penn’s “Semiotic Analysis of Stil Images” (2000) and Gilian Rose’s Visual Methodologies (2007).           Figure 2. The Vancouver Olympics emblem3 Figure 3. Resist 2010 Poster4  The first stage in semiotic analysis was to choose the images to be analysed. In response to my research questions, in this study I am comparing asociated images present on the VANOC website, such as the emblem (se figure 2), the mascots and photographs. I also compare the emblem to the contrasting Resist 2010 poster (se figure 3) displayed on an anti-Olympic website, the NO2010. From a Foucauldian perspective I am interested in the operation of discourse and its forms of power within these two images, and how power influences them. I am not only comparing two images but also refering to their contexts: two websites (VANOC and NO2010). Rose (2007) states that semiology often takes form of “detailed case studies of relatively few images” (p. 79). This research project concentrates on two of them, the VANOC emblem           41 and the NO2010 poster. I believe these are two sides of the Olympic debate that appeared most prominently in the public space and the ones that caught my eye from early on in this study. I have described them as ‘antagonistic’ because they sem to oppose or contend against each other while looking at the same event, the Vancouver Winter Olympic Games 2010, from their particular viewpoint. The official VANOC emblem, unveiled soon after Vancouver had won the bid to host the Olympics, was the first widely available symbol. In many ways, it emerged as the embodiment of the event. Being a stylized inuksuk, this emblem also established a visual connection to Aboriginal peoples. I chose it to exemplify VANOC’s approach to the Aboriginal participation goals; as an entry point into the publicly available visual imagery displayed on the VANOC website in the form of photos, graphics, ads and regalia. When it comes to the anti-Olympic poster NO2010, I believe it encapsulates visualy many of the isues raised by opponents of the Games. It also had a very strong Aboriginal connection represented through the imagery of the Thunderbird. As I expand on this later in this study, I also looked at the poster’s connection to resistance and thus to critical public pedagogy and adult education. In my view, the logo and the poster can be compared in terms of content and medium. I deliberately bring together materials that could be considered unrelated. I agre that they do (in the print form, for instance) belong to two diferent genres. However, they intersect because of similarities provided by their visual content and by the medium in which they are displayed in their electronic form. I have and wil, of course, refer to their diferent histories of emergence, their diferent design and distribution principles, and audiences but I have and wil also look at them beyond this scope. Referencing Foucault, Rose (2007) suggests that discourses are articulated through al sorts of visual and verbal images and texts; also through the practices that those languages permit. Independent of the genre of the images, their content and the diversity of forms through which diferent discourses can be articulated in them invite me to           42 make use of intertextuality of content. Rose states that “eclecticism is demanded by the intertextuality of the discourse” (2007, p. 149). She defines intertextuality as refering to “the way that the meanings of any one discursive image or text depend not only on that one text or image, but also on the meanings caried by other images and texts” (p. 142). Mark Poster argues that once an image is translated into digits it transcends the constraints of printing and enters a “far diferent, physical regime: electric language.” (1998, p. 14). Once the emblem and the poster have been uploaded onto their respective websites, their form changes and they become a “third genre” as digital images. The change from printed format to computer form requires a material change in the trace. This reconfiguration is acknowledged by my choice of two images that share the same media (Poster, 1998). As expresed by Walker and Lewis (2004), in the printed form, for instance, images and text have been dealt with separately. But with the new technologies, “there is a convergence of areas of activity” (p. 162). Publishing, communication and computing, for instance, are becoming digital in form. The internet as the digital “medium” becomes an alternative platform that invites specific visualities. As I understand visuality, it is “ how we se, how we are able, alowed, or made to se, and how we se this seing and the unseing therein” (Foster, 1988, p. ix). Askehave and Nielsen (2005) also talk about the medium as adding “unique properties to the web genre in terms of production, function, and reception which cannot be ignored in the genre characterization” (p. 3). These authors also claim that “media properties influence both the purpose and form of web-mediated genres and should therefore be included in the genre identification” (p. 3) thus suggesting that the digital form of a website should be considered a genre on its own. Once the emblem and the poster were chosen, the second stage was to identify the elements present in the material. This was done by listing the constituent parts systematicaly and by annotating a tracing of the material. This is the denotational stage of analysis, the cataloguing           43 of the literal meaning of the material. The denotational stage is important to this project because it is meant to be very thorough and filed with details that lead to interesting findings. The key in the denotational phase is un-wrapping the compositional elements of the emblem and the poster, and taking those elements apart. Deconstructing, decolonizing, exploring the sense we make of these two images and the discourses we use to understand their diferent components. This proces is not as obvious as it may sem. The esence lies in details. Details to this research project are clues, and clues are crucial for learning and understanding. What is there for me to read from the emblem and the poster at first sight? And at second sight? What does the emblem tel me before I enter the sphere of symbolism and abstraction? Is there any acompanying text to these images that would serve as anchorage? The emblem and the poster may have so many potential meanings that we as viewers may be confused (Rose, 2007). Anchorage is a term introduced by Barthes that refers to the text that “alows the reader to choose betwen what could be a confusing number of denotive meanings” (Rose, 2007, p. 87). The denotational phase should contribute to identifying some of these meanings laid out by VANOC and the NO2010 organizations in order to “help us” understand these two images. The third stage was the analysis of higher-order levels of signification. This phase built on the connotational inventory and applied to each element a series of related questions. Connotation involves cultural asumptions that the emblem and the poster may imply or suggest. It involves emotional interpretations and ideological asumptions. What does the inuksuk connote? What asociations are brought to mind when looking at it? How do the diferent components of the poster, such as the Thunderbird, the Olympic Rings, the mountains, the Mohawk head, relate to each other? How do they contrasts? What cultural knowledges are required in order to read the emblem and the poster? The connotational inventory of this study also built on diferent elements such as format, colour, design and a series of related questions           44 ilustrated in Appendix B. In acordance to my research questions, the main objective of this phase was to discover how the diferent elements contained in the emblem and the poster produce meaning. Meaning is generated by the interaction betwen the researcher and the material (Penn, 2000). I paid special atention to myths and the means by which culture renders invisible its own norms and ideology (Penn, 2000). The choices that are present in my findings have been compared to each other, to potential choices that are absent (un-chosen), as wel as with the combination of choices that create the value of each item. Rose’s wheel (figure 1) served as the visual analysis tool to determine connotational elements that cannot be sen directly in an image at first glance (such as elements of image production and audiencing). Some sample data questions about the production of an image, as suggested by Gilian Rose (2007) are exemplified in Appendix B.  Theoreticaly, the proces of analysis is never exhaustive and thus never complete. For practical reasons, I declared the analysis finished when I considered the answers to my research questions had been addresed and when I had determined if there was a form of public pedagogy implied in the visual material. I have employed a writen and tabular presentation of findings.  Ethical Considerations  I am already concerned with the way information on Aboriginal people is presented by the Canadian Olympic Commite (COC) and VANOC, thus my chalenge is to be truthful and respectful within my own acknowledged biases. I have an obligation to respect the rights, needs, values and desires of First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples. Nathalie Piquemal (2001) has stated in “Fre and Informed Consent in Research Involving Native American Communities” that “Native American people are no longer wiling to be just subjects of research” (p.77). She further argues that when research is deemed unethical by the participants, al of social science is put at risk. She suggests following ethical recommendations for fre and informed consent when           45 conducting research with any group. Since my study does not involve direct aces to individuals and communities, my main concern is with the approach of the study and the sharing of the findings. Al the information I have been dealing with is readily available in the public domain and no special safeguards are required in the handling of it. I have included al the details concerning the research and how the data is being used.  I also consider that the proces of theory building should be mutualy beneficial to researcher and research group participants. A proces of reciprocity betwen theory and practice, and betwen the researcher and researched, should be a collaborative dialogue and reflection. Lather (1986) defined reciprocity as implying “give-and-take, a mutual negotiation of meaning and power” (p. 263). In this regard, a commitment to the negotiation of meaning and power is integral to this research study. As it has been stated at the outset, this study does not end here. It wil not only be available through the UBC library with the purpose of facilitating reflexivity of practice for al members of the research community but also shared with the diferent groups directly or indirectly related to the study with the idea of negotiating meaning and opening doors to fedback.                    46 Chapter 4: Semiotic Analysis Findings Overall Approach  In this chapter, I compare the writen discourse of the Aboriginal participation goals presented on VANOC’s website to asociated images on the same site, such as photographs, overal web design, the emblem and the mascots. I also look at how the VANOC’s emblem (figure 2) compares to the Resist 2010 poster (figure 3) displayed on the NO2010 website. Following the diferent steps to semiotic analysis, as stated in the methods chapter, I identify denotational and connotational elements, compare a series of images and discuss the diferent sites and modalities for interpreting visual materials suggested by Gilian Rose. Following a brief commentary on the Aboriginal participation goals, this chapter has been divided into thre sections. These thre sections correspond to the sites at which the meanings of an image are made, as suggested by Rose’s wheel and ilustrated in figure 1. They are: the image itself, the production and the audiencing. Aboriginal Participation Goals In order to addres the VANOC Aboriginal participation goals, it is necesary to understand the reasons for the inclusion of Aboriginal participants in these Olympic Games. VANOC has stated on its website that Aboriginal participation is a key element for its sustainability mandate and is recognized by the International Olympic Commite (IOC) “for the value it brings to the Olympic Movement” (para. 6.”Aboriginal Participation”, n.d.). This premise is an important starting point. VANOC and its website have an obligation to include Aboriginal partners in response to the sustainability as mandated by the IOC. This fact implies and establishes a connection betwen sustainability and Aboriginal participation. Another quote in the same vein on the website states that in 1999, the IOC adopted Agenda 21, which is refered to as Sport for Sustainable Development. This agenda includes the           47 objective to “strengthen the inclusion of women, youth and Indigenous peoples in the Games” (para. 13. “The role”, n.d.). VANOC defines sustainability as “managing the social, economic and environmental impacts and opportunities of our Games to produce lasting benefits – both localy and globaly” (para. 199. “Glossary”, n.d.) . This definition raises the question whether VANOC considers Aboriginal participation an element to be managed and an opportunity to produce lasting benefits. The term “Sustainability” on its own is a main tab of the VANOC website, and much of the Aboriginal content is located there.  The location of Aboriginal content under the Sustainability heading highlights VANOC’s ideology. Rose (2007) defines ideology as “those representations that reflect the interests of power” (p. 75). VANOC’s ideology is manifested as a tendency to connect Aboriginal participation to environmental maters. Philip Belfy (2005) has refered to such actions as popular culture norms dictating how Aboriginal people should be looked at and approached. Norms “which are designed to remind everyone, Native and non-Native alike that the dominant culture has determined how Indigenous identity is to be constructed and […] who owns and controls those images” (p. 38). In terms of the writen discourse, the VANOC website has laid out a vision that should have an influence on the overal content of the website. Acording to Foucault (1980), power never ceases its interogation, its inquisition, its registration of truth: it institutionalizes, profesionalizes and rewards its pursuit. Al the systems of domination and the circuits of exploitation certainly interact, intersect and support each other, but they do not coincide. In this regard, VANOC is teling its audiences how to define Aboriginal participation in the context of the Games, suggesting how to frame it, where to place it and also where to display images. It has been stated that semiotic analysis is interested in how signs make sense and it offers analytical tools for taking an image apart and tracing how it works in relation to broader systems           48 of meaning. Acording to Rose (2007) the sign “is the fundamental unit of semiology” (p. 79). She further states that “anything that has meaning – an advert, a painting, a conversation, a poem – can be understood in terms of its signs and the work they do” (p. 79). The Aboriginal participation goals are manifested on the VANOC website as signs that can be visual or writen. These goals as signs provide the organizational motivation for this study and the focus on Aboriginal content. One of the objectives of this chapter is to observe the visual communication signs displayed on the VANOC website and their consistency with the writen discourse of the stated objectives. The diferent discourses that serve to describe these goals are central to semiotic analysis and the discussion of pedagogy as they invite the viewer to create meaning and acquire knowledge. The Image Itself The VANOC Emblem         Figure 4. VANOC website excerpt By choosing an inuksuk as the emblem for the Winter Olympic Games, VANOC made the de facto decision to include an Inuit reference as the image to represent the event. And it is in the “Sustainability” section where most text and images related to the VANOC emblem have           49 been placed. I have chosen this particular emblem to exemplify VANOC’s approach to the Aboriginal participation goals. I wil further expand on the use of the inuksuk through this chapter as I provide further comments on this particular depiction and compare it to asociated images. I have summarized my findings following Rose’s suggestion, that as a researcher I am “constructing an interpretation rather than revealing the truth” (2007, p.168). I begin this report aluding to the visual representation of the VANOC emblem. On the VANOC website, the emblem is acompanied by two photographs which I consider connected to it thus important to the analysis (se website excerpt figure 4). As Rose (2007) stated, “In order to analyse one image, or a few, it is necesary to look at the images they are constructed in contrast to, or in relation to” (p. 93). 10).                   Figure 5. Vancouver inuksuk quadrants  The first image, figure 5, is a digital square thumbnail photograph depicting a landscape. Thumbnails are usualy smal versions of an image that are used to give the viewer an idea of what the full-sized image is like. I have divided figure 5 into four square parts. In painting and photography, there is a sense of perspective that represents thre-dimensional objects on a flat surface so as to produce the same impresion of distance and relative size as that received by the human eye (Sorgman, 1965). The foreground of this image is dominated by a stone structure and a front strip of land. In terms of perspective, the stone structure is closer to the viewer. The structure is formed by six blue-grey stones erected upright on the ground. The stones sem to have been aranged verticaly and horizontaly aiming for a balance of weight and size.            50     Figure 6. Whistler inuksuk quadrants Figure 6 is also a digital square thumbnail photo portraying a narow view of a landscape. Snow-capped mountains fil the background. The background is usualy the part of a scene farthest from the viewer. It is meant to contextualize the image (Sorgman, 1965). It tels the viewer where things take place. In this case, the space is mountainous and surrounded by blue skies. A brown-grey stone structure dominates the foreground facing the viewer as wel. Five masive flat stones sem to give form to a human-like sculpture resting on the flat surface. The size of the stones can be deduced based on the size of the pine tres around them, although these may not be as smal as they sem since they appear to be at some unknown distance behind the structure.    Figure 7. The Vancouver Olympics emblem quadrants The third sequential image is the VANOC inuksuk (se divided image in figure 7). It is a digital ilustration depicting a graphic design, a logotype also known as emblem. Emblems, from the Latin emblema, are objects or designs that symbolize a quality, type or group (Collins, 2002). There is only one apparent dimension to the VANOC logo therefore no need to describe diferent layers of depth in it. It does not appear thre-dimensional, though it does sem to depict an object, which I asume to be thre-dimensional. I could say that there is a white background or an           51 absence of one, which could acentuate the main image, creating no distraction for the viewer. It is possible to say, that besides the white (empty) background, this image is predominant, covering at least 50% of the entire surface of the thumbnail. The figure corresponds to a human-like structure formed by five asymmetrical squares and rectangles of diferent sizes. Al of them have smooth, rounded corners. None of these shapes touch each other thus there is minor space in betwen them. The element that makes it most human-like is an indention on the centre-right side which bears a resemblance to a smile.  Exactly underneath the human-like figure there is some writen text. A word and a number: VANCOUVER 2010. The word has been writen using a contemporary font, a variation of the Neosans typeface. The text is centred and serves as the ground base for the figure above. Underneath it and equaly centred, there are five blue intertwined rings extended horizontaly from left to right.  In my opinion, the two photographs lead to the logo, like a progresion of sketches that develop a theme and give the viewer a final conclusion. This development is not explained in the text; it is only a visual component. The progresion goes from depicting two “real-life” inuksuuk to moving into a simplified abstraction of that “real object”. I believe that these thre images, as presented on the VANOC website, are meant to be asociated. Even if we do not read the acompanying text, it should be easy to link the stone-structures to the conceptual emblem. A mental metaphor to describe this progresion could be: stone structure equals coloured abstraction; coloured abstraction equals Vancouver 2010’s inuksuk. This stone structure must exist “somewhere” in beautiful fields and landscapes (perhaps of Vancouver and Canada in general) and it can be simplified, modified, made into a logo or icon that represents the country or at least the city it refers to. This stone-structure may easily be human-like, and thus be given           52 human atributes such as the ability to smile, play winter sports, welcome people with open arms, and so on. Figure 4 shows not only the visual representation of the emblem and the photographs that lead to it, but also text to support the creation of such an emblem. The text gives hints to the viewer about the origin and location of the image. It also describes the general use of inuksuit, and especialy why they can be “reinvented” to respond to a new reality like the Olympic Games of Vancouver 2010. As the VANOC website states, “Over time, the inukshuk has become a symbol of hope and friendship, an eternal expresion of the hospitality of a nation that warmly welcomes the people of the world with open arms every day” (para. 6, “Look Vancouver”, n.d.). In the same way that the two photos lead to the logo, this acompanying text makes use of writen discourse to describe a metamorphosis. The inuksuk leaves its role as a “guidepost”, to become a “symbol of hope and friendship”. However, if viewers had no contact with the text whatsoever, they should be able to draw conclusions just by looking at the emblem and the photos.  There is no caption that explains where the photos were taken and no credit given to the photographer. Both of them have an unknown origin to the viewers especialy if viewers are not familiar with the area where the images were snapped. The implied mesage is that the “image” is what is important here and not the eye that photographed it. The art form behind it and the viewpoint are “insignificant” compared to the value of the depicted elements. I have linked these two images of stone figures to similar structures situated at the southern end of English Bay Beach in Vancouver (se figure 8) and to the Whistler Inuksuk located on one of the mountain tops of the Blackcomb resort (se figure 9).             53    Figure 8. English Bay Vancouver5   Figure 9. Whistler Inuksuk Lookout6  In my view, figure 8 resembles figure 5. The background portrays a sky and mountains. The middle ground is formed by water and a land strip located in front of the mountains along with a beach. Most importantly, the foreground also holds a stone structure in what appears to be a park. In terms of perspective the stone structure is not as close to the viewer but it is clearly identifiable. Again, this sculpture-like figure bears resemblance to the six blue-grey stone structure of figure 5.   Acording to the “sethewestend” website (2007), the inuksuk structure in figure 8 was constructed originaly by Alvin Kanak of Rankin Inlet. It was commisioned by the Government of the Northwest Teritories for its pavilion at Expo 86, and given to the City of Vancouver. “Permanent location of the inukshuk on this site was sponsored as a gift to the city in 1987 by Coast Hotels through the Vancouver Legacies Programs” (para. 4. “The Inukshuk”, n.d.). The Whistler Blackcombe resort website does not provide much information regarding the Whistler inuksuk (se figure 9). I tried contacting the administration of the resort but I had no response either by phone or by email. The Whistler inuksuk sems to have been built specificaly for the Olympic Games, perhaps after the Emblem contest was launched and the logo had been chosen. Whistler and resort sites mention the landmark as a “hot spot” for scenic photography but do not refer to the origins of this specific inuksuk. Is this silence a sign that the Blackcomb would like to project an image that this structure has always been there by not acknowledging the fact that it is new and foreign to the region? Are they placing their atention on the scenery (the vista)? Or           54 perhaps on “their” inuksuk itself and not on its creators? Is it perhaps because it was made for tourist purposes and not as a guidepost?  In my opinion, figure 9 resembles figure 6. Although the background in figure 9 emphasizes a sunrise or sunset, sky and mountains are also prominent as they are in figure 6. An equivalent stone structure dominates the foreground facing the viewer. Similar masive flat stones sem to give form to a human-like sculpture resting on a flat surface.  There sems to be a certain logic that the photos in figures 5 and 6 would have been taken in Vancouver and Whistler, respectively. I believe it is necesary for VANOC to link the emblem to these two Olympic host cities; especialy because inuksuit are not native to these areas. The inuksuuk depicted on al of these photos are “foreign sculptures” that were brought into these cities as gifts or atractions. If a visual link is not produced by VANOC, the emblem would appear weaker, de-contextualized, disconnected to the region. Although the emblem is not part of a series, it requires these preceding images to add impetus and value to its meaning.  There are also some elements present in the VANOC emblem that can be compared to alternative images, such as the Resist 2010 poster (se figure 3). Aboriginal referents, the number 2010, and the five intertwined Olympic rings are present in both of these two digital images. As explained in the methods chapter, although these two forms have “diferent histories of emergence, have developed diferently, have reached diferent audiences at diferent times for diferent purposes and have been designed and distributed acording to diferent principles” (D. O’Donoghue, personal communication, November 7, 2008) they share common elements that make them comparable, such as their content, the digital medium in which they have been displayed, and especialy their “way of seing” the same event, the 2010 Vancouver Olympic Games.            55 The Resist 2010 Poster Al of the elements present in this digitized poster are ilustrations (se figure 3). They have been created and coloured acording to techniques consistent with hand-drawn graphic design. The poster portrays eight colours, some of them also used in the VANOC emblem: red, blue, white, yelow, gren, brown, grey and black. Its content is entirely enclosed within a red frame except for a slim incursion of the two wings of a bird located in the middle section. The colours of the VANOC emblem are red, blue (dark and light), white, yelow and gren. White is predominant, as it forms the background. The rest of the colours are used proportionaly, however blue is on the dominant side (also used for the text and the Olympic rings) and gren is used in a leser amount, just for the head of the figure. Acording to John Furlong, chief executive oficer of VANOC, “Gren and blues represent coastal forests, mountain ranges and spectacular islands. The red is for Canada's Canada’s signature maple leaf and the gold evokes images of the briliant sunrises that paint the Vancouver skyline and snow-capped mountain peaks” (para. 21.”Introducing ILANAQ”, n.d.). On the basis of this asociation, I can say that the colours of the emblem are charged with at least two symbolic values: the first one relating to the “natural beauty” of British Columbia and the second one to the Olympic values introduced by Piere de Coubertin in regards to the colours of the flags of the world. In the same vein, the gren mountains represented in the Resist 2010 poster and the use of the “Olympic” colours, are meant to be linked to Vancouver and to the Games    Figure 10. Top section7           56  The upper section of the poster (se figure 10) contains a banner with text that reads in white capital leters: “RESIST 2010”. The type of font used for the word and number sems to be sans serif, hand-letered. There are four dark gren mountain-like shapes standing at the very bottom of the arch. Betwen the middle mountains there is a yelow circle representing a sun with seven thin sunray-like lines emerging from it. Inside the sun’s yelow circle there is a face of what could be an Aboriginal male exposing his left profile as he “looks” to the 9 o’clock position. His black hair bubbles at the top of his head in what appears to be a Mohawk style and ends with a single feather located toward the top back.       Figure 11. Middle section8  The background of the middle portion is light gren and it holds no other image than the one of a bird that looks like a stylized eagle known as a Thunderbird (se figure 11). The bird exposes its right profile as it “looks” to the 3 o’clock position of the poster. The bird is predominantly black and red with some strokes of white, grey and yelow present throughout. A grey thunder bolt is imprinted in the centre area of its tail. Its claws, resembling two cartoon-like human hands, are grabbing a set of intertwined coloured rings. The bird grabs the outer left blue ring with its left claw and the outer right red ring with its right one. A top section of the black ring has been removed or broken off. The section that has been removed, and that would complete the circle, hangs from the beak of the bird.           57    Figure 12. Bottom section9 The background of the third segment is light blue (se figure 12). It contains no objects except text. This form of text is an image unto itself as a result of the design. Five clear statements have been writen in slightly diferent fonts and in mixed upper and lower case leters. They are writen in the following order: police represion, stolen native land, homelesnes, huge public debt and environmental destruction. The elements that form part of the content of the poster do not tend to repeat. Other than the mountains and the geometrical shapes adorning the Thunderbird there is no common patern that repeats throughout. They are not proportioned either, thus not equaly laid out, though they are interconnected. As mentioned before, some of these elements bear a resemblance to the VANOC emblem. At the same time, there are also major diferences betwen the two. Understanding their diferences is also a contribution to this study as it alows the research to tackle their content and intent. Understanding images cals for inquiring about perception and reception of visual data, as wel as about the cultural, social, and economical conditions surrounding the producers and users of visual culture (Rose, 2007). Likewise, the proceses of perception and reception are not pasive acts, nor are they entirely determined by social and cultural conventions (Rose 2007). The Production Logos  The way in which the VANOC emblem was produced and received by viewers formed part of a proces that began on June 10, 2004. On that occasion, a conference was held in           58 Vancouver to launched the Olympic Emblem Design Competition with a deadline for submisions of September 15, 2004. Seven months later, on April 23, 2005, a widely broadcast Emblem Launching Ceremony also held in Vancouver welcomed Ilanaaq, the Oficial Vancouver Winter Olympics Emblem (figure 2). The specific socio-historical conditions that governed the contest and the rules that led to the selection of the emblem were set within Canada, specificaly in Vancouver, one year after the city was awarded the right to host the 2010 Winter Olympic and Paralympic Games. This logotype was presented as a contemporary interpretation of the inuksuk, a traditional stone structure originaly created by the Inuit peoples of the Arctic. VANOC’s representation was caled Ilanaaq, which means “friend” in the Inuktitut language. “This is the symbol of Canada’s Games” states the VANOC website, “our friend who wil help us gret the world in 2010” (para. 2, “Look Vancouver”, n.d.) .  Research suggests that to gain people’s atention, an event must have a unique idiosyncrasy (Bery, 1988). In visual terms, what can one infer about the design proces by looking at the final emblem? How is Vancouver and the country's country’s culture implied and referenced in the design? How do other emblem designs within the Olympic realm compare? Are we able to understand the characteristics of the diferent Aboriginal nations and bands of Canada through this image? Are inuksuit traditional landmarks of the region where the Olympics are taking place? Responding to this statements required addresing elements not directly present in the image. Acording to Skaggs, “a logo is a visual name, a moniker” (1994, p. 7). In this sense, logos are the face that organizations want to present, not only to the public, but to their employees and to themselves. Skaggs asures that “the logo asumes the task of representing the core forces that shape a company’s vision, the visual representation of the host philosophy and atitudes” (1994, p.7). Emblems as symbols are paramount to the Olympic Movement; they give           59 the Games an identity. VANOC’s website states that “the meaning and the values of Olympism are conveyed by symbols. Among these are the rings, the motto and the flame. These symbols transmit a mesage in a simple and direct manner” (para 1. “Introduction”, n.d.). In this regard, and once uploaded onto the website, the Olympic emblem becomes a digital visual representation of the Olympic ideals.  Haig & and Harper (1997) stated that it was not until the twentieth century that company leaders came to recognize that graphic design, “employed in everything from graphic programs to product forms, could be a very powerful tool in helping position their companies as market leaders” (p. 4). It was in the 1950s when logos began to be noticeable, “venturing far beyond a mere identification mark” (p. 4). Piere de Coubertin was the one who introduced the idea of the Olympic flag along with the rings in June 1914 in Paris at the Olympic Congres (para 9. “The rings”, n.d.).  As Skaggs has also stated, “The primary role of the logo is a twofold. It must identify the host, and it must send the right felings and connotations in the proces” (1994, p.8). As an image, the Vancouver Olympics emblem depicts a stylized stone-like structure known to be an inuksuk. In graphic terms, it is a very basic design, almost minimalist. The intentions of the creators can be infered through the colours used (bright and, harmonious as wel as asociated with the Olympic colours); through the composition, a rather conventional and pleasing one; through the realistic and stylized lines; through the form and the figure; through the style, that some may consider creative because it transforms a structure into a symbol, and others les original because it uses a pre-existing element and makes it look graphicaly appealing (Sorgman, 1965). The symbol and its acompanying elements are aranged in a triangular composition with the head of the inuksuk being at the peak of an imaginary equilateral triangle (or at the bottom of           60 an inverted “T”) and the text being at the flat bottom. It is a horizontal design asociated with felings such as stability, quiet, calm and peace (Sorgman, 1965). Most landscapes are horizontal and in some ways this purports to be a northern landscape, flat and white. The elements that form part of the emblem do not repeat and they are laid out with internal coherence. They interconnect, starting at the head of Ilanaaq, and ending underneath the word VANCOUVER 2010 with the Olympic rings. These components are very stable, grounded, and proportional, with the inuksuk having more weight than any other component. As a pointer, the inuksuk stands alone surrounded by not much but white (would it be snow?).   The point of focus is definitely the inuksuk which atracts and holds the atention of the viewer as the main object. Al else could be secondary because by focusing atention on the main subject, a play of dominance and subordination is set up. The inuksuk is dominant. The background, the text and the Olympic rings are subordinate. There are no additional elements in the piece, therefore it does not become confusing and displeasing to the eyes. This emblem bears a rather symmetrical balance as the four diferent quadrants into which I have divided it (se figure 7) have the same amount of content.  There is a feling of “onenes” in the artwork. Unity is maintained by focusing the atention on one particular part of the piece and by subordinating the other parts. Unity has also been achieved through a harmonious use of colour and a uniformity of line (Sorgman, 1965). It was noted before that there is an inverted “T” layout on this image, where the vertical line is the inuksuk, and the horizontal base is the text and the rings. Horizontal and verticals operating together introduce balance by opposition of tensions. This may symbolize the human experience of absolute balance, of standing erect on level ground (de Sausmarez, 2006).             61    Figure 13. The FHFN emblem10  The VANOC emblem is not the only logo saturated with symbolic value. As a point of reference, it can be compared to other created designs within the same Olympic movement or to other images inspired by the Vancouver Games. Figure 13, the Four Host First Nations emblem (FHFN), is an example. Unlike the VANOC emblem, designed by a non-Aboriginal group (the Rivera Design Group), the FHFN logo was created by Squamish artist Jody Broomfield in 2005 (para. 10,“FHFN Logo”, n.d.). It was introduced at around the same time as the VANOC symbol was unveiled, and designed to represent local native groups on whose teritories the Games would be held. This circular emblem has four identical and symmetrical elements. Black, red and white are the colours used, resembling Coast Salish art (Steward, 1979), the style also used for the Resist 2010 Thunderbird.  An outer rim forms the perimeter of the emblem’s circumference. It encircles al of the elements involved in this design. The FHFN website explains how the logo reflects the unique culture and spirit of the four nations involved; “respecting each other and working cooperatively together, united within the circle of life” (para. 11,“FHFN Logo”, n.d.). The rim is meant to represent the Creator and al the ancestors of these peoples who are gathered to watch over a human face representing each of the four Nations. In the centre, there are four feathers pointing to the cardinal directions: north, south, east and west. They are “inviting and welcoming the athletes and Peoples of the world to come to the 2010 Winter Games in Vancouver” (para. 13 “FHFN Logo”, n.d.) In this section it is explained that the tradition of the Coast Salish people is to welcome visitors, by saying “I hold my hands up to you” (para. 18). In contrast to the VANOC           62 inuksuk design, the FHFN emblem suggests traditional elements and colours, as wel as a distinctive style without self identifying with particular “icons” or easily recognized “local symbols” of the West Coast region.      Figure 14. Beijing 2008 emblem11  Figure 14 is the Emblem for the Beijing 2008 Olympics. It is caled “Dancing Beijing” and it represents a Chinese seal, though it can also be taken for a running human figure. The Beijing Olympics website states that it was designed by a country that has 56 ethnic groups and a population of 1.3 bilion: “While witnesing the advocacy of the Olympic Spirit by a nation with both ancient civilization and modern culture, it also unfolds a future-oriented city’ pursuit of the Olympic Ideal” (para. 2. “Commitment”, n.d.). Based on my observations of the latest designs of diferent logotypes such as Turin 2006, Beijing 2008 and Vancouver 2010, Olympic emblems consist of thre basic elements. They are “original”, they name the host city plus the year of the event, and they show the five interlocking rings of the Olympics. Acording to the rules of the Olympic Emblem Design Competition in Vancouver (se Appendix E), each design must incorporate the phrase “Vancouver 2010”, the Olympic Rings, and a new graphic within the emblem. These designs should leave some room for re-creation so that they can be easily adapted and applied to various forms of Olympic image and scenes (from banners to merchandising). They should also be convenient for TV broadcasting, for reproduction in either flat or multi-dimensional forms, static or animated. In           63 addition, they should have great potential for display in cities and competition arenas and facilitate post-Olympics utilization and market development. Posters Posters are of a diferent nature than logos. Acording to Max Galo in The Poster in History (1974), the coming of age of the modern poster is linked to a certain moment in European culture when, in the second half of the 19th century, the role of images and words were transformed. Galo states that “by that time the industrial revolution had begun to create a consumer economy, and the role of posters came to be to sel, to persuade. By then, too, the development of sophisticated printed equipment had made mas production feasible” (1974, p. 297). Posters are bils or placards usualy displayed in public places. With the advent of new technologies, a “public place” may wel be the World Wide Web, as is the case with the Resist 2010 poster. As Galo says, the poster had its first flowering toward the end of the ninetenth century with the narative posters made by artists from Jules Cheret to Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec (1974, p. 298). Figure 3 looks like the printed version of a poster that has been digitized, which means converted into digital form for computer procesing, in order to be displayed on a website. Posters are informative, often decorative, as a way to atract atention to the information they contain. Acording to Galo the function of the poster today is “to appeal to our subconscious felings and our barely conscious needs and then channel them so that we do what the sponsor of the poster wants us to do” (1974, p. 10). For Galo, discovering not only the literal but the implicit intention of posters should be linked to examining the human behaviour and history itself.  The Resist 2010 poster is delimited by an equaly proportioned red frame of about 0.80 cm wide. Most of the elements contained in the ilustration are enclosed in the frame except for a slim incursion of the two wings of the Thunderbird located in the middle section. This poster           64 image sems to be one of a series and its diferent components look realisticaly familiar but they may not be recognizable by al viewers. They might be in certain contexts but not to al audiences. In my case, I needed a bit of complimentary reading in order to understand the existence and characteristics of a symbol like the Thunderbird and the value of an icon like the Mohawk head. This poster would be more dificult “to read” in South America, for instance, where the reference to a mythical bird could be taken for a condor and the mountains for the Andes. These types of images have universal value but can be created, modified and stylized to resemble forms that can be, and, often need to be, interpreted localy.  A metaphorical interpretation of its presence in the poster could be that Thunderbirds fly back and forth to the mountains. They live in the mountains. They leave their nests to grab their food and go back where they belong. If this image were a photo, I could say that the Thunderbird is flying toward the photographer, facing the viewer, and this is a frontal snapshot of the bird with the sun and mountains in the background. That could be the reason for it to look bigger.  The components of the full poster are not unstable. They are balanced and make sense onto themselves and as a whole. The poster is slightly saturated with content as if this “document” was the only chance the creators had to “say it al”. It contrasts with the simplicity of the Vancouver Olympics emblem (figure 2). Acordingly, the approach taken by the designers is not a minimalist one, where they are trying to say more with les. It is the opposite: a crowded, colourful, semingly-spontaneous expresion of gras-roots protest reminiscent of an era when high-tech design tools were out of reach for society’s “have-nots”. These “have-nots” have chosen to harnes this tradition and this look, despite the fact that they do have aces to modern technologies such as the Internet. Indeed, they may have aces to most of the same tools available to VANOC’s own designers.            65      Figure 15. Convergence February 2010 poster12       Figure 16. Indigenous solidarity poster from Otawa13 As a point of reference, the Resist 2010 poster can be compared to other created designs within the same movement (or inspired by common elements). Figure 15, the Convergence February 2010 poster, is an example. Similar style, colours and content have been used on this image as wel as the Thunderbird and writen statements. Figure 16 is a photo I took of a similar photocopied poster displayed on Bank Stret in Otawa in November 2007, also protesting the 2010 Olympics. Visual Elements The Inuksuk. Acording to Norman Halendy (2000), an inuksuk is a proxy for a human; “it provides comfort to the travel weary, life-saving advice to the disoriented, a focus of veneration to the spiritual seker. It is a timeles language of the land for a people who existed on the land” (p. 44).           66 Inuksuit do not necesarily look like human beings. In the past, most inuksuit were not built in the shape of a human. Halendy also states that “many modern inuksuit are built to look like human figures made of stone (with a head, body, arms and legs). In inuktitut, these are caled inunnguaq” (p. 17). Inuksuit surrogate people in their absence in certain northern areas where a mesage needs to be communicated. They “can act in the place of a human being” (p. 7) as scarecrows act when they frighten a bird, for instance. Inuksuit have practical value that transcends symbolic atachments. They have been used to show the way when travelers were looking for their home, to mark the best river or ocean crossings, or to warn of very dangerous spots; even to show where food was stored, especialy when it was covered with snow. They have also been used to  “show where significant things happened and therefore where people should act respectful; and most important, to act as helpers for haunting caribou” (Halendy, 2000, p. 7).   Halendy believes that “an inuksuk is a strong connection to the land: it is built on the land, it is made of the land and it tels about the land. Inuit are taught to be respectful of the inuksuit” (2000, p. 15). But which land? Can we say that inuksuit are typical of Vancouver and serve as advice to disoriented English Bay pasers-by or Whistler resort goers? Is Ilanaaq connected to the land, in this case the land of Vancouver and surroundings? The design of the VANOC emblem akes that asumption and suggests it to the viewer but cannot prove it.  Contrasting the Resist 2010 poster, there is no frame for Ilanaaq and no outline to delimit its shape. It lies “fre” of any borders or interuptions that extend through the white background and into the open space. Ilanaaq sems to be outstretching its arms, but not to fly (because it should be a very static and solid figure, unlike the Thunderbird) but to “welcome the world with open arms and a friendly smile”. The emblem is very square in its form. Squares denote           67 geometric figures with four equal sides and connote honesty, fairnes, but also formal and old-fashioned views (Collins, 2002).  The element that makes Ilannaq most human-like is an indention on the centre-right side of the gren head which bears a resemblance to a smile. John Furlong, chief executive oficer of VANOC, was the one who unveiled the emblem during a live nation-wide television broadcast in April 2005. He stated then that “Ilanaaq above al is a team player […] each stone relies on the other to support the whole. Together, the result is a symbol of strength, vision and teamwork that points us al in the direction of excelence and it wil welcome the world to Canada in 2010” (para. 26. “Introducing ILANAQ”, n.d.). Ilanaaq’s mouth also makes the figure look cartoon-like, an element appealing to younger audiences. In that sense, it is almost Disney-like, and indeed the Vice President of Entertainment for Disney Entertainment Productions is one of the Emblem Design Competition Judging Panel members that chose it (se Appendix D). Online bloggers I have come across through the course of this study have even compared the emblem to Pac Man (se figure 17), an arcade game developed in Japan by Toru Iwatani from Namco in the 1980s.   Figure 17. Pac Man14  Rowe (1995) aserts that sport provides a potent symbolic theme because of its asociations with “universalism, transcendence, heroism, competitivenes, individual motivation and teamship” (p. 138). These symbolic correlations are added value to a relatively straightforward image such as the inuksuk. I believe that VANOC’s inuksuk had been removed from its context and placed into a space where its useful or traditional worth became disconnected and meaningles. In this abstract form, VANOC could link it to any meaning it           68 deems relevant to the context of the organization. This action requires that viewers be “taught” in order to understand Ilannaq’s set of ‘encoded’ dominant meanings (Hal 1980) that are not obvious. Knowledge functions as a form of power and diseminates the efect of power. The relations of power that characterize and constitute a society are consolidated through the use of a particular discourse. Power is exercised through the production of “truth” (Foucault, 1980).   Repetition, emphasis, design and forms of language serve as reinforcing tools to set particular images and discourses into the heads of viewers. These particular grounds on which truth is declared comprise what Foucault caled a regime of truth (Rose, 2007). For instance, some of the “truths” of the Olympic movement are embedded in its motto and cred. Mottos are defined as phrases which sum up a life philosophy or a code of conduct to follow (Collins 2002). The Olympic moto is made up of thre Latin words: Citius, Altius, Fortius (Faster, Higher, Stronger). These words are meant to encourage athletes to give their best during competition and promise the spectator the ultimate in sport performance. The Olympic cred states that “the most important thing in life is not the triumph, but the fight” (para 5. “The motto”, n.d.). This idea is familiar to many Olympic followers as a result of the ideology of giving one’s best and striving for personal excelence regardles of the results. Al these words and maxims are saturated with connotative value that touches on glory, triumph and self-estem. They are reinforced through media and other diferent forms of education in order to create a sense of hyper reality that “transcends the human”, entering the sphere of the supernatural, a world of heroism and Grek deity. A game and a source of entertainment, in line with the Pac Man video character. Foucault (1980) states that “we must produce truth as we must produce wealth, indeed we must produce truth in order to produce wealth in the first place […] it is truth that makes the laws, that produces the true discourse which, at least partialy, decides transmits and itself extends upon the efects of power” (p. 93).           69  How achievable are these mottos and creds? How true is their content in today’s mediatized Games? The intentionality of these mesages has been promoted in such a way that it has been engrained in the minds of many. Ideological indoctrinations and the exercise of power at their best, to the extent that they become “the form where power reaches into the very grain of individuals, touches their bodies and inserts itself into their actions and atitudes, their discourses, learning proceses and everyday lives” (p. 39) . One just needs to watch the Olympic Games coverage on TV, along with related commercials, to se these ideals endlesly reinforced. “Television has been central to the growth of the Olympics, and of spectator sport more generaly” (Whitson, 2004, p.1216).     Figure 18. Flag of Nunavut15  The flag of Nunavut is another example worth examining and commenting on as it features a prominent red inuksuk and a blue star on a yelow and white background (se figure 18). It was proclaimed in 1999, along with the newly-created teritory of Nunavut in Canada. In a report submited to the Department of Indian Afairs and Northern Development by the Nunavut Implementation Commision (1995), it was stated that the symbols of a geographic jurisdiction, such as a code of arms and a flag, can be powerful conveyors of legitimacy and recognition. The commision suggested that these types of symbols should reflect the uniquenes of Nunavut. “Symbols, particularly a flag, should be easy to recognize and reproduce, thereby supplying the government and people of Nunavut with a ready means to identify and market Nunavut to the rest of Canada and the world” (p. 90).           70  It is interesting to note how the government of Canada recognizes the importance of symbols as they serve the purpose of “identification and marketing” (p.90). This flag depicts the inuksuk as a “unique” symbol of Nunavut and tacitly identifies with the people behind it, the Inuit communities of this relatively new Teritory. On the Nunavut government website, it is suggested that the colours blue and gold of the flag symbolize the riches of the land, sea and sky. Red is a reference to Canada. It also states that the inuksuk is meant to symbolize stone monuments that guide people on the land and mark places as sacred or special. The star is identified as the Niqirtsuituq (the North Star), a traditional guide for navigation. “The North Star”, states the website, “is also symbolic of the leadership of elders in the community” (para. 4. “Symbolism of”, n.d.). In this case, the symbolic value atached to the inuksuk is not that of hope, friendlines and open arms. The stone-structure does not have a smile or resemble a person (or a cartoon character); on the contrary, it is a more solemn icon that connects to the land and to the ancestral usage of inuksuit as landmarks.  VANOC has, in its own diferent way, introduced the inuksuk as a household item. As stated in the introduction to this chapter, there is a popular notion that Aboriginal peoples form part of the “natural environment” of the country. A regional Inuit symbol is transformed into a national symbol that represents “al of Canada from coast to coast to coast”. Interestingly, an inuksuk, as an Aboriginal structure, was appealing at the Emblem Design Competition perhaps because it could be easily ‘universalized’ to reflect the “timeles ideals of the Olympic Movement”. As proposed and manifested in diferent forms throughout this study, for the next few years this symbol wil be used, manipulated, and asked to stand for innumerable new things every time it is required. Notwithstanding, if a stylized version of an Aboriginal structure was to be chosen as the winning emblem, why should that emblem be an Inuit structure and not a more regionaly-appropriate Coast Salish one, for instance? By the proces of elimination, the           71 Olympics decision makers have opted not to reflect the First Nations and the Pacific region in the design of their 2010 logo, a clear, conscious decision. The Thunderbird. The middle section of the Resist 2010 poster (se figure 11) has no image other than the one big bird, known as the Thunderbird. Acording to Hilary Steward (1979) this sort of great bird, that used to live high in the mountains, was the most powerful of al spirits to Aboriginal people of the West Coast. It personified the “chief”, reason why only the most powerful and prestigious of chiefs has a Thunderbird as their crest. I chose Steward as the main source of the West Coast design elements because of the wide variety of images she uses to complement her sourcebook containing the diferent art forms relevant to this study. Nevertheles, I believe her standpoint and discourse can also be contested as a culturaly influenced viewer with mainstream tendencies.  Thunderbirds used to sate their hunger with whales. The easiest way to do it was by grasping the two Lightning Snakes that inhabited their wings and then throwing them onto a surfacing whale. The snakes would strike the whale with their lightening tongues and kil the sea mamal. That is when the Thunderbird would dive down, pick it up with its claws and fly with it to the mountains. On totem poles and West Coast prints, Thunderbirds are usualy shown with great outstretched wings. Steward states that “its distinguishing features are the curled appendages on the top of the head […] and the sharply re-curved upper beak which is similar to a Hawk’s beak” (1979 p.65). The size of the winged Thunderbird on figure 11 is prominent, incurring with its crest into the top section and with its claws into the bottom section. The animal is the centre of atention of the piece. As expresed before, it has a long history in what could be caled by uninformed observers as “mythological traditions”. I believe its meaning is more philosophical, belonging to the epistemologies of Aboriginal peoples. Social and spiritual orders           72 can be visualy confirmed through art. Kidwel and Velie (2005) have expresed that “it is in the field of aesthetics, the study of the beautiful, that Indian people have demonstrated perhaps most profoundly their ability to survive and to adapt their sense of innate beauty to new media in their own cultural ways” (p. 117).  The two outstretched wings of the Thunderbird touch and penetrate the red frame that delimits the whole image, perhaps trying to escape that frame imposed on it. At the very least, it is clear the artist intended for the symbol to dominate. This incursion is minor but noticeable and it happens on both sides especialy on the left side where it touches with the top curve and bottom tip of its wing (like a stretching bird extending its wings beyond a cage). The bird is predominantly black and red with some strokes of white, grey and yelow present throughout. Acording to Steward (1979), the two most prominent and basic colours of West Coast graphic art are black and red. “Black, the primary colour, is mainly used for the form line, a strong contoured line which structures the design and clarifies the anatomy of the subject” (p. 20). Red is believed to be a more secondary colour that is generaly reserved for elements of second order, however, in this image it is used considerably, perhaps in line with modern ideas that red represents energy and pasion. Other colours are used as wel. Yelow is a minor one basicaly concentrated around the beak and the chest.  Another characteristic of this art expresion is the presence of diferent geometrical figures and ovoid-like ones in particular (se figure 19). They have been used to shape the bird’s eyes. Steward (1979) has indicated that: the ovoid maybe solid, but more frequently it is an open shape made by a line requiring specific proportions. The upper part of the line is thicker than the lower, the sides bringing about this transition as they curve down into the angular corners,           73 becoming more slender as they do” (p.20). They also serve to fil empty spaces and corners.        Figure 19. Ovoid-like components of West Coast graphic art16      Figure 20. Sample Thunderbirds17 A long thick black tail hangs from the bird’s torso toward the bottom section. A grey thunder bolt is imprinted in the centre area of its tail. This bolt is perhaps a reminder or a hint for those who are not familiar with the Thunderbird and its power. I did not find the bolt in any of the comparable images I looked at (se some examples on figure 20), though it does ilustrate the idea that this is a Thunderbird. Both outstretched wings are black with red and white decorations. They come out of both sides of the upper torso and are atached to the body by very thin joints. Steward believes that this type of designs, usualy “join the extremities to the body with a ‘hinged’ type of line that often is bent double, indicating a flex position” (1979 p. 28).           74  In figure 3, the claws of the Thunderbird are grabbing a set of intertwined rings. These rings are known to be the Olympic Rings, an image that tends to be easily recognizable, and that is also present in the VANOC emblem. They have been widely distributed and “imprinted in the minds” of viewers throughout the history of such an image. Knight and O’Reily (2007) argue that “signs have been a part of the Games since their inception in 1896. In 1913, de Coubertin, who founded the modern Olympic Games, recognised the value of symbolism and designed and introduced the Olympic Rings as an official symbol of the Games” (p.46). The way the poster and the emblem “se” these rings is antagonistic. The Olympic Rings. Acording to the Olympic Charter, Karl Lennartz (2001) explained that the five rings represent the five continents. Italics are mine to point out the number of continents, which in North American instruction are usualy more than five. The traditional “five continents” refered to in this quote are: America, Asia, Europe, Africa and Oceania. They have been re-contextualized as “regions” of the world instead. The rings “are interlaced to show the universality of Olympism and the meting of the athletes of the whole world during the Olympic Games. The Olympic symbols are subject to very strict rules. Graphic standards have been set down, which determine, for example, the exact position of each ring” (p. 30). It is strictly prohibited to reproduce the rings with a hollow outline as figure 15 has depicted them. Lennartz (2001) states that it was Piere de Coubertin, who came up with the colours for the Olympic flag (and thus the colours of the rings): blue, yelow, black, gren and red on a white background. It was de Coubertin who explained their meaning: “the six colours are those that appear on al the national flags of the world at the present time” (p. 32). By the present time he meant 1931.  The Olympic rings are practicaly embedded in Western culture as an easily identifiable icon. Andranovich et al. (2001), suggest that the five Olympic rings, “is the most readily           75 identified image in the world. The rings are recognized by over 90% of world’s population, which is higher even than logos of mega-brands such as Shel and McDonald’s” (p. 114). Even if Ilanaaq cannot be identified (or understood) at first glance, the Olympic rings, the city of Vancouver and the date, 2010, would give the viewer a hint of what the logo may be used for. I do not believe the image explains what the inuksuk represents but it provides hints. It is the same case with the Resist 2010 poster. The number and the rings give viewers a strong hint of what the poster is refering to.    Figure 21. Interlocking version Figure 22. Solid version Figure 23. Protected area  The rings are divided by an imaginary vertical middle line (se figures 21, 21 and 23). Two lie on the left, two on the right and one in the middle. Thre of the rings are topping the other two and their surfaces intersect on one or two sides depending on their location. In the VANOC logo, figure 2, they are presented in one tone, blue. In the Resist 2010 poster, the Olympic rings are coloured as they were designed in 1913, adopted in 1914, and debuted at the Antwerp Games (Belgium) in 1920 (Freman et al, 2007).  These rings, as a symbol, have the significance of “uniting humanity” amongst many other epithets such as wholenes, comradeship, brotherhood, and so on. Helen Jeferson Lenskyj (2000) believes that “the winning of a bid for the Olympic Games is the result of a long proces that typicaly costs aspiring hosts tens of milions of dollars” (p.x). These funds come from both private and public sources, in the hope that a city, like Vancouver, wil win the Olympic bid and reap what they perceive as countles bounty. That proces has been, in most cases, largely funded by public monies but dominated by local elites, “industrialists, media moguls, owners of hotels           76 and tourist atractions, advertising companies, for whom the bid proces itself provides marketing opportunities to asociate themselves with the Olympic rings” (p. 46). These Olympic rings cary a weight of their own, and being able to display them, is a “privilege” not many people can aford. In figure 2, there is no segment removed from any of the rings. They are clean, concise, firm, and perfectly round. In a connotative way, there is no rupture within the event organizers and the Olympic movement; on the contrary, there is an obvious need to show strict and unquestioning compliance with the rules set out by the IOC (se Appendix C).  Visualy, the inuksuk is on the surface and Vancouver 2010 is the ground where it stands, the Olympic rings are underneath the city, as the roots, the foundation, the basis that maintains this stone structure upright. As an ideological concept, the emblem completely removes the inuksuk from its original role as a northern guidepost and gives it over to the Olympic movement with the right to erect it, as VANOC and the IOC please, for this or other events. A tangible and practical creation, transformed into a symbol, is taken away from its community and copyrighted by VANOC to its own benefit. “The [Vancouver 2010] Olympic symbol, flag and emblems are the exclusive property of the International Olympic Commite and cannot be used without the IOC’s authorisation”18. In my opinion, the creator (and the executor) of the logo dis-empower the subject (the inuksuk) and its original creators, and empower the object (the rings and the event) and its new owners. It clearly shows who is “behind” it, or in this case, underneath it. One interesting element present in figure 3, that is not present in the Olympic logo or on the flag, is the removed top section of the black ring. Clearly it looks broken. The remaining portion, stil atached to the rest of the rings, forms a “U” shape or a horseshoe-like semicircle. The fraction that has been removed, and that would complete the circle, hangs from the beak of the bird. Steward (1979) states that:           77 U forms are another very characteristic feature of West Coast art. Large U forms often help to contour the body of a bird or an animal, and can be sen as the part of the form line in ears, in the tail, forming flukes and so on. Smal U forms serve to fil in open spaces and, in Kwagiutl art, often represent the smal feathers on a bird’s body (p.20).  Just as there is a rupture in this black ring, there is also a rupture with the idealized image of the Olympic symbols. A transformation from this perceived union in the global community into a more “disturbing” disconnection, the suggestion that a part of the society supposedly represented by this interlocking set of perfect circles is not so perfect after al and does not want to play by the Olympic movement’s rules. The unity and tense balance of the rings is distorted by the strength of the bird which sems to have no dificulty in not only taking possesion of the rings but also ripping one apart. The designer empowers the subject (the bird) and dis-empowers the object (the rings). This could represent a mesage of visual encouragement, an invitation to interupt the course of the Games or a threatening warning. The action does have symbolic value and is the viewer the one in charge of decoding it. The website itself gives the viewer hints on the intentions behind the image as I wil explain further down. A ripped ring in this case can be disturbing to those trying to “put the rings together” and empowering to those who want to disentangle them.     Figure 24. Handcuffs symbol19  Figure 25. Beijing 2008 handcuffs symbol20.           78 This use of the Olympic rings can be compared to other forms of expresion present in alternative anti-Olympic movements in the world, like the ones formed to counter the Beijing 2008 Olympics. As expresed before, the oficial Olympic Movement has very clear rules regarding the use of its symbols; however, anti-Olympic organizations have managed to defy these rules by transforming such symbols, hijacking them to make them their own. Figures 24 and 25 are examples of these modifications that are not connected to regions of the world or to the colours of country flags but to Police states, represion, silencing, use of force, and so on. The Mohawk head.  In the case of figure 10, the top section of the poster, the sun and the mountains could correspond to a very bucolic landscape, pastoral, almost romantic; however, inside the sun’s yelow circle there is a representation of a human head adding another layer of meaning to the scene. It is the face of an Aboriginal male exposing his left profile as he “looks” to the 9 o’clock side of the poster. This man is brown skinned and has a pronounced forehead, one elongated white eye, an angular nose, a prominent cheek and a thick sideburn. His black hair bubbles at the top of his head and ends with a single feather located toward the top back. This type of scalp-lock hairstyle is known in popular contexts as the “Mohawk”. This image, the sun and the head, is also a symbol used by the Mohawk Warior Society as the main component of their flag (se figure 27). York and Pindera (1991) explain that “behind the Indian, on a blood-red background, is a stylized image of the sun – known as the mighty warior in Iroquois mythology” (p. 252). The Mohawk wariors have brandished this flag in every major confrontation with legal authorities in Canada and the United States over the past thirty-five years. York and Pindera further state that “it fluttered defiantly over the baricades of Oka and Kahnawake throughout the summer of 1990” (p. 252).           79  The Mohawk nation spans the border betwen the United States and Canada. In Canada, the Mohawk reside on the Six Nation Reserve in Ontario, the Tyendinaga band on the north shore of Lake Ontario, the Gibson Band on Georgian Bay, the Akwesasne on the St. Lawrence River and at Kahnawake in Quebec.     Figure 26. Warior Society21    Figure 27. Warior Society’s flag22 Luis Hal is the artist and writer from Kahnawake who created the flag in the early 1970’s (York & Pindera, 1991). Hal presented it as a symbol of unity for North American Aboriginals. It was since adopted as the unofficial flag of the Mohawk Warior Society. Hal has been described as the father of the wariors and critics claim that his writing inspired the warior movement. He died in the 90’s (York & Pindera, 1991).  Warior publications (2008), a group that runs the NO2010 website, published a post on February 23, 2008 under the title Natives and 2010: background. The article talks about Indigenous people in British Columbia and shares historical indications from an Aboriginal perspective, drawing links to the Mohawk movement and their mutual support. Under the heading, “Anti-Colonial Resistance” (n.d.) this article states that: Today, anti-colonial resistance is frequently expresed through protests and direct actions, including road-blocks, occupations of government offices, etc. During the 1990 ‘Oka Crisis’, Indigenous peoples in BC mounted the most solidarity actions with the Mohawks at that time, including road & railway blockades. Many of these solidarity actions emphasized sovereignty and local land struggles (para. 12)           80  I could conclude that the presence of the thre elements on figure 10, the mountains, the sun and the Mohawk warior show a connection betwen the East and the West; the Aboriginal nations living in BC and their supporting friends living in Ontario and Quebec. In a broader sense, and unlike the VANOC emblem, the Mohawk warior looking to the 9 o’clock position and the Thunderbird looking to the 3 o’clock one, also show and East and West balancing of forces. These actions show gestures of solidarity, a united cause, and links betwen diferent forms of group claims and struggles for recognition.   The Oka crisis of the 90’s (York & Pindera, 1991) refers to a dispute betwen Canadian Mohawks of the Kahnawake, Kanasatakte and Akwasasne bands and the Sûreté du Québec, the Quebec provincial police. The dispute was over the expansion of a golf course proposed by the local Mayor Jean Ouelete of Oka on land considered a sacred burial ground to the Mohawk. York and Pindera (1991) stated that for more than two centuries, the Mohawks of Quebec had been demanding legal title to four hundred square kilometres of land that made up the original seigneury of the Lake of two Mountains. Oka’s Mayor Ouelete did not consult the Mohawks before unveiling his plans for the expanded golf course at the municipal council meting in March 1989. Acording to York and Pindera, “Mayor Jean Ouelete, himself a member of the golf course, described the deal as a win-win situation for the town” (1991, p. 45). The Mayor dismised the Mohawk protests because he knew he had the strict rule of law on his side: the government and the courts. York and Pindera (1991) conclude that: After watching their land whitled away by decades of urban encroachment and private development, the Mohawks were fighting to protect a smal tract of eighten hectares of forest just west of the Pines, which was in danger of being razed to make room for the golf course” (p. 22).           81  Before the Oka crisis, in the late 1960’s, some of the young Mohawks emerged as strong activists in the cultural and political revival of Kahnawake. They were already caling themselves the wariors. Soon after, they decided to describe themselves as the Warior Society (se figure 26). York and Pindera further state that “They wanted a simple name, easily understood in English, and they wanted to gain psychological edge on their opponents. By caling themselves the Warior Society, they could create a frightening image for their organization” (1991, p. 171). The wariors have sen themselves as the defenders of Mohawk teritory, and they believe their communities belong to a single Mohawk nation. York and Pindera also state that “The fundamental ideology that united the wariors was their pasionate belief in Mohawk sovereignty” (p. 418). The strength of the warior movement has been underestimated because it is perceived as a criminal and terorist organization. York and Pindera (1991) believe that no group of criminals could maintain the kind of community support that the wariors have achieved; they believe that “Their popularity comes from their wilingnes to fight for the nationalist beliefs of the Mohawk people. It does not come from a simple desire to protect gambling and smuggling operations” (p. 418); which is one of the acusations of the State forces. The text.  Betwen the inuksuk and the Olympic rings, there is a line of black writen text. A word and a number: VANCOUVER 2010. The word refers to the city of Vancouver and it has been writen using a variation of the contemporary Neosans typeface (introduced in 2004 as “ultra-modern” and “futuristic” by the Agfa Monotype Type Foundry). Corporations often have font designers customize a font they like in order to make it more uniquely their own (Skaggs, 1994). When that happens, fonts do not have a formal name, nor are they available commercialy in the same form. In a sense, then, the Neosans typeface has become VANOC’s style, used not only on the logo but also throughout VANOC’s website and other material related to the Games.           82  VANCOUVER, in this context, also “implies” the city of Whistler, tacitly included but hidden, where most of the individual events wil take place. Interestingly, the proposal for the Games initialy incorporated the name ‘Whistler’ much more prominently. Vancouver, however, is a beter known and more marketable name internationaly. The name of the city becomes a statement, a brand, as the winner of a bid that sanctions this location that has the demonstrated ambition and wilingnes to invest considerable sums in realising “such an important event” (Andranovich et al, 2001). VANOC appropriates the name of the city to make this “its city”, creating an entity that sems to drift above the civic society. In a city like Vancouver, christened after its colonizer, claimed by the British royalty, setled on Aboriginal teritory and once again conquered by international corporations and significant numbers of new imigrants, it is dificult to determine who sets the ideologies behind its decisions, who owns the land and who decides what wil happen next. Andranovich, Burbank, and Heying (2001) state, in this regard, that “Leisure and consumption-oriented development marked the shift toward a post-industrial, service dominated economy as cities catered to the needs of corporate headquarters, high tech industries, and the advanced producer services that support them” (p. 114). The fact that the Olympic Games are relatively scarce make them an economic resource that cities like Vancouver are enticed to compete for, almost regardles of the costs of doing so. For Vancouver, “to capture an event of the stature of the Olympics is viewed as a clear demonstration that a city has made it onto the world stage” (Whitelegg, 2000, p.4).  The text VANCOUVER 2010 (city and number), designed using a variation of the Neosans typeface, is centred, aligned and horizontal. It serves as the flat ground or foundation for the inuksuk to stand on. In a way, the inuksuk can suggest the altitude of the hils where most of the events wil take place and Vancouver appears as the “solid” ground from which these hils rise. There is no caption acompanying the emblem but there is some explanatory text present on           83 the web page where the logo and the two photos are displayed (se figure 4). This information may be available for “beter understanding” of the literal and symbolic values adhered to the inuksuk in this context. Although discourse analysis is beyond the scope of this study, I consider it important to reference such text.  The first paragraph of this asociated text, spoken from the perspective of an omniscient voice in the third person, justifies the presence of an inuksuk (as main character of the emblem) and its meaning within the context of the Inuit people of Canada’s Arctic. The word “centuries” gives the stone sculpture a historic value. It is also presented as having a human form and serving as a steadfast guidepost that provides direction. In this realm, the North is vast and flat, the peoples of the North are Inuit; Inuit people have used inuksuit in the past, but over the time “things have changed” (line 3). Today, inuksuit have a more symbolic, metaphoric and positive value. Since the population of Inuit people in British Columbia (Province where the Games wil be held) acount to les than 800 individuals (se Appendix A), it is important to draw more symbolic links betwen the inuksuk and B.C. Metaphors are defined traditionaly as the use of a word or phrase denoting one kind of idea in place of another word or phrase for the purpose of suggesting a likenes betwen the two. Metaphors are pervasive in these contexts, not just in language but in thought and action. Acording to this excerpt, an inuksuk is no longer a marker and a pointer; it now means hope and friendship, expreses “eternal” hospitality of a nation, open arms that welcome people from al over the world (to the North?, to B.C?), and so on. The choice actualy raises the question whether the inuksuk, as a symbol somewhat foreign to BC, was deliberately picked because it cannot be interpreted as representing ONLY BC in the Canadian context. In that way, it has to be sen as pan-Canadian.  The second paragraph explains the link betwen the “ancient” inuksuk and the creation of a modern and abstract version of it, described as the emblem of an event. The emblem has been           84 named Ilanaaq. Another metaphor was created here. Emblem equals inukshuk; inukshuk equals Ilanaaq; Ilanaaq equals “a friend” who wil “welcome the world in 2010” (line 8). This link helps viewers visualy connect the two realistic photographs provided to the abstracted emblem.  The third paragraph explains the procedure for choosing the emblem, the number and origin of participants in the contest and the selected winner. There is a judging panel that viewers are not given much detail on. There were “more than 1,600” (line 9) anonymous participants from diferent parts of Canada and there is only one winner. Company principal and creative director Elena Rivera MacGregor and graphic designer Gonzalo Alatorre are said to be the creators of Ilanaaq. They are based in Vancouver even though their names imply a Spanish origin. This creation proces wil be discussed further down as I deal with the production proces of these images. Regarding the Resist 2010 poster, there is also a reference to the 2010 Olympics, although the city of Vancouver is not mentioned. The upper section of the poster (figure 10) contains a banner with text. The banner has the shape of a red convex arch outlined in black that bridges the left and right sides of the outer frame but does not touch the top side section of it. The banner reads in white capital leters: RESIST 2010. The one word and one number serve as a title for this poster and in a way it names it. It also mirors the simple name used on the official VANOC logo, Vancouver 2010. The word “RESIST” as defined by the Collins Dictionary (2002) means “to withstand or oppose”. Two groups of synonyms form part of its definition. On one hand it means batle, combat, defy, hinder, stand up to; and on the other hand it means refrain from, abstain from, avoid, forbear, forgo, keep from. In a way, these two sets of meanings may sem in opposition to one another, one is a cal to “atack” and the other one is an invitation to “constrain”. I find them utualy complimentary. Resisting is opposing and viewers can decide if opposition takes an active approach or a pasive one. It is almost like the act of designing the           85 poster (more active) and the act of contemplating it (more pasive). The word RESIST is writen in capital leters. Capitals or upper case leters are large leters usualy used at the beginning of a name or sentence. When they are used throughout the word there is an additional implication of importance. They are either a title, as mentioned before, or a form of highlight. In informal discussions, an especialy in the jargon used to chat or email online, capitals mean speaking loudly, “shouting”. It could be that here, we have a bold voice, teling us at ful volume: RESIST 2010!  The number 2010 stands for anything: a date, a price, a nickname, a code. In relation to the context in which the image is displayed I asume it is a date (yet to happen). As a date, it is no longer pronounced two thousand and ten as it is the case with the first nine years of the 21st century. Once the first decade is reached, the number wil be pronounce by dividing it into two parts: “twenty ten”. In 2010, Croatia is set to join the European Union and Lithuania set to adopt the euro. There wil be an annular solar eclipse that is said to be the longest lasting annular eclipse of the 21st century. In 2010, the FIFA World Cup wil take place in South Africa and of course, the Vancouver 2010 Winter Olympic and Paralympic Games wil be held in Vancouver and Whistler (February 12 to March 21). “Twenty ten” becomes an expresion which can have multiple meanings, sentiments, implications and inspire personal or masive reactions. It could be the year when someone becomes officialy an adult or the date when someone becomes head of State. In year 1984, for instance, film director Peter Hyams released the science fiction movie 2010 based on the novel Odyssey Two by Arthur Clarke. Twenty five years ago when the film was made and even years before, when the book was published, the year 2010 was “the future”, a new century, a new era of spatial conquests and contact with new orlds. We are now two years away from 2010 and the place is not Jupiter but a very earthly one, Vancouver. If we link the diferent elements involved in the design, like the Olympic rings, to this specific date, 2010, we           86 can decode diferent mesages. The poster does not actualy mention the word “Olympics” or make direct reference to “the Games” or to the city of Vancouver, however, there is a connotational implication, a need to read the image with “other eyes”. Also, contrary to the emblem, the Resist 2010 poster aims to counter the Olympics so they do not happen, while VANOC is confirming (endorsing) Vancouver as the approved city that earned the right to host the Games. It may be asumed that the viewer wil draw the link betwen the diferent elements involved, either because it is obvious or because it is relevant. Once again, the context speaks to the viewers as wel, but if the image is isolated, a further linkage to the “subtext” of it is necesary.   Contrary to the VANOC emblem, laid out succinctly, the title “RESIST 2010” is not the only text present on the poster. There are some statements exactly below the five coloured rings and the top edge of the bottom red frame that outlines the poster (se figure 3). This form of text, as wel as the title, is an image unto itself as a result of the design. Anderson (1969) states that “writing can be described roughly as the asignment of speech forms to graphic signs” (p.3). The English alphabet is Grek in origin and it comes from the Grek names asigned to the first two leters Alpha and Beta. The development (or invention) of the alphabet involved the asignment of one sign for each vowel and one sign for each consonant unlike other sign systems (Anderson, 1969). There is a long history of writing tradition behind the five statements of this poster. They have been designed in slightly diferent typefaces and in upper and lower cases. In my opinion the graphic technique used to ilustrate the letering afects its readability. They are writen in the following order: police represion, stolen native land, homelesnes huge public debt and environmental destruction. The words POLICE, HUGEPUBLICDEBT and STOLENLAND are capitalized and there is no character spacing betwen them. It may be just an efect of the design or an implied mesage of the expresion as a whole. Perhaps it also imposes power and           87 superiority. The words represion, native, homelesnes, environmental destruction are in lower case and with no character spacing betwen them, which again, could be a design efect or shown as subjugated, oppresed, minimized. The designers also use two bullet points. Bullets are typographical symbols (Collins, 2002) used to list items that are usualy tied together under a general heading. Is there a link betwen the bulleted items and the un-bulleted ones? For instance: Police with homelesnes and stolen land with environmental destruction? Wiliamson (1978) argues that “al signs depend for their signifying proces on the existence of specific, concrete receivers, people for whom and in whose systems of believe, they have a meaning” (p.40).  If RESIST 2010 serves as a title, I would say that the abovementioned statements serve the function of captions that complement the image. Captions are explanations that usualy acompany ilustrations. This poster in particular does not have any caption underneath it, but in my view, it somehow displays “open captions” within it. I use the word “open” because each of them is on its own a thesis project. Concentrating on each word and providing a thorough description of their meaning is opening Pandora’s Box. The words, perhaps as the character spacing betwen them implies, are important as a whole. As powerful images engraved onto to the poster. Taking a look at the individual terms, just from the perspective of the Collins dictionary (2002), “Police” is the organized force of the state which keeps law and order. “Represion” is restricting the fredom of. “Stolen” means taken unlawfully or without permision. “Native” is either relating to a place where the person was born or a person descendent from the original inhabitants of the American continent. “Land” stands for the solid part of the earth’s surface. “Homelesnes” is having nowhere to live. The word “public” concerns the people as a whole or it is for the use of people in general. “Debt” is something owed or in arears. “Environmental” concerns to the external conditions and surroundings in which           88 people, animals or plants live. And finaly, the word “destruction” means ruining, demolishing, putting and end to something.  These heavy-weight terms are aranged horizontaly and are readable from left to right, forming an uneven line in the grunge (deliberately untidy) style. They communicate a mesage that speaks to the personal and social knowledge of viewers. In my view, they are meant to awaken sensitivities and open the door to discussion. Some of these actions are a bit more notorious among Vancouverites, like homelesnes, public debt and environmental impact. Acording to Whitson (2004), Games such as the Olympics have been keenly sought after by cities because they are supposed to bring an influx of public investment from various levels of government that might otherwise have gone to other regions. Nevertheles, huge public investment in mega-events might mean cuts in other budgets that would hit hardest at people who are least likely to enjoy benefits from such mega-events or even to atend them. These people are, acording to Whitson, “the urban poor, Aboriginals and people in country districts a long way from the city where the big event is held” (2004, p. 1228).  Homelesnes, public debt and environmental impact are also topics that can be easily discussed amongst more afluent Vancouver citizens. Homeles people have become an “uncomfortable” aspect of urban life, they make the city “look bad”. Public debt afects people’s pockets and has long been a concern for Canada’s “haves” and the environment is a fashionable subject. Gren is trendy. When it comes to land claims and police actions, discussing the topics becomes taboo. There is not much interest within mainstream society in discussing these maters until they afect the personal asets or private lives of the wel-off. Marker (2006) states that: The expresion of local indigenous culture becomes contentious whenever claims on land and resources from tribal representatives are made from claims about historic cultural identity. So it was that Coastal Salish students during the fishing           89 wars could only speak about their culture as long as they avoided discussing the salmon, a central aspect of their culture (p.4)  The topic of police represion is also dificult to discuss. One’s own sense of represion and ascription to the institutional/political/ideological order can prevent individuals from frely viewing police as represors. Foucault (1980) cals it “surveilance”, which is a silent way of control, tacitly violent but with no need to use arms or material constraints. “Just the gaze”, he says, “an inspecting gaze, a gaze which each individual under its weight wil end by interiorizing to the point that he is his own overser, each individual thus exercising this surveilance over, and against [oneself]” (p. 155). Foucault cals it a superb formula because it is power exercised continuously and at a minimal cost. We may experience self represion or self censorship that keeps us from criticaly discussing topics such us the ones mentioned on this intrepid artwork. The creators of this poster could have folowed the trend of consumerism; nonetheles they’ve opted to be critical. That is teling the viewer that posters (as a genre) can be used to communicate more radical mesages. This is an oppositional type of reading and expresing, counter-hegemonic, which tries understanding what the institutions are saying and chalenges the way it afirms the dominant order of things (Rose, 2007). Acording to McLaren and Kincheloe (2007), “Critical theorists in education claim that, at present, we are witnesing and living through the first steps of a true revolution in the art of digital communication and convivial tools for collaborative literacy and transformative learning” (p.143). Statements, like the ones depicted on the poster, may prevent some people from giving the image a chance in trying to understand its mesage because it may be that it is “too much” for them or it may have “gone too far”. This option may be what Rose (2007) refers to as the prefered reading of images because it tends to afirm the hegemonic political, economic, social and cultural order. It is clear to me that the implications of image and text go beyond the “simple gaze”           90 The Producers and the Production Proces  Before the VANOC emblem was designed, it faced certain constraints. Some of these constraints come from the corporate identity of the organization it is being made for, VANOC itself. The significance given to the Olympic design and the values behind it outline the vision and expectations that frame the logo design for the 2010 Games. These emblems are used as visual shorthand, identifiers for each Olympic Games, and tools to draw bilions of people to watch from across the globe. Clearly, the tremendous global marketing eforts involved with producing the Olympics have an impact on their creation. VANOC hief Executive Oficer John Furlong has stated that the Olympic brand is the most recognized and enduring of any in the world and that’s how a designer must approach the creation of an Olympic Games emblem. “After al”, he’s said, “no other piece of work in a design portfolio wil get the sort of international atention that comes from designing a logo for the world's greatest sporting event. This is an extraordinary opportunity”. (para. 13. “Canadian Designers”, J.F.). As part of the production proces for the emblem, I would like to make a reference back to June 10, 2004. On that occasion, VANOC conducted an Olympic Design Conference in Vancouver in order to oficialy invite designers to participate in the logo’s design competition. This competition was not open to average Canadians but to “eligible” entrants who could demonstrate previous experience in profesional image production. The organization paid very close atention to every detail of the design execution because of the impact it expected it to have on the public.   Back then, VANOC argued that by 2010, the emblem would be one of the most visible logos in the world and that it would be sen by milions of people as the organizational efort unfolded on the global stage. It would be sen on the Internet, in print coverage and during television broadcasts of the Olympic Games. An international judging panel was set up to review           91 submisions to the Vancouver 2010 Olympic Emblem Design Competition (se Appendix E). The panel had a clear emphasis on corporate sensibilities, including high level executives from the Disney Entertainment Corporation and one of the biggest video entertainment corporations in Vancouver, Entertainment Arts Canada. The panel’s makeup also underlined the importance of continuing the traditions established by previous Olympic Games, by including representatives from the Salt Lake City and Athens Games and a design firm with many Olympic sponsors as its clients. Such a contest followed a protocol and a series of rules that would scren the design entries, decide if they were valid and determine whether they deserved to be chosen based on specific criteria (se Appendix E). Graphic artists were not “fre” to exercise their full potential because they had to tailor-make an image that fulfiled the expectations of the IOC and through it, the expectations of sponsors, partners, judges and ultimately the audiences that would be presented with this image. At the same time, artists were expected to exercise their creativity in order to present something “original” that also fit the strict framework of the “organizational structure” for which they were designing the image. This internal contradiction is acepted within the circle of graphic and marketing agencies.  The production of an emblem depends on graphic design technologies. A graphic firm like the Rivera Design Group (RDG) counts on a team of people led by an art director and includes graphic designers, copywriters, website developers and market specialists. The RDG, creator of the VANOC emblem, is based in Vancouver. It specializes in brochure and web design and corporate identities. The busines was established in 1991, and one of its commitments, as stated on its website, is to “deliver high return on a client’s investment” (para. 12. “Corporate profile”, n.d.). Talent and busines are paired up in order to bring results such as profit and field recognition. Knowledge of graphic techniques and computer software is understood. Experience in print and pres production is also required. Graphic Design firms usualy focus on particular           92 areas like busines marketing or corporate identity and look for specific clients in fields where they fel more comfortable (or where they develop a niche): the car industry, food products, retail, and so on. The “graphic world” has become a very competitive one in the past decade as graphic design and ilustration have become official carers in schools. Not every graphic firm wil succed in a growing market, therefore an opportunity to win an Olympic Emblem Design Competition is sen as a catapulting scenario “to reach the podium” of the field. It is like coming home with a gold medal.   As mentioned above, logos also face constraints of the genre, which limit the creator to the elements that characterize them. These elements are based on style, customers and production, amongst other factors. Logos have to simplify ideas, be recognizable, fulfil certain market expectations and should be easy to reproduce in diferent formats. In this regard, Haig and Harper (1997) state that: Logo power occurs when the logo is designed and implemented so that it establishes imediate, credible recognition for the client; expreses the client’s character or atitude; conveys that the client is an expert or leader in its field; symbolizes the line of busines; is a value qualifier for that client; is so memorable it becomes a unique visual identifier that is synonymous with the client’s busines; and it becomes an endorsement of that client’s product, organization , or service” (p.1).  Logo designers are faced with the chalenge of imagining al the possible uses that their image can have, under the circumstances it might be used for and how the diferent media are going to influence or afect it (paper, clothing, mugs, TV, computers screns, and so on). Full colour logos are expensive to reproduce, so when they are presented in black and white they might loose part of their elements.           93  This particular winning emblem, announced on April 23, 2005, earned a prize of $25,000 and two tickets to the Vancouver 2010 Olympic Games Opening Ceremony. It is said to have been chosen among 1,600 entries from “every region in Canada” (se figure 4, line 9) and it is a full colour emblem ade for a powerful organization that can reproduce it in every possible way. It was revealed in front of an audience of 10,000 people at Vancouver’s General Motors Place and broadcast live by the CTV network. The program featured a cast of more than 500 people. Performances by Canada’s Cirque du Soleil and singer Lisa Brokop were part of the show that also displayed a specialy-built representation of the emblem on a 28 foot tal (8.5 meters) structure. RDG of Vancouver submited the design, created by a team including company manager Elena Rivera MacGregor and graphic designer Gonzalo Alatorre. As noted above, VANOC has suggested that the diferent applications of the emblem wil make the inuksuk one of the most recognized marks in the world. As expresed on the VANOC website, “Over the next five years, the emblem and asociated designs and colours wil be featured in thousands of applications such as licensed products, stret banners, publications and rink boards at sport venues”. (para. 61. “Introducing ILANAQ”, n.d.).  RDG had to basicaly create a brand. And this brand is Ilanaaq, a friendly inuksuk found “everywhere in Canada” (para. 1. “Winner”, n.d.). Acording to John Furlong, CEO of VANOC, RDG is now part of a select group of world-clas designers, “in fact, there are les than a dozen Creative Directors in the world that are alive today that share this prestigious title” (para. 4. “Winner”, n.d.). It is interesting to look at the social identities of the designer, the owner and the original creator of the inuksuk. The designer is a “multicultural” group of artists and busines people living in Vancouver and holding a possible Spanish background (Rivera and Alatorre) who are wiling to create a winning design that would please the prospective owner of their new creation. The prospective owner is a huge organization supported by           94 powerful corporations. VANOC sets up the rules, values and intentions of how the image should look before it buys it (se Appendix E). And the ultimate stakeholders, disempowered and manipulated (perhaps in perception, perhaps in action), are the Inuit people, original creators of the inuksuk, appropriated by RDG and resold to the highest bidder, the Olympic movement. The relationship betwen the designer and the owner is a commercial one that disolves once the copyright exchanges have been finalized and the designer has transfered to VANOC al right, title and interest in and to the submited design, including “moral rights”, (se Appendix E). The designer looses its connection to the subject. Once the financial transaction is complete, the new owner elevates the new emblem, in symbolic terms, to a diferent category, where al sorts of glorious labels and connotations can be atached to it.  Logo making, as a genre, alows this type of relationships to happen. The commercial value atached to emblems and the symbolic elements emotionaly involved with them encourages this type of disparity. Power relations of this kind are not necesarily obvious when looking at the image. In fact, I have spoken to Inuit people who believe it is positive to have an abstract inuksuk as the Olympics emblem (personal communication March 1, 2008). Nevertheles, tensions are present in this design, and the beneficiaries of the emblem are many powerful groups, a list that does not include the Inuit. Acording to Halendy (2000), “inuksuit have become icons used to sel telephones and financial services, beer and sugared drinks. The figure adorns bal caps, sweatshirts and coffe mugs, and is much sought after as an object d’art” (p. 97). The sad irony, he says, is that in the growing interest in inuksuit, the wisdom of their creators is dying with the pasing of each of the elders who once had lived on the land. “When a Canadian brewery unveiled its beer label depicting an inuksuk-like figure beside a polar bear, an Inuit group decided to protest to the United Nations, asking the world body to recognize the inuksuk as the collective ‘intelectual property’ of the Inuit” (p. 97).           95  Other stereotypical abstractions derive from the imagery of the Northwest Coast; perhaps the most common one is the use of the “totem pole” in the logos of corporations that have no connection to the Aboriginal people of the area. Is the Olympic movement perpetuating these stereotypes? Acording to Belfy (2005) popular culture norms are designed to remind everyone, Native and non-Native alike, that there is a dominant culture that has determined how Indigenous identity is to be constructed and who owns and controls its images.  Acording to the RDG website, the inspiration for the emblem came as the design team thought about the values of Canada and the Olympic Games. They considered these values were reflected in Vancouver's inuksuk “a gift from the North that has become a local landmark, and a symbol that is found throughout Canada” (para. 20, “Winner”, n.d.). After researching diferent topics, the inuksuk came up as a concept that could represent values such as Canada’s cultural diversity, national personality, and landscapes” (para. 21. “Winner”, n.d.). In comparison, the Resist 2010 poster artwork is a creation of Gord Hil from the Kwakwaka’wakw Nation and Riel Manywounds from the Tsuu Tina/Nak’azdli Nations. No further reference to the artwork, posted on June 12, 2007, or to its creators is mentioned on the site ww.no2010.com.  The Kwakwaka’wakw Nation, also known as Kwakiuti, lives in British Columbia on northern Vancouver Island and also on the mainland. The Tsuu Tina Nation is located on Indian reserve 145, adjacent to the southwest city limits of Calgary. The Nak’azdli Band is a Dakelh First Nation with a main community located near Fort St. James, BC (McMilan & Yelowhorn, 2004). Gord Hil is a social activist, carver, comic book artist and ilustrator. The website “firstvisionart” states that “Gord creates work that caries stories and mesages for revolution, justice and chronicles the struggle our ancestors have made against racism, capitalism, imperialism and genocide to retain our unique aboriginal cultures” (para. 12. “Gord Hil”, n.d.).           96  Riel Manywounds was born into both the Tsuu T’ina and Nak’azdli Carier Nations. He works for the Redwire Native Youth Media Society and lives in the Coast Salish Teritories (Vancouver, BC). The website “transporters” atributes a quote to Manywounds which states that “Exercising our rights as First Nations and sharing our stories visualy through art has found to be my most powerful and productive medium in geting my mesage out” (para. 7. “Riel Manywounds”, R.M.). I was unable to determine the relationship betwen the designers of the Resist 2010 poster and “the owner” of the NO2010 website. There may be cooperative ownership and partnership. Content providers may be able to post their comments frely. I could not know if there is a protocol to be followed. The feling I get is that people involved in or with the movement work together, share information and post articles or images folowing a blog23 or diary-type of structure: diferent dates, diferent articles. I did not find sponsors to the NO2010 website but I did find links to other organizations such as Mohawk Nation News, 325 Connections and Contre les Olympiques de 2010.  The time when this artwork was designed is not clear but it could be around June 2007 when it was first posted. The source of inspiration may be asociated to the content of the website. From a political and economic stand, it is a statement related to the anti-Olympic movement: Aboriginal land claims, oppresion, homelesnes, resistance to capitalist measures, and so on. Galo (1974) argues that “In times of turmoil, one can find posters that expres disenting viewpoints and those that reflect the dominant ideologies” (p.12). From the artistic perspective it can be described as graphic design, Aboriginal art, Coast Salish technique, amongst others. Whether it was made for a particular event or with a specific intention is a mater of gueswork. Activist Zig Zag, who sems to be involved with the administration of the content of the NO2010 website, has writen the article titled Why we resist the 2010 winter Olympics24 where he explains his thesis. In his own words and under the heading “Why We Resist”:           97 the Olympics are not about the human spirit and have litle to do with athletic excelence; they are a multibilion dollar industry backed by powerful elites, real estate, construction, hotel, tourism and television corporations, working hand in hand with their partners in crime: government officials and members of the International Olympic Commite (IOC)” (Para. 1).  Zig Zag gives ten reasons for resisting the 2010 Games. Several of these reasons are stated on the “Resist 2010” poster: Colonialism and fascism, no Olympics on stolen land, ecological destruction, homelesnes, criminalization of the poor, impact on Women, 2010 Police State, public debt, Olympic corruption and corporate invasion (“Resist 2010”, Z.Z). Zig Zag also says to be inspired by Sun Tzu’s The Art of War, a Chinese military treatise writen in the 6th century BC. He ends his article with the statement: “What causes opponents to come of their own acord is the prospect of gain. What discourages opponents from coming is the prospect of harm (para 1. “Resist 2010”, Z.Z).  Emblems and posters are clearly diferent and they serve diferent purposes. In general, the internal balance of posters (their composition) and the external link of the genre to other posters sem to follow the trend of consumption. Galo (1974) says that in the West “except for appeals for blood or campaigns against cancer, tuberculosis or pollution, public service posters have almost entirely been replaced by publicity posters” (p. 313). The RESIST 2010 poster is also a form of publicity but not for consumerism. It has a critical view on the genre and uses it to communicate political ideas; it also promotes the ideology of a movement and seks directly to empower the viewers, or at least to awaken theirs senses to the problematic it exposes. Could we say that it is trying to sel an idea and not a product? If it is not an idea for consumption but against it, then would the word “sel” be inappropriate? Nothing is being paid for or traded here. I could say that it is presenting a case through the use of symbols, icons and text. Galo further           98 states that “the way a product being offered for sale is presented, or the way in which a political poster is put together, is indicative of what is rarely perceptible: the ideology of a society” (1974 p.12)  The production of a poster depends on diferent technologies. You have the creators (who could also be the graphic artists) using talents to work with either their hands (paint, pencils, brushes, etc) or computer software (photoshop, ilustrator, corel draw, etc). You have the print shop or computer printer in the case of paper versions and/or the use of scanners and again, computer software to convert images into digital forms in order to proces them and post them onto the web. There is a need for a website domain and a website where this image could be uploaded.  Additional to this, there is a need for some kind of promotion, linking, or “marketing” of the site in order to make it more visible and fulfil the goal of communicating a mesage widely. This promotion can be made through word of mouth which is neither sophisticated nor necesarily eficient technology for broadcasting information. It can also be done through the use of search engines, popular sites like Google, whose job is to “take you where you want to go” once you type in key words like ‘anti-Olympics movement’, ‘resistance Vancouver’ or ‘NO2010’. Interestingly enough, when I typed “NO2010” on Google the first thing it showed me was the VANOC website. Companies and organizations can pay these search engines to have their product featured or their organization privileged when consumers or viewers type key words, making it likely that requests wil be redirected even if the requestor has no knowledge of nor intention of going to this alternate ”favoured” site. This is how the search engines profit and how organizations highlight their products online. Organizations with stronger monetary power and influence have superior control over what is being displayed on search engines; therefore, if viewers and consumers do not make an efort to search beyond the initial list of available items           99 being displayed, they end up looking at or buying those elements that are supported by the “big giants”. It is relatively easy to have aces to website technology and to digitize items that can be posted. It is more dificult to atract people to look at one’s website or to read one’s ideas. In an “ocean” of web pages, only those that can be advertised masively get to be sen. Would that be the case of the NO2010 website?  Another part of the production is the actual design of the image. I’ve talked about the elements contained on the poster: frames, symbols, icons, colours. These elements are not fortuitously organized the way they are, they folow specific and deliberate paterns of graphic design (Sorgman, 1965). The individuality of the creator is sen in many ways. Through the colours used (bright, bold, varied, separated). Through the composition (unconventional, somehow disturbing, charged). Through the drawing (realistic with heavy lines). Through the form (solid, imaginative and strong). Through the style (incorporating elements of West Coast art but yet adding original and creative elements). Through the technique (paint thick, poster-like, flat texture) and so on.  Composition is the planning or organization of an artwork (Sorgman, 1965). Compositions usualy start as rough sketches done with no detail in the search for harmony of rhythm, balance and mood. Figure 3 is a meander-type composition (Sorgman, 1965). A landscape with wandering hils that scrolls down in a T-shape. The top of the T ( ¯ ) would be the horizontal line of the mountains and the base of the T the Thunderbird ( | ). The vertical direction of the poster is a clasic one and it is asociated with inspirational or spiritual qualities (Sorgman, 1965); an opposition betwen the heights (heaven, sun, mountains, the nest of the Thunderbird), and the lows (Olympics, homelesnes, represion, destruction, debt). There is one connector, one mediator, one that has aces to both worlds: the bird. Horizontals and verticals operating together introduce the principle of balanced oppositions of tensions. The vertical pulls and the           100 horizontal supports. The two together produce a satisfying resolved feling (de Sausmarez, 2006). The Audience  The VANOC 2010 website is run by the Vancouver Organizing Commite for the 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games. This commite was established on September 30, 2003. Its mandate is “to support and promote the development of sport in Canada by planning, organizing, financing and staging the 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games” (para. 2. “What is VANOC”, n.d.). The VANOC Pres Operations are in charge of part of the planning and provision of services to the website. The VANOC vision is founded on the idea of building “a stronger Canada whose spirit is raised by its pasion for sport, culture and sustainability” (para 2. “Our Vision”, n.d.), approach that has been reviewed by this study. The NO2010 website is a Canadian anti-Olympic organization that appears to be run by Warior Publications (WP). Its slogan is No Olympics on Stolen Native Land. The purpose of WP, as stated by website participant (or manager) Zig Zag, is “to promote Indigenous Warior Culture, Fighting Spirit, and Resistance Movement”. WP claims to be produced on “the occupied teritories of ‘british columbia’, ‘canada’ ” (para. 1 “Warior Publications”, Z.Z.). The emblem and the poster intersect because of similarities provided by their visual content and by the medium in which they are displayed in their electronic form. I believe that once the logo and the poster have been uploaded onto their respective websites, their form changes and they no longer represent “just a logo” or “just a poster” but become, let’s say, a “third genre” as digital images. The change from printed format to computer form requires a material change in the trace. This reconfiguration is acknowledged by my choice of two images that share the same media (Poster, 1998). Mark Poster argues that once an image is translated into digits it transcends the constraints of printing and enters a “far diferent, physical regime:           101 electric language.” (1998, p. 14). The World Wide Web is the “batlefield” where these images met and interact. As explained at the outset, the internet as the digital “medium” becomes an alternative platform that invites specific visualities. From a Foucauldian perspective I have been interested in the operation of discourse and its forms of power within these two images (the logo and the poster), and how power “disciplines subjects into certain ways of thinking and acting”. This, in order to connect visual culture and elements of public pedagogy through the use of the internet as a medium. I have not only compared two images but have also refered to their contexts: two websites (VANOC and NO2010).  The proces of production of the VANOC emblem started in the designer’s room once the Olympic Emblem Design Competition was officialy launched. This proces soon moved into the VANOC field. The emblem competition empowered a group of judges to be the first audience for this image on behalf of the organization. VANOC became the eye filter that sanctions the validity of the image acording to specific criteria established by the IOC. Once this first level of audiencing has approved the image, it enters the public sphere where it wil be viewed by the thousands in Canada and abroad. The means to reach the public sphere includes mas media, which does the biggest distribution job. The CTV broadcasting network, for instance, owns the rights to televise the Olympic events in the Canadian market. As noted above, an audience of 10,000 people had aces to he launching ceremony at the Vancouver’s General Motors Place and many others watched broadcasted nation-wide. The VANOC website (where pres releases are stored and re-displayed) along with other diferent media sources have distributed al kinds of information regarding the emblem since April 2005, as part of the proces of building momentum before the Olympic mascots were released in 2007. VANOC is the only one authorized to manipulate the emblem image to its convenience. As Symes states, “market forces continue to           102 shape the way images and discourses are presented” (1998, p.133). Anyone can be an emblem audience.  The anti-Olympic movement is founded on the idea that the organizers of the Olympic Games are mostly interested in power, prestige and profit (Lenskyj, 2000). In this regards, Helen Jeferson Lenskyj states in her book Inside the Olympic Industry - Power, Politics, and Activism (2000) that most of the marketing for the Games draws on the myth of the power of “pure sport” for athletes, for their spectators, and for local and national communities. Also on the hardly ever contested asumption that the Games wil bring economic and social benefits to those who host them. Acording to Lenskyj, it is a myth “that the Games are an unaloyed good for host communities, a plum to be had for the most worthy and deserving, remained firmly in place in the public imagination and mas media” (p. ix).  The NO2010 website invites its viewers to “resist the 2010 corporate circus”. Al of its content is dedicated to the idea of the VANOC Games “buying people off to pacify and silence opposition” (para. 1 “No Olympics”, Z.Z.). Some of the website tabs, laid out on the homepage are: countdown 2010 shutdown, a brief history of the Olympics, no Olympics on stolen land and the Olympic land grab. These statements give the viewer a sense of the content of the website and the approach to the subject. Audiences can be pasive spectators or more active commentators. I have come across blogs where Canadians have left their positions about the usage of this image. The general public tends to move on and familiarize themselves with the emblem (or the poster) as they become an ingrained part of the events’ visual references. The technologies of disemination of these images play an important role in creating that mental image that people would record in their brains. Social semiotics pays atention to the role signs play in constructing “the social world, in translating its meaning and significations in a climate of an ever-changing political economy of           103 competing interests and demands” (p. 135). Symes (1998) argues that symbolic proceses are not arbitrary or acidental but are “integral parts of a shifting social framework, influenced by governments and political fiat, changes in the economy and the dynamics of the market” (p. 135).  Technologies of display afect the notion and presence of these images. It is easy to come across the VANOC emblem not only in Vancouver, and in the form of official merchandising, but also throughout Canada as displayed by the official partners and sponsors who are authorized to print the emblem on their stationary and promotional materials. Major corporate sponsors have developed marketing and advertising campaigns focused on promoting their alignment with VANOC as symbolized by the emblem. The diferent formats in which the emblem is presented (through the internet, print coverage and television broadcast) make it practicaly impossible not to come across it at some point in time (from its creation to the days of the event). The conventions for viewing the images and the solid economic power held by promoters of the Games, alow them to “bombard” the market to the extent of saturation. It is not dificult for diferent age groups of population to engage with the image as it is being exploited to appeal to children, youth, adults and elders of diferent genders and races. Possible viewers are the Vancouverites but also other Canadians. Visitors to Canada wil surely be acquainted with the image as it is present in most tourist info centres. Aboriginal people and the Four Host First Nations are indirectly engaged with the symbol as it draws a connection with their “perceived reality” not necesarily with their real social conditions.  Members of this particular anti-Olympic movement have created their own visual representations, logos and use of media to counter the Olympics imagery. For instance, the NO2010’s emblem is a thunderbird in opposition to VANOC’s inuksuk. Diferent groups in opposition to the Games have run their own “Poverty Olympics” and even created their own mascots. Their mascots are Itchy the bedbug, Crepy the cockroach and Chewy the rat (se figure           104 28), presented as an alternative to the thre VANOC criters Quatchi the sasquatch, Miga the sea bear (part Kermode bear and part Kiler whale) and Sumi, the Paralympic mascot, an animal spirit that wears the hat of the orca whale, flies with the wings of the Thunderbird and runs with the legs of the black bear (se figure 29). Exploring these mascots in detail is beyond the scope of this study, but it is worth seing the diferent manifestations of two forces that run paralel despite their opposite content and motivations.      Figure 28. Poverty Olympics mascots25     Figure 29. Vancouver Olympic mascots26 The NO2010 website posts articles that have been writen by people in agrement with the movement. The may be produced for diferent events and purposes, stored in some form and displayed on the site at some point. I do not believe they are necesarily produced to be specificaly posted on the Internet like most of the content developed for the VANOC website. The language used for the NO2010 is a more direct one, more prosaic and les formal or staged. I have the feling that the scope of opinions is broad with a wide range of social concerns but a common emphasis on the negative aspects of the Olympic Games. The reflections are analytical           105 and have no positive consideration of a possible constructive impact of the Games on the local or any other population. The voice is a critical one, mostly active and beligerent, warning against the way hegemonic forces mobilize their strength in the efort to win the public’s consent or acquiescence. This is a counter voice to “the means by which discursive powers shape thinking and behaviour via the presence and absences of diferent words and concepts, and the way that disciplines of knowledge are used to regulate individuals through a proces of normalization” (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007 p.37). The authenticity of these documents is exposed to the public domain for audiences to verify their content as it is in the case of the documents posted on the VANOC website. The existence of an antagonistic viewpoint that develops counter to mainstream thought is ground work pedagogy. The fact that the NO2010 website runs paralel to the VANOC one creates a space of intersection and interaction where knowledge can be produced, commented on and articulated. Foucault (1980) claimed that “where there is power, there is resistance… a multiplicity of points of resistance” (p. 95)  Anybody could be an audience for this website, however, the possibility that many people have aces to it is questionable. I have mentioned the limitation of search engines and the language of the website as to possible impediments. Aces to the technologies of circulation and display is another limitation. I am basicaly talking about computers and software. Many people have aces to them today but there are stil computer skils, costs, time constraints and degres of intentionality that can prevent a person from actualy finding the moment aces or simply come across the RESIST 2010 poster. It may be that those who have the least ability or opportunity to “get on-line” are precisely those who this movement claims to represent. I am asuming that there is a core captive audience that follows the development of the content, as it coincides with the actions performed around it: metings, riots, conferences and al kids of manifestations. This captive audience must be an informed one who understands the jargon and           106 terminology of the movement, who has suffered the consequences of power forces or fels antipathy for oppresion; an audience who believes in the negative impact of the Olympics or relates directly or indirectly to the content expresed on the site. Is it possible that people that had no knowledge of the website could aces it and folow it? Yes, it is. I had no idea of its existence until I began my research of this topic two years ago. In that sense, the NO2010 has succeded.  The spectator who views the RESIST 2010 poster is on the other side of the computer scren, on the outside. The isolated image atracts the eye because of the compositional elements mentioned before. It is possible that in an engine search for only images, the Thunderbird pops up. In that case, the reading of the elements involved would depend on the knowledge of the viewers and their particular interests. The components of the images talk. The language they use and their perceived meanings depend on the participants. There are many possible interpretations to the image itself as exemplified in this study. Audiences wil difer from each other in terms of clas, gender, race, sexuality and so on; this wil afect the interpretation of the mesage. These axes of social identity structure ways of “gazing”. The Thunderbird can become a “cut-out” symbol for youth that looks “cool” and can be posted on a corkboard or a collage; it could make some people fel uncomfortable after seing a sacred image being modified for “propagandistic” purposes; or it could be the object of study for a research thesis at the UBC graduate studies department. One paramount element that cannot be overlooked is that the image can only communicate meaning if it is viewed and the limitations to aces it are not only search engines, beligerent content or aces to technology. It may be people’s own sense of self censorship and normalization constraints. Evolving critical thinking would help audiences asert their agency and self direction in relation to such power plays.  Once artwork such as the poster becomes more familiar and viewers fel fre to connect with it, they can draw connections to other images of the same nature posted on the strets, ads           107 placed in alternative magazines, fliers for conferences, and so on. The image takes on another dimension and it can also be linked to the antagonistic views it opposes, such as the VANOC emblem. The poster can be transformed to serve other purposes and subsequent images may also transform its meaning. Discussion about the Semiotic Analyses This chapter has dealt with a detailed description of what is noticeable, and also what is not so obvious in one of my main objects of analysis, the Vancouver inuksuk and also other images such us photographs, web design, the mascots and the Resist 2010 poster. My aim was to respond to the research questions that have structured this study. To start, I have wondered why the Aboriginal participation goals stated by VANOC have been mostly placed in the “Sustainability” section? Is it because an emphasis on environmental elements is not only “fashionable” (an-inconvenient-truth type of discourse)27 but also on the radar of newscasts, gren activists and a growing faction of the general population? On the other hand, may this approach respond to an idealized view of Aboriginal participants as having a kind of spirituality connected to a universal harmony and a balance with the natural world? As Michael Marker (2006) states, “the Indian, as a simplistic icon, became the protector of Mother Earth, a modern day version of the noble savage fantasy of the 18th and 19th centuries. Such symbols have had a potent efect on popular culture” (p.9).  I believe that this romanticized idea of Aboriginal people as “sustainable and connected with nature” impacts not only popular culture itself but the identity of Aboriginal peoples themselves. In principle this sounds positive, but it is the dominant idea of grouping, cataloguing, taxonomicaly asigning Aboriginal participants a certain tag that has an impact on knowledge acquisition and identity building. Discursive powers shape thinking and behaviour via the presence or absence of diferent words and concepts “and the ways that disciplines of knowledge           108 are used to regulate individuals through a proces of normalization” (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007, p. 37). Belfy (2005) argues that Indigenous people are forced to walk the tightrope “betwen who we realy are and who are perceived to be by those who create popular culture, the isue of identity is forever in our minds” (p. 30).  Acording to Marker (2006) “the popular media have so saturated the public imagination with Indian stereotypes that educators tend to place indigenous people in a frozen exotic past or an asimilated, degenerate present identity” (p. 2). Notwithstanding, and contrary to this romanticized idea of the Mother Earth lover, Marker states that schools also tend to privilege a form of knowledge that asume a cultural neutrality betwen science and technology and then “indigenous ecological understandings are dismised as exotic, but irelevant, distraction” (p. 2). If Aboriginal ecological knowledge is in tune with society’s environmental paradigm, such epistemologies are validated. Once it touches other sensitivities like land, salmon or whales, the acount is diferent. VANOC’s goal may be to establish a precedent for future Games or simply to “look good on paper”. Audiences may fel that VANOC knows what it is talking about especialy since some of the definitions used in the glossary section come directly from “official” institutions such as the United Nations or the IOC. VANOC then becomes a new owner of this knowledge and, as Foucault (1980) said, “there is an administration of knowledge, a politics of knowledge, relations of power which pas via knowledge and which, if one tries to transcribe them, lead one to consider forms of domination designated by such notions as field, region and teritory” (p. 69). Freire (1993) atributes this isue to politics: “it has to do with which content gets taught, to whom, in favour of what, of whom, against what, against whom, and how it gets to be taught” (p. 40). Freire also connects it to the kind of participation students, parents, teachers, and grasroots movements have in the discussion around the organization of content.           109  Throughout this analysis, I have emphasized how, at first glance, images are just images; images that contain common or unknown elements; images that may become so familiar to our sight (or so disturbing), that they may end up becoming invisible objects, ignored. Stopping before them, gazing at them, and traveling through their topography alows us viewers to “se” more than we would normaly. An important exercise in this study implied observing the VANOC emblem and the Resist 2010 poster, and then describing them. Describing implies decoding, which implies procesing. It demonstrates how signs are triggered within our heads, how they are understood and sent back out. Acording to Symes (1998), mainstream semiotics (particularly in Saussurean terms), have tended to be “context-devoid, to be overly concerned with the formal and structural properties of language and sign systems, and to maintain a divide betwen itself and the power dynamics of society which create uneven and inequitable distributions of symbols and symbolic proceses” (p. 135). That’s one of the reasons why I took a more social approach to semiotics by looking at the way in which these images, as signs, play a role constructing the social world, in translating its meaning and significations. In Rose’s view, semiology searches for the dominant codes or myths or referent systems that underlie the surface appearance of signs (Rose, 2007). But in the end, it may also be that these images have ways of communicating, through their particular graphic techniques, that words just cannot match. Prosser (2004) wel exemplified this idea when he stated that “images alow us to make statements which cannot be made by words” (p.38).  Another stage of semiotic analysis was the study of higher-order levels of signification, the connotational aspect. This action built on the denotational inventory. I made use of Rose’s wheel on sites, modalities and methods for interpreting visual materials as a point of reference. This wheel was ilustrated in figure 1. Understanding VANOC’s emblem and the Resist 2010           110 poster caled for inquiring about the perception and reception of their visual content, as wel as about the cultural, social, and economical conditions surrounding the producers and users of these images.  As part of the connotational description of these images, I pointed out the importance of looking at the images they are constructed in contrast to, or in relation to (Rose, 2007). There was, for instance, a certain logic to the presence of two acompanying photos presented with the VANOC emblem in figure 2. I determined that’s these photos had been taken in Vancouver and Whistler, respectively. I concluded that it was necesary for VANOC to link the emblem to these two Olympic host cities especialy because inuksuit are not native to these areas.  I mentioned how sport provides a potent symbolic theme because of its asociations with “universalism, transcendence, heroism, competitivenes, individual motivation and teamship” (Rowe, 1995, p. 138). These symbolic correlations are added value to a relatively straightforward image such as the inuksuk. The emblem, in its abstract form, can be linked to any meaning VANOC deems relevant. This action requires instructing viewers explicitly, visualy or tacitly through text, photos or symbols; in order to “help them” understand Ilannaq’s set of ‘encoded’ dominant meanings that are not so obvious (Hal 1980). Metaphors play an important role in this context, not just in language but in thought and action. I explained how through metaphors, an inuksuk is no longer a marker and a pointer but a symbol of hope and friendship that welcomes people from al over the world with open arms. Since the inuksuk becomes a symbol somewhat foreign to BC, I raised the point that it may had been deliberately picked because it cannot be interpreted as representing only British Columbia in the Canadian context. In this regard, it becomes a pan-Canadian symbol. This action also implies that VANOC has opted (clearly and consciously) not to reflect the First Nations and the Pacific region in the design of their emblem. I also pointed out how signs have been a part of the Olympic Games since their inception           111 in 1896. The Resist 2010 poster presents a distorted version of the Olympic rings as a way of transforming that expected coming together of the global community promoted by the IOC. I commented how, acording to Lenskyj (2000), the anti-Olympic movement is founded on the idea that the organizers of the Olympic Games are mostly interested in power, prestige and profit. By alowing the Thunderbird to rip the perfect set of interlocking rings apart, a “disturbing” disconnection is exposed, suggesting that the society purportedly represented by this symbol is not so perfect after al. Perhaps it does not want to play by the Olympic movement’s rules. Contrary to the actions of the VANOC emblem designers, the poster designers empower the subject (the Thunderbird) and especialy the peoples represented by it, while disempowering the object (the set of rings) and the people and organization behind it. I interpreted this mesage as a kind of visual encouragement, an invitation to rethink the unthinkable. This rupture with the Games holds symbolic value and it is up to the viewers to decode it and to act on it.  It has also been mentioned in this study that for the next few years, the VANOC emblem wil be used, manipulated, and asked to stand for innumerable new things every time it is required. In order to “aford” this exchange of information to place the emblem as the “heart of the nation”, it becomes necesary for VANOC to influence the demand practices on audiences, viewers and consumers, altering their subjectivities. Adding value to the inuksuk, and by making it an object of mas production it becomes desirable as an objects of consumption (Symes, 1998). VANOC, directly or indirectly, has even appropriated the name of the city of Vancouver, making it “its city” and creating an entity that sems to drift above the civic society. The perfect scenario for its ideological construction. As expresed during the analysis of the Resist 2010 poster, this is a very rich image. It is not a simplistic “document” and its layers of intentionality are clearly laid out. I concluded that the thre main components of the poster image, a Thunderbird, a Mohawk head and the text, look           112 realisticaly familiar but may not be recognizable by al viewers. I believe that these types of images have universal value but can be modified to resemble forms that can also be interpreted localy. Posters (as a genre) can be used to communicate more radical mesages. This is exactly what the creators of this image did. Instead of following the trend of consumerism, they opted to be critical. The RESIST 2010 poster is a form of publicity but not for consumerism. It has a critical view on the genre and uses it to communicate political ideas. By openly promoting the ideology of a multidisciplinary movement, it seks to directly empower diferent audiences and create a sense of awarenes of the problem it exposes. An oppositional form of expresion suggests a counter-hegemonic type of reading, which tries to chalenge the status quo and the dominant order of things (Rose, 2007). In this sense, I discussed how the poster is a form of revolution in the art of digital communication and a pathway to collaborative literacy and transformative learning (McLaren and Kincheloe, 2007).  In have also mentioned how, in the proces of design, financial exchange betwen the designer and the buyer, and the implementation of the image, there is a power execution. The emblem as such “dis-empowers” the original subject (the inuksuk) and thus its original creators, and empowers the object (the Olympic rings and the event) and its new owners. VANOC sets up the rules, values and intentions of how the inuksuk should be looked at and used (se Appendix E). This efect is, in a way, supported by the expectations of the graphic market (style, customers and production, amongst other factors). Logos are “meant to” simplify ideas, be recognizable and should be easy to reproduce in diferent formats. The graphic artists involved in the designing proces of the VANOC emblem, were not “fre” to exercise their ful potential because they had to tailor-make an image that fulfiled the expectations of the IOC.  In contrast to this idea, Norman Halendy’s discourse reinforces the practical value of inuksuit and how they transcend symbolic atachments. Inuksuit have been used to show the way           113 when travelers were looking for their home, to mark the best river or ocean crossings, or to warn of very dangerous spots; even to show where food was stored, especialy when it was covered with snow. In one way or another, this chapter aims to dig into the distracting elements forming the co-modified inuksuk and to unearth its practical values, buried somewhere behind the symbolic atachments colouring the emblem as a reflection of where the Aboriginal participation goals for the Vancouver Olympics may be placed.  By drawing links betwen the warior society and the West Coast First Nations, the Resist 2010 poster suggests gestures of solidarity, a united cause, and links betwen diferent forms of group claims and struggles for recognition. Not only has the strength of the warior movement been underestimated because it is perceived as a criminal and terorist organization, but the struggles of the Aboriginal Nations in Canada have been ignored: Aboriginal land claims, oppresion, homelesnes, resistance to capitalist measures, amongst many other isues. VANOC deliberately ignores these isues. I explained how, in my view, the term “resist” has an internal tension within its meaning that relates to one of the research questions of this study, the search for public pedagogy opportunities in this image. One of the meanings of the term “resist” is a cal to “atack”. The other one is an invitation to “constrain”. Resisting is a form of opposing, implying an internal balance of tensions. It is almost like the act of designing the poster (more active) and the act of contemplating it (more pasive). Resisting embraces social change and the importance of re-evaluating the social paterns in order to transform them (Freire 1970). Freire contributed to the field of adult learning by questioning the neutrality of traditional education. This poster questions a system that stil excludes certain groups or members of society. The fact that the NO2010 website runs paralel and in opposition to VANOC’s, creates a space of intersection and interaction where knowledge can be produced, commented on and articulated.  Powerful images and words are engraved onto the poster. The language used for the           114 Resist 2010 poster is a more direct one, more prosaic and les formal or staged. Some of these claims are as controversial as the topic of police represion. I mentioned how one’s own sense of represion and prefered reading of the social order can prevent us from frely viewing, for instance, elements of represion in police. I compared this action to what Foucault (1980) cals “surveilance”, that silent self way of control. I did point out that statements, such as the ones depicted on the poster, may prevent some people from trying to understand the mesage before they discard it. Again, forms of prefered reading tend to afirm the hegemonic political, economic, social and cultural order (Rose, 2007). The reading of these mesages, acording to Wiliamson (1978) would depend on the concrete receivers, in whose systems of belief the emblem or the poster makes sense.  In this chapter I have drawn connections betwen visual elements and pedagogy. I have stated that visual imagery is never innocent, as it is always constructed through various practices, technologies and knowledges that require reflection (Rose, 2007). The following chapter addreses and exemplifies the link betwen cultural productions and pedagogy, especialy in regard to websites such as VANOC and NO2010 which are paralel public spaces of interaction where knowledge can be produced, commented on and articulated.                   115 Chapter 5: Pedagogy and the Visual Overall Approach My interest in the field of visual culture is motivated by a concern over the intersection of theory and practice in adult public pedagogy and cultural productions, as wel as over the power/knowledge relations present in visual technologies such as the Internet. Influenced by Foucauldian and critical theory, I have brought a semiotic analysis framework to bear in a critical pedagogical approach to visual culture and the exploration of “how dominant discourses work through multiple cultural texts” (Mathews, 2005, p. 206). I also examine how the practice of resistance to dominant discourses may operate as public and critical cultural forms of pedagogy, through the ways in which they foster participatory resistant cultural production, engage “the public”, create forms of community politic and open spaces of transformation (Milam & Sandlin, 2008). Using a visual methodology, such as semiotic analysis, alows me to draw links betwen two websites and their content; in particular, two images, an emblem and a poster, that can be acesed respectively on the VANOC website and the anti-Olympics webpage NO2010. I have identified these two websites and their images as sources of public pedagogy. In this chapter, I aim to support this claim while taking a closer look at the role of the “visual” within pedagogy and the connection to cultural production. My main goal is to addres my second research question regarding the links betwen websites and public pedagogy. McLaren & Kincheloe (2007) state that “intricate layers of visual meaning must be studied from diferent perspectives as wel as diferent cultural and epistemological traditions” (p. 14).              116 Pedagogy and Critical Pedagogy I would like to start this section by considering the notion of pedagogy. My approach to pedagogy is in agrement with the concepts presented by Henry Giroux, American cultural critic and public pedagogy advocate. Acording to Giroux (2004) in “Cultural Studies, Public Pedagogy, and the Responsibility of Intelectuals”, pedagogy represents a mode of cultural production and a type of cultural criticism that “is esential for questioning the conditions under which knowledge is produced, values afirmed, afective investments engaged, and subject positions put into place, negotiated, taken up, or refused” (2004, p. 62). Giroux further states that “pedagogy, at its best, implies that learning takes place across a spectrum of social practices and setings” (p. 62). In agrement with Giroux’s statements, I believe that pedagogy is “not simply about the social construction of knowledge, values, and experiences; it is also a performative practice embodied in the lived interactions among educators, audiences, texts, and institutional formations” (p. 62). Pedagogy’s role lies not only in changing how people think about themselves, others and the world, but also in energizing learners to engage in the struggles that further possibilities for living in a more just society (Giroux, 2004). In the main theoretical framework of this study, chapter 2, I referenced the work of Paulo Freire, supporter of the role of pedagogy as a means of achieving radical social change (Elias & Meriam, 2005) and thus changing the world. Education in this viewpoint is connected with “social, political, and economic understanding of cultures, and with the development of methods to bring people to an awarenes of responsible social action” (p. 14). Radical or critical pedagogy derives from various radical movements such as anarchism, Marxism, socialism and radical feminism as also noted in chapter 2. Acording to McLaren & Kincheloe (2007) “Critical pedagogy forges both critique and agency through a language of scepticism and possibility and culture of opennes, debate and engagement” (p. 2). Paulo Freire, as a radical critic of traditional           117 instruction, questions two basic educational asumptions. The first of these is the neutrality of education (Elias & Meriam, 2005). Acording to Freire, “it is culture that produces education and uses it for its own self-perpetuation” (Elias & Meriam, 2005, p. 165). His second asumption is the relative status of teacher and student and the efects that existing educational methods have on learners. Knowledge for Freire is power. He says that in geting a person to know or learn, “the teacher exercises power and control over the student” (Elias & Meriam, 2005, p. 165). Education in his view has been used to indoctrinate groups of people into specific atitudes like acepting an inferior role, acepting arbitrary religious authorities or acepting the need to produce and consume. In Freire’s view, when education is domesticating, “people are prevented from thinking their own thoughts, ariving at their own decisions, having the consciousnes that change is possible”( Elias & Meriam, 2005, p. 165). Freire advocated for a more liberating education where teachers and students engage in dialogue, “not only in the sense of consciousnes raising but also because of its connection to action” (Elias & Meriam, 2005, p. 166). The highest level of consciousnes for Freire is critical consciousnes, achieved through the proces of concientization. Concientization for Freire is a social activity in which individuals communicate through dialogue with others about how they experience reality. Acording to Elias & Meriam (2005), “this proces of knowing has implications for Freire’s theory of pedagogy where dialogue and social activity are esential to the learning proces” (p. 157). Public Pedagogy In my methods chapter, I reference the work of Jamaican cultural theorist and sociologist Stuart Hal (1980) in particular as it relates to culture and visual signs (Rose, 2007). I expand on this notion further down in this study as I connect public pedagogy to cultural studies, but here I consider it relevant to refer to his approach to public pedagogy. In “Public Pedagogy as Cultural Politics: Stuart Hal and the ‘Crisis’ of Culture”, Giroux (2000) describes the work of           118 Hal as “crucial for understanding pedagogy as a mode of cultural criticism that is esential for questioning the conditions under which knowledge is produced and subject positions are put into place, negotiated, taken up, or refused” (p. 342). Hal believes that public pedagogy, as a performative practice, is a critical one “designed to understand the social context of everyday life as lived relations of power” (Giroux, 2000, p. 355). In this realm, Hal considers it important to become involved at those ‘intersections’ where people ‘live their lives’ and where meaning is “produced, asumed, and contested in the unequal relations of power that construct the mundane activities of everyday relations” (p. 355). Central to Hal’s work is the idea that public pedagogy is an ongoing work of mediation, and its atention to the struggles and interconnections that are motivated by knowledge, history, language and spatial relations (Giroux, 2000). Public pedagogy to Hal is also more than a technical procedure; it entails a moral and political practice. He believes there is a link betwen public pedagogy and interdisciplinary, transgresive, and oppositional practices (Giroux, 2000), and that such practices should connect to broader projects “designed to further racial, economic, and political democracy” (p. 354). Finaly, Hal considers public pedagogy as a struggle over identifications, and as such, key to raising broader questions about how notions of diference, community, civic acountability, and belonging are produced “in specific historical and institutional sites within specific discursive formations and practices, by specific enunciative strategies” (Hal, 1996, p. 4). Culture and Public Pedagogy I endorse the idea that education is a social practice connected and mediated by other social practices (Sunker, 1994, 1998). At the outset of this chapter I mentioned how Giroux (2004) defines pedagogy as representing a mode of cultural production and a type of cultural criticism. Cultural production can indeed be thought of as a form of education because it           119 generates knowledge, constructs identity, sets values, and “shows” social constructions (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007). In this context, culture is acknowledged as the social field where goods and social practices are not only produced, circulated, and consumed but also invested with various meanings and ideologies implicated in the generation of political efects (Giroux 2004).  For Giroux (2004), culture is the sphere in which individuals, groups, and institutions engage in translating the diverse relations that mediate betwen private life and public concerns. It is also the field where forces of neo-liberalism “disolve public isues into utterly privatized and individualistic concerns” (p. 62). Giroux believes that “culture now plays a central role in producing naratives, metaphors, and images that exercise a powerful pedagogical force over how people think of themselves and their relationship to others”(p. 62). For Rose (2007), culture is a complex concept. She argues that the result of its deployment has been that “social scientists are now very often interested in the ways in which social life is constructed through the ideas that people have about it, and the practices that flow from these ideas” (p. 1). To Hal, culture is neither fre-floating nor unmoving. It is “the social field where power repeatedly mutates, where identities are in transit, and where agency is often located where it is least acknowledged” (Giroux, 2000, p. 354). To Hal, culture is also concerned with the production and exchange of meanings; thus it “depends on its participants interpreting meaningfully what is around them and ‘making sense’ of the world, in a broadly similar way” (Hal, 1997, p. 2). Complementing this idea, Giroux (2000) states that “Culture’s primacy as a substantive and epistemological force highlights its educational nature as a site where identities are continualy being transformed and power enacted” (p. 354). In this context, learning is the means for the acquisition of agency and for the concept of social change (Giroux, 2000). Giroux, like Freire, draws links betwen pedagogy and culture as a referent for understanding the conditions of critical learning and the           120 ‘often hidden’ dynamics of social and cultural reproduction. Giroux (2000) further argues that as a performative practice, pedagogy is at work in al of  those public spaces where culture works to secure identities; it does its bridging work negotiating the relationship betwen knowledge, pleasure, and values; and it renders authority both crucial and problematic in legitimating particular social practices, communities, and forms of power (p. 354). Acording to Hal, the educational force of culture lies in its focus on representations and ethical discourses as the condition for learning, agency, the functioning of social practices, and so on. As diferent groups in a society make sense of the world in their own diferent ways, representations are those forms that made meanings take (Rose, 2007). Representations structure the way people behave. Hal believes that “culture offers both the symbolic and material resources as wel as the context and content for the negotiation of knowledge and skils” (Giroux, 2000, p. 353). Through this negotiation, culture would facilitate a critical reading of the world from a position of “agency and possibility, although within unequal relations of power” (p. 253). Hal supports the idea that the educational capacity of culture enlarges our understanding of the public reach of pedagogy as an educational practice that “operates both inside and outside the academy”, (Hal, 1992, p. 11) expanding its reach across multiple sites and spaces. Giroux (2004) further suggests that culture is “the ground of both contestation and acommodation, and it is increasingly characterized by the rise of mega-corporations and new technologies that are transforming the traditional spheres of the economy, industry, society, and everyday life” (p. 62). Acording to Critical Pedagogy, Where Are We Now? edited by McLaren and Kincheloe (2007), trans-national capital has embraced an aesthetic that worships “co-modification of diference, ephemerality, spectacle, and fashion” (p. 30). Rose, as wel as Freire           121 and Giroux, states that the flow of capital is producing new discourses designed to ‘regulate the population’, as many come to asociate the ‘good things in life’ and happines with the privatized dominion of consumption (Rose, 2007). Pleasure produced by capital distorts traditional concepts of space and time as it is believed to be a powerful social educator (McLaren and Kincheloe, 2007). Hegemony. Antonio Gramsci termed hegemony as the type of power that produces the dominant meanings and values of a society; the type of power that is maintained by culturaly constituted norms and displayed on publicly available media (Rose, 2007). Acording to McLaren and Kincheloe (2007) hegemony “operates where afect and politics intersect: the cultural realm” (p. 31). The cultural realm involves popular culture and its relationship to power. Popular culture, and visual culture within it, involves “television, movies, video games, music, internet, instant mesaging, iPods, shopping mals, theme parks, etc.” (p. 31). The power of the hegemony is thus manifested primarily through coercion and consent rather than force. ‘Cultural hegemony’ could easily flow through media, religious groups, education systems, movies, music, the Internet and other instances that may influence viewers and participants to help maintain the status quo. Following the work of Gramsci, cultural theorists like Giroux acknowledge the predominance of culture’s role as an educational site where identities are being “continualy transformed, power is enacted, and learning asumes a political dynamic as it becomes not only the condition for the acquisition of agency but also the sphere for imagining oppositional social change” (Giroux, 2004, p. 60). This perspective conceptualizes popular culture as an “active proces, where cultural commodities and experiences are not simply pasively consumed, but are the raw materials people use to create popular culture, within various contexts of power relations” (Storey, 1999, 2006).           122 Visual culture, power and knowledge.  Acording to Rose (2007) visual culture refers to “the plethora of ways in which the visual is part of the social life” (p. 4). In the theoretical framework to this study, I stated how in the 1990s, the field of educational research saw the emergence of several works that looked into aspects of visual culture and education. Some of these works analysed film, television, advertising, and popular culture. Stuart Hal (1990), Elizabeth Elsworth (1997), Henry Giroux (1994, 2000), bel hooks (1995) and Gene Maeroff (1998) are, amongst others, some of the theorists that have brought atention to the impact of visual culture on schools, students, and teachers (Fischman, 2001). Despite these eforts, education as a field of inquiry has often avoided the examination of visual culture and the necesary debates about the epistemological value of images in educational research (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998; Paulston, 1999).  This study pays close atention to the role of the visual in public pedagogy, and in particular, to the use of visual representations, such as digital images displayed on the Internet, as sources for knowledge acquisition. In agrement with Rose (2007), I believe that “the visual is central to the cultural construction of social life in contemporary Western societies” (p. 2). A focus on visual culture and pedagogy raises the question of how can pedagogy expose the way representations come to be established as “truth”. In this regard, the work of Michel Foucault has brought some light to my research. A Foucauldian approach to text and discourse has given me the tools with which to explore the relationship betwen truth, power and knowledge in the visual realm (Mathews, 2005). Alen (2002) argues that Foucault was interested in questions such as how can the truth be told, by what techniques, and acording to what regularities and conditions? She claims that his answer was through discourse. Discourses are the “means through which the field speaks of itself to itself” (Danaher et al, 2000, p. 33). Discourses are “organizations of knowledge, and are always linked to power, embedded in social institutions,           123 and produce ways of understanding” (Pennycook, 1994, p. 127). In light of Foucauldian theory, I have established a relation betwen discourse, power/knowledge and semiotics, especialy within the dominion of the Internet as the medium where al these forces met and interact. Semiotics and Public Pedagogy The cultural domain surfaces as a central political place where ideological consciousnes and education is constructed (Giroux, 2004). In this realm, I believe that everyday life is influenced by a semiotic environment shaped in part by al kinds of corporate-produced images. If, as I have claimed, the visual is central to cultural construction and meaning making, then semiology can offer useful visual tools because it is a “very productive way of thinking about visual meaning” (Rose, 2007, p. 103). Notwithstanding, when analysing and interpreting images, we are just interpreting (Rose, 2007); thus we need an explicit methodology to justify those interpretations. If taken seriously, semiology can be a critical visual methodology that “provides a number of tools for understanding exactly how a particular image is structured” (p. 103). In line with Gramsci’s ideas, Stuart Hal argues that mas media usualy encodes ‘dominant codes’, which support the existing political, economic, social and cultural order. Encoding, as it was explained in chapter 3, is the proces in which a particular code becomes part of the semiotic structure of an image. This proces applies to al popular culture technologies, such as the Internet, that can therefore be subject to a proces of ‘decoding’. In my methods chapter I introduced the work of Hal and his approach to visual signs. Hal’s position, as noted by Rose (2007), suggests how visual signs “can afirm the dominant ideological or institutional structure of society by offering what Hal caled the text’s ‘prefered reading’” (p. 198). Hall used semiological tools in order to understand how social power relations were ‘encoded’ into the discourses of the mas media. These same semiological tools can be applied to ‘decoding’ visual signs displayed on the Internet as a public medium for image disemination. As audiences           124 read and decode discourses and images in diferent ways, they are in a constant proces of meaning making of the information they encounter in everyday lives. As has also been noted, Hal talks about thre diferent kinds of image readings (Rose, 2007). There is a prefered reading, a counter-hegemonic reading, and a negotiated reading. These types of readings and forms of meaning making of visual signs, when these signs are diseminated through public media, are manifestations of public pedagogy. I have claimed that pedagogy represents a mode of cultural production and that cultural production can indeed be understood as a form of education because it generates knowledge, constructs identity and sets values (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007). Semiology then, as a tool for decoding ‘dominant codes’, can be used as a pedagogical tool. Rose (2007) suggests that semiology can be concerned with the “construction of social diference through signs” (p. 103). Within this context, a critical semiology can focus on ideology, ideological complexes and dominant codes, and also on the resistance to those codes, suggesting that semiology can consider “the social efects of meaning” (p.103). Nevertheles, I have also claimed that mainstream semiotics, particularly the Saussurean style, has tended to be lacking context. Colin Symes (1998) states that this type of semiotics is “overly concerned with the formal and structural properties of language and sign systems” (p. 135). Acording to Symes, the Saussurean approach maintains a divide betwen itself and the power dynamics of society, and it therefore creates uneven and unjust distributions of symbols and symbolic proceses. Symes (1998) supports the idea of social semiotics, a concept that I wil discus further down in this chapter.               125 Critical Cultural Pedagogy In the outset of this chapter, I stated that culture ofers symbolic, material resources, the context and the content for the negotiation of knowledge and skils (Giroux, 2000). In this negotiation, culture can be the vehicle to facilitate a critical reading of the world from a position of “agency and possibility” (p. 253). Pedagogy is at work in public spaces, especialy in the age of media technology, multimedia, and computer-based information and communication networks (Giroux, 2004). Stuart Hal’s work emphasizes the need for educators to focus on representations as a mode of public exchange. Giroux (2000) states that critical cultural pedagogy “should ascertain how certain meanings under particular historical conditions become more legitimate as representations of reality and take on the force of common sense asumptions shaping a broader set of discourses and social configurations at work in the dominant social order”. (p. 355) Hal argues that cultural pedagogy is the “outcome of particular struggles over specific representations, identifications and forms of agency” (p. 352). He does this by pointing to the varied ways in which culture is related to power and “how and where culture functions both symbolicaly and institutionaly as an educational, political, and economic force” (p. 352). In this sense, a critical cultural pedagogy is concerned with the ways the dominant culture produces particular hegemonic ways of seing. In chapter 4 I looked at two organizations, VANOC and NO2010, and compared diferent images displayed on their websites. I expresed my concern over how transnational organizations, such as the International Olympic Commite and its Canadian proxy VANOC, have gained increasing control over the production and flow of information. The diferent readings and forms of meaning making of visual signs triggered by VANOC’s website are manifestations of public learning. Contemporary critical cultural pedagogy is concerned with new technologies such as the Internet and organizational developments such as VANOC and           126 how they have alowed capital greater aces to the world and to human consciousnes (Giroux, 2000). What audiences are learning from VANOC would depend on its social approach which, in my view, may be perpetuating the alienation of viewers from other knowledges of the social and the self. Examples to ilustrate this suggestion are the ways VANOC Aboriginal participation goals have been placed in the “sustainability” tab of the website linked primarily to environmental isues, or the way the Inuksuk emblem has been captured, transformed and appropriated for VANOC’s own use. Critical cultural pedagogy is also concerned with the belief that “without critical intervention, the public space deteriorates and critical consciousnes is erased” (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007, p. 30), especialy since pleasure produced by capital is distorting traditional concepts of space and time (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007). Since corporations, such as VANOC produce pleasure (in the shape of “winter sports” and consumption products, amongst others), the leson could be that individuals should perhaps align their interests with them. Social Semiotics In previous chapters, I have mentioned that the understanding of how language works in the construction of the social and organizational realities is one of the intersections betwen Foucauldian theory and semiology. Visual research methods, such as semiotics, can be conducted in a way as to be consistent with Foucauldian analysis. Alen (2002) states that “discourse has been adopted by people interested in questions of the interconnections betwen structures of meaning and relations of power” (p. 15). In this context, the use of the term ‘discourse’ as language in use is close to the social semiotics concept of text and other forms of visual culture. The term social semiotics was previously introduced as a tool to observe how meaning making leads audiences to discover that “discourses cannot be sen as operating in isolation, refering to one single uncontested view of reality, but derive their meaning in dynamic interaction with other           127 discourses”(Cohen et al, 2007, p. 53). Acording to Alen (2002), social semiotics “ses meaning making as a social act and a communicative practice” (p. 13). In Symes’ viewpoint, “social semiotics brings into close focus the way in which signs play a role constructing the social world, in translating its meaning and significations in a climate of an ever-changing political economy of competing interests and demands” (1998, p. 135). Based on the abovementioned statements, I would suggest that the role of visual signs as players in the construction of our social world is esential to pedagogy. Social semiotics, as a bearer of decoding tools, is also crucial to critical cultural pedagogy. Alen (2002) further suggests that texts [or visual signs of any sort] are a site for meaning-production, and also “the material ‘traces’ of that proces of meaning production entailing socialy situated acts of communication” (p. 19). The participants and viewers of visual technologies may wel be readers of newspapers, surfers of the VANOC and NO2010 websites or those involved in dialogue by phone or emails. Meaning is mediated through diferent discourses and it reflects the interests and values of particular groups and institutions (Cohen et al, 2007).  Critical Cultural Pedagogy and the Internet The Internet as a medium has done much to widen the scope of disemination of cultural text and al other kinds of visual representations and explorations of identity, community, and culture (Crane, 2000). Herman and Swis (2000) argue that “the World Wide Web is the most wel-known, celebrated, and promoted manifestation of ‘cyberspace’[..] as a complex nexus of economic, political, social and aesthetic forces” (Herman & Swis, 2000, p. 1). The Internet as a source of pedagogy also offers those extended avenues through which learning may take place because of its ability to provide open and rapid aces to information on demand. This proces of learning requires that the learner engages in reflection and action with the medium (Marsick & Volpe, 1999).            128 I stated earlier how the Internet, as a digital medium, becomes an alternative platform that invites specific visualities . Acording to Crane (2000), cyberspace exists not only as a discernable entity but as a ‘site’, “in the most metaphorical sense, of cultural, social, and of course technological tension. This tension is productive […] It has ushered in new ays of understanding agency, social interaction, and identity” (p. 88). A mega-event like the Olympics is not only about showing off Vancouver and Whistler to the world. It is also about showing the world to the locals while inviting them to take on new identities. Based on the idea of cultural hegemony as explained by Gramsci, the theory of power/knowledge as suggested by Foucault, and the critical pedagogy perspective of Paulo Freire, these identities may be designed on the basis of production and consumption of diverse products displayed on the VANOC website. I have discussed how the impact of the monetary systems and the pursuit of profitable markets manipulate mesages in order to sel. Many images are aimed at reaching people’s hearts or pockets. If we (as the “public”) are unable to read the connotations of what we se, read or hear we would just fal into the patern of the pasive consumers (and I am not only refering to unnecesary goods but also to education, ethics, politics, and the general philosophy of life). In visual terms, any kind of media (and in this case the Internet) “reveal multiple levels of intentionality and meaning” (Prosser, 2004, p. 16). The intentional and unintentional elements combined in the creation and interpretation of images; the way they are used to portray worlds and meanings; the way we se through other people’s eyes and the way we are sen by ourselves and others is at play. In contemporary culture, websites such as VANOC’s and the NO2010’s have become central to the constitution of social identity. It is not just that they are important forms of influence on individuals; we also identify and construct ourselves as social beings through the mediation of the images displayed by those websites (Valaskakis & Wilson, 1985). Acording to Rose (2007), “The seing of an image thus always takes place in a particular social           129 context that mediates its impact. It also always takes place in a specific location with its own particular practices” (Rose, 2007, p.11). Looking at images entails a reflection about how they offer particular visions of social categories such as clas, gender, race or sexuality. Rose states that images do not “exist in the vacuum” (p. 39), they construct identity and “show” social constructions (McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007).  The Internet, or cyberspace, engages in ongoing public and academic discourses (Crane, 2000). Some of these texts and other forms of visual representations are spaces for presentation of dominant discourses or what Crane (2000) cals ‘spaces of marginalization’. Notwithstanding that power of dominant discourses, individuals can and do resist, drawing on diferent, oppositional discourses, by creating divergent meanings, reconstructing dominant discourses and negotiating understandings in light of their own circumstances. Consequently, cyberspace is also a space of resistance and hope (Crane, 2000, p. 88). Crane argues, for instance, that the Internet (or any particular website) as a medium may be able to present, represent and reduce Aboriginal peoples to stereotypical images and “make Aboriginal traditions and spiritual practices commodities to be bought and sold, and engage in cultural appropriation of Aboriginal knowledge” (2000, p. 88). However, indigenous peoples are also mobilising and resisting dominant discourses. Crane states that “Indigenous cyberspace participants [or perhaps website creators] can use this medium to chalenge dominant stereotypes and discourses, engaging in dialogue which enables resistance activities to be articulated, shared and acknowledged” (p. 89). Public and Cultural Pedagogies In this chapter, I have drawn links betwen two websites, their images and diferent forms of pedagogy in response to may second research question. Considering Freire’s theoretical framework, I believe that when community activist groups and others raise a vision of a more just society through diferent visual technologies, they enact cultural resistance. As a           130 result, the public “who view or engage with this activism, might experience potential moments of critical learning” (Milam & Sandlin, 2008, p. 324). Critical cultural pedagogy with its concerns about the ways the dominant culture produces particular hegemonic ways of seing, how human agency and democratic participation can be enabled in the public sphere, how capital has gained greater aces to the world and thus to human consciousnes and how without critical intervention critical consciousnes is endangered, offers the potential to “connect learners with one another and to connect individual lives to social isues—both in and beyond the clasroom” (Milam & Sandlin, 2008, p. 324). In acordance with critical theories of adult education and cultural pedagogy, I believe that the proces of learning about power/knowledge relations engrained in discourses, whether writen or visual, should lead to eventual awarenes and visual literacy; to recognizing the just and unjust covert forces that are the infrastructure of our systems of control and power relations. Shirato and Yel (2000) define cultural literacy as “the ability to negotiate contexts through acts of meaning-making” (p. 1). Here is where adult education takes place. Many adult educators believe that the halmark of adult education is cultural transformation for development of the self (McLaren and Kincheloe, 2007). Unlike the VANOC website and its emblem, a website such as the NO2010 and a poster like the Resist 2010 invite participants to “(re)consider their understandings of themselves, their relationships with others, and the interaction of their subjectivities within society for the purposes of questioning and chalenging the current political and social milieu” (Milam & Sandlin, 2008, p. 335). I chose this anti-Olympic website and its poster because of their connection to resistance, social movement and protest, and thus to critical public and cultural pedagogies. Resisting a corporate hegemony is an adult education moment (M. Marker, personal communication, January 14, 2008).           131 Acording to Darts (2004), resistance is acomplished through “rewriting” hegemonic discourses of societal symbols and chalenging viewer-learners to “move beyond modes of pasive spectatorship and towards more active and expresive forms of communication with and in the world around them” (p. 325). In ‘public’ spaces such as the NO2010 website, viewer-learners are able to (re)consider their role in society, both as individuals and in relation to others (Milam & Sandlin, 2008). I claim that visual literacy and counter-hegemonic approaches to visual culture are forms of public and critical cultural pedagogies because they can foster “human agency and democratic participation in the public sphere” (p. 325). In this regard, they can open what Elsworth (2005) cals “transitional spaces”. Transitional spaces are “spaces of play, creativity, and cultural production; they help us bridge the boundaries betwen the self and the other” (Elsworth, 2005, p. 62). The notion of resistance lies in the power of human agency and in how individuals have the power to “reject, modify, or incorporate dominant ideologies and cultures” (Milam & Sandlin, 2008, p. 325).  Critical public and cultural pedagogies have informed this study as they are ongoing works of mediation in the social context of everyday life and as they pay atention to the struggles and interconnections that are motivated by knowledge, history, language, spatial relations, and so on (Giroux, 2000). As expresed in the overal approach to this chapter, I speculate that the practice of resistance to dominant discourses operates as critical cultural pedagogy. If this resistance takes place in ‘public spaces’ such as the ones provided by websites and other visual technologies, then they are also forms of public pedagogy. Critical cultural pedagogy and public pedagogy are in the capacity to foster human agency, participatory resistant cultural production, engage ‘the public’, create forms of community politic and open spaces of transformation (Milam & Sandlin, 2008). Giroux defines agency as the “the linking of capacities to the ability of people to intervene in and change social forms”. In this regard, as           132 Crane also suggests, agency, as a wel of resistance, offers hope and a site for new democratic relations, institutional formations, and identities (Giroux 2000, Crane 2000). In the meaning making proces of everyday cultural productions, where social semiotics plays also an important role, evolving critical thinking and visual literacy would help audiences asert their agency and self direction in relation to such power plays. Acording to Mingers (2000), agency helps individuals chalenge the structures that form them and acknowledge how meanings are social constructs that have been produced and reproduced in particular social contexts. Giroux and Hal also believe that if agency is negotiated, if it is made and perhaps remade within the symbolic and material relations of power, and if it is enacted within diverse and changing historical and relational contexts, “it cannot be removed from the self-reflexive possibilities of pedagogy nor can it be detached from the dynamics of cultural politics” (p. 354). Stil, in everyday reality there are other chalenges. It is also important to be aware of the possibility of faling into the same paterns the resistance is fighting against. Milam & Sandlin posit that there are struggles within counter-hegemonic views in critical culture pedagogy as they may create environments that “hinder critical learning by imposing a rigid presence on the viewer-learner that limits creativity and transgresion” (2005, p. 342). Elsworth (1988) also believes that resistance may at times reinforce “represive myths by atempting to dictate who people should be and what they should think, rather than alowing for the open talking back” (p. 310). Milam & Sandlin suggest that critical educators interested in counter-hegemonic resistance must “learn how to foster spaces of transition, and to learn to avoid closing those spaces by imposing predetermined moral positions already constructed” (2005, p. 345). The cyberspace is open to provide spaces for meaningful exchange but also as Tator et al argue, it “cannot disclaim the existence of disparate social realities, diferent subjectivities, distinct histories, and diverse           133 truths” (1998, p. 267). Freire suggests dialogue as the pathway to concientization and concientization as the first stage for taking action and changing the world. Resistance groups like NO2010 may hope to turn typicaly pasive activities into active ones in which they create culture, rather than simply criticise it (Milam & Sandlin, 2005, p. 331). I believe that in doing so, it is important to constantly foster spaces of transition and dialogue by approaching their spaces as partial truths, rather than complete facts.                             134 Chapter 6: Conclusions and Recomendations The purpose of this final chapter is to provide conclusions and recomendations for future studies, dealing with a range of isues from how my research questions have ben addresed and answered to how alternative public dialogue can be promoted based on the findings of this study. Ultimately, this paper is part of a proces where we learn and reflect after close examination and not search for a single stratagem. The folowing comentaries do not summarize this work but adjoin to it, as an ongoing reflection on learning, complementing the discusions presented at the end of chapters 4 and 5. Conclusions This critical qualitative research project drew on both Freirian critical adult pedagogy and Foucauldian theory on power and knowledge. The purpose of this study was to examine the Vancouver Organizing Comite’s stated goals regarding Aboriginal participation as presented by this organization and how these goals compared to asociated images of First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples depicted on VANOC’s website (research question 1). I also looked at how VANOC’s website images compared to alternative images, such as the ones displayed on the NO2010 protest website (research question 2). My objective was to determine in what ways these two websites were examples of public pedagogy and critical cultural pedagogy (research question 3). In acomplishing this task, I was able to identify, describe and analyse the visual content made available by VANOC. By using a document case study and image-based research tools, I observed and critiqued two images made available for learning by VANOC and the NO2010, respectively. I performed semiotic analysis of the Inuksuk emblem and the Resist 2010 poster, aproaching these signs in a systematic form in order to describe how they produced           135 meaning. Semiotic analysis alowed me to draw links betwen these two images based on their content, the ideas they portray and the context in which they were designed. Semiotic analysis has also provided me with the tools to look back on what VANOC and NO2010 have done, measuring that against specific methodologies and visual tools in order to ases the websites’ posible impact on viewers. Achieving higher levels of signification involves careful examination of diferent sites (image, production and audience) and modalities (technological, compositional, social) and their manifestations. Some of my findings dealt with the grouping and sectoring of VANOC participants into the “Sustainability” tab section; aproaching “resistance” as a form of pedagogy and the “visual” as a research tool; uncovering apropriation of images and distortion of meanings and decoding paterns of visual consumerism. VANOC has the oportunity, but also faces the chalenge and the responsibility to be one of the first Olympic Games to pay more atention to Aboriginal participation. In past Games, such as Calgary, Sydney and Salt Lake City, this kind of participation has focused primarily on ceremonies and cultural programs. VANOC’s self-expresed mision includes cultural and educational components aimed at tourists and other viewers with the purpose of reflecting “our city’s, and our country’s, great cultural diversity, rich Aboriginal heritage, and lively, progresive arts scene” (para 10. “Culture and”, n.d.). Nonetheles, its disclaimer is that it does not have a template to follow nor clear indicators for how to measure its succes or failure (para.15, “The role”, n.d.). I believe that VANOC as an organization has the capacity to choose whether to entertain, persuade or enlighten (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998) its public. Perhaps al thre at the same time. It has already taken a specific aproach to embracing its Aboriginal Participation goals as mandated by the IOC and, as such, VANOC’s social influence on audiences           136 is geared toward the adoption of its own beliefs. Openly and tacitly, it broadly helps audiences acquire new knowledges and understandings of its worldview. It has aproached a group of four First Nations, adopted an Inuit icon, created a glossary of terms to define its ideas on how meaning works and placed the Aboriginal participation goals within a tabbed section whose topics are sustainability and environmental isues. The question is, how is VANOC reaching these Aboriginal participation goals? I am, more than ever, convinced that VANOC is not on the right track, that it is mising a unique oportunity. VANOC’s aproach is clearly connected to consumerism and to stereotypical asumptions of what Canadian and Aboriginal culture is like. In my opinion, this idealized portrayal of Canada and its peoples narows the range of interpretations available. This is to some extent explained by the fact there can be no posible exercise of power without a certain economy of discourses of truth, which operate through and on the basis of this asociation (Foucault, 1980). We are subjected to the production of truth through power, and power determines the kind of city we live in, the kind of peoples we become and the kind of knowledges we ned to acquire, either to decode mesages or to take away from a website display as a source of learning.  Through this visual research exercise I identified clear adult learning components and oportunities acesible in this context, some of them being how antagonistic images, contradicting discourses and forms of resistance are manifestations of critical adult education pedagogy. I defined public pedagogy as an ongoing work of mediation, and its atention to the struggles and interconnections that are motivated by knowledge, history, language and spatial relations (Giroux, 2000), especialy at those ‘intersections’ where people ‘live their lives’ and where meaning is produced. I paid close atention to the role of the visual in public pedagogy,           137 and in particular, to the use of visual representations, such as digital images displayed on the Internet, as sources for knowledge acquisition. This project also examined anti-Olympics imagery, as evidence of a contested public discourse surrounding the symbols of the 2010 Winter Games. Resisting a corporate hegemony is an adult education moment (M. Marker, personal communication, January 14, 2008) and resistance is acomplished through ‘rewriting’ hegemonic discourses of societal symbols and chalenging viewer-learners to “move beyond modes of pasive spectatorship and towards more active and expresive forms of communication with and in the world around them” (Darts, 2004, p. 325). In this research study I have suported the idea that our understanding of the world is not a direct sensory one but one mediated by signs and, thus, by images (Danesi, 2004). In this context, visual research is extremely relevant. Images by themselves do not convey meaning; it is through language systems that we can expres meaning. Visual representations can only make sense to us when they are embedded in asumptions suplied by our social framework (Hal, 1997). We asign images a meaning, and sometimes more than one, making them polysemic. This is one of the reasons why I found an image-based research aproach relevant. I believe that very few studies on the topic of the Olympic Movement have combined visual elements and adult education. Smith has said that “The lack of research into the consumption of event imagery means that there are few established ways of conceptualizing asociated efects” (2006, p. 80). In this sense, I fel very pleased to be offering a methodological contribution to the field of adult learning. Through visual research tools, this study has been able to expose diferent layers involved in visual representations. From relations of power, to “ways of seing” to cultural background, myths, fears, paradigms, felings, rationale, forms of production and audiencing, and           138 even the researcher’s own biases and limitations that tend to dictate the order in which images are aproached. These grounds on which meaning and truth are declared, or regimes of truth (Foucault, 1980), can be more easily exposed through the exercise of visual literacy and of constant critical inquiry. I agre with McLaren and Kincheloe when they afirm that “critical pedagogy forges both critique and agency through a language of skepticism and posibility and culture of opennes, debate and engagement” (2007, p. 2). In light of Foucauldian theory, I established a relation betwen semiotics, discourse, and power/knowledge, especialy within the realm of the cyberspace where these diferent forces interact. Social semiotics was an interesting discovery for me as it brought into close focus the way in which signs play a role in constructing the social world, in translating its meaning and significations. I have tried to make sense of the Vancouver Olympic Games, especialy in the context of the ever-changing political economy and the impacts of neo-liberal social policies that are afecting our lives as individuals and social beings. While writing these conclusions, two top level elections were going on in North America, the financial markets were roaring (and whimpering), and the diferent dynamics of consumers’ markets were going in every direction. And I wondered why it was important to learn about images and their elucidation. My answer? While the VANOC website makes images widely available, it directly and indirectly instructs its viewers about their own norms and ideology. These myths can easily be naturalized by popular culture and rendered invisible. A silenced public debate is susceptible to geting caught up in the ‘gliter’ of the Games and thus insulated from any real awarenes of what’s hapening in the ‘real’ world. Crang (2001) invites us as viewers/readers to look at how practices of seing work to form experiences, and how technologies of seing may shape our proceses of knowledge. It           139 is in this context that I recognized the significance of visual signs (such as the two websites, logos, poster and mascots) as sources of public pedagogy and critical cultural pedagogy. Visual culture plays a central role in producing “naratives, metaphors, and images that exercise a powerful pedagogical force over how people think of themselves and their relationship to others”(Giroux, 2000, p. 62) and we are inded learning from this type of portrayal every day, especialy as consumers of comercial goods and mega-sports events such as the Olympic Games. In the meaning making proces of everyday cultural productions, evolving critical thinking and visual literacy would help audiences asert their agency and self-direction in relation to such power plays. The Internet has done much to widen the scope of disemination of these portrayals. This worldwide comunications network has expanded the practice of informal learning by creating more posibilities for knowledge acquisition while making the proces more convenient and expedient in many situations. Its reach is global and pervasive, the range of information is constantly growing, and as a visual and text-based medium, it offers myriad ways of comunicating to those who learn in diferent ways. It is also able to be infinitely fine tuned from a wide variety of far-flung sources. Dennen and Wang (2002) describe how “it is a tool or a medium for satisfying one’s informal learning neds” (p. 441). Acording to Marsick and Watkins “Most informal learning is tacit, taken for granted, and acomplished through social modeling” (2001, p. 6). VANOC is surely aware of the impact involved in creating a public tool such as a website that can be surfed anywhere and at any time. Public knowledge acquisition may be particularly atractive to this organization as a way of bringing audiences up to date with its agenda as rapidly and eficiently as posible within the symbolic frame of the Olympic           140 movement (Roset & Sheldon, 2001). The Internet offers those extended avenues through which informal learning may take place because of its ability to provide rapid aces to information on demand. Its strengths lie in comunication tools and information tools that are more easily available when an organization has the economic, political and social means, not to mention the power. Contemporary critical cultural pedagogy is concerned with these new technologies such as the Internet and with those organizational developments such as VANOC and how they have alowed capital greater aces to the world and to human consciousnes (Giroux, 2000). In this sense, VANOC may be perpetuating the alienation of viewers from other knowledges as the creator and host of a website that has a name and logo recognizable from other contexts. VANOC has a huge advantage in terms of atracting visitors over smal gras-roots organizations like NO2010. Stil, they both have similar comunications tools at their disposal. These tools can be e-mails, mailing lists, and e-newsleters which can be used to “initiate, nourish, and maintain informal learning oportunities” (Dennen & Wang, 2002, p. 443). Moreover, information tools are websites as wel as search engines, and databases that provide potential learners with aces to resources that may aid their informal learning quests. The cyberspace can be alienating, but it is also a space of resistance and hope (Crane, 2000). Websites and their images may be sen as simple tools and the technology as simply a medium. It is their implementation and their use that is critical in order to have an impact on learning suces. Acording to Dennen and Wang (2002), it is up to the learner, to the viewer, to the audiences, “to identify and articulate their own neds, conduct a search, evaluate the credibility and aplicability of the information that has been found, and determine how to best           141 use the results” (p. 444). The Internet offers a sense of imediacy and connection unlike other learning methods, but at the same time it poses some chalenges to the learners and their social identities. Certainly, information is available. But what kind of discourses and constructions do audiences encounter? Learning to sort through and evaluate the credibility and aplicability of resources is a form of digital literacy. An evolving critical pedagogy produces conscious individuals who are aware of the social conditions under which they live and how they can operate in circumstances that they may not even understand. Social semiotics and critical cultural pedagogy are concerned with the complex relationship connecting individuals, groups and power. McLaren and Kincheloe argue that “such an interaction never ocurs around a single axis of power, and the ambiguity of the subjectivity that is produced never lends itself a single description or facile prediction of ways of seing and behaving” (2007, p. 37). Having aces to the VANOC or NO2010 websites may depend on a chance encounter or a random event, however, it is through this encounter that viewers begin to make sense of what they are being presented with and become learners that construct a logical story to explain their newly acquired knowledge to themselves and others (Marsick & Volpe, 1999). Websites such as VANOC’s and the NO2010’s have become central to the constitution of social identity. They are important forms of influence on individuals as we identify and construct ourselves as social beings through the mediation of the images displayed by those websites (Valaskakis & Wilson, 1985). As the Internet and its related comunication tools continue to grow, so do the oportunities to use it to suport knowledge acquisition. Notwithstanding, these proceses require being criticaly reflective in order for viewers to gain agency and thus radicaly change how we view our world, our relationships with others, and ourselves (Marsick & Volpe, 1999).           142 Critical public and cultural pedagogies have informed this study as they are ongoing works of mediation in the social context of everyday life and as they pay atention to the struggles and interconnections that are motivated by knowledge, history, language, spatial relations, and so on (Giroux, 2000). Recommendations • By placing the Aboriginal Participation Goals into the Sustainability tab, VANOC is sending a specific mesage about the role Aboriginal participants play within the 2010 Games. The social reality of Aboriginal peoples in Canada goes beyond the “naturalistic” and “folkloric” approach VANOC has presented on its website. I believe that VANOC should revisit its “sanitizing or idealizing” stand on Aboriginal Participation giving the Host First Nations a more active role in defining themselves. • In regards to the inuksuk emblem, I recommend that, instead of papering over the apparent inconsistency betwen an inuksuk, its Inuit connection and the Vancouver-Whistler location of the Olympics, VANOC should be more forthright about why it has chosen this symbol and why it is important within the “Canadian” context. • In describing the emblem, VANOC should also ask for Inuit input in creating descriptions of and describing the importance of the inuksuk, thus empowering the long-established users of inuksuit, instead of the consumer-oriented creators of the stylized marketing product.  • A critical cultural pedagogy is concerned with the ways the dominant culture produces particular hegemonic ways of seing, how it generates knowledge, constructs identity, sets values, and shows social constructions. I believe that further studies on visual culture, with the suport of image-based research tools, would contribute to the development of           143 adult education theories, enhance cultural studies and improve the use of visual methodologies. • I also consider that to date, no other direct study has focused on the elements of public and cultural pedagogies presented by the Olympic Movement through visual representations, especialy in relation to Olympic Aboriginal Participation Goals, the Movement’s Sustainability mandate and the adoption of Agenda 21. This may be the case because, as VANOC states on its website, “Indigenous participation is relatively new to the Olympic Movement” (para.15, “The role”, n.d.). I recomend further studies on the impact of the Olympic Games and a particular folow up on their Aboriginal Participation Goals. These types of studies may produce additional and more enlightening findings that 1) serve as a reference point to hold VANOC acountable for meting its commitment to social inclusion 2) question the role of Aboriginal Participation Goals within the context of a corporate-like event 3) warn against the exploitation of stereotypes and the apropriation of Aboriginal symbols. • We are not far from the Vancouver Olympics opening ceremony and there is stil a lot to be said, writen and especialy ‘shown’. I encourage other critical researchers and educators to continue to explore the impact of visual culture within this context and to look for sites of resistance within publicly available spaces, especialy the Internet. These inquiries could provide new ays of understanding adult education practices in the public realm and new “ways of seing” research and visual methodologies while questioning the social role of the Olympic movement.           144 • This study has supported the importance of disent and resistance as a form of cultural adult pedagogy. I have also raised the point that counter-hegemonic views may create environments that “hinder critical learning by imposing a rigid presence on the viewer-learner that limits creativity and transgresion” (Milam & Sandlin, 2005, p. 342). Resistance is a mechanism of agency but it may also at times reinforce “represive myths by atempting to dictate who people should be and what they should think, rather than alowing for the open talking back” (Elsworth, 1988, p. 310). I recommend that the anti-Olympic Movement promote ‘spaces of transition’ in order to avoid imposing predetermined positions and instead open itself to dialogue. A commitment to the negotiation of meaning and power has been integral to this research study. I have adhered to Nathalie Piquemal’s cross-cultural educational research ethics, defined within the framework of universalism and cultural sensitivity. In this light, I have considered a broader plan to diseminate the findings with other comunities for obtaining informed fedback. To start, I expect to be sharing my findings with the thre organizations from which I am gathering most of the publicly-available information: The Four Host First Nations, the NO2010 organization and VANOC, with the idea of negotiating meaning and opening doors to fedback. This study wil also be available through the UBC library with the purpose of facilitating reflexivity of practice for al members of the research community. As I noted above, I believe that this study does not end here. 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Retrieved July 20, 2008, from           159 htp:/ww.gov.nu.ca/english/about/symbols.shtml “Vancouver, host” para. 4 (n.d.) Retrieved February 14, 2008, from htp:/ww.vancouver2010.com/en/Participation/SpectatorInformation/Tourism “Warior Publications”, para 1, (Zig Zag). Retrieved July 20, 2008, from htp:/ww.ariorpublications.com/?q=node “What is VANOC”, para. 2, (n.d.). Retrieved February 14, 2008, from http:/ww.vancouver2010.com/en/OrganizingComite/FAQs/74_0601261003- 383 “Why We Resist”, para. 1, (Zig Zag). Retrieved July 20, 2008, from http:/no2010.com/node/190 “Winner”, para. 1. (n.d.) Retrieved July 20, 2008, from http:/ww.riveradesign.com/winner.html “Winner”, para. 4. (n.d.) Retrieved July 20, 2008, from http:/ww.riveradesign.com/winner.html “Winner”, para. 20. (n.d.) Retrieved July 20, 2008, from http:/ww.riveradesign.com/winner.html “Winner”, para. 20. (n.d.) Retrieved July 20, 2008, from http:/ww.riveradesign.com/winner.html                         160                         Appendix A   Aboriginal Population (2006 Census)   Geographic name Total population Aboriginal identity population North American Indian Métis Inuit Non-aboriginal identity population Canada   31,241,030 1,172,785 698,025 389,780 50,480 30,068,240 British Columbia  4,074,385 196,075 129,580 59,445 795 3,878,310 Vancouver (B.C.)  2,097,960 40,310 23,515 15,075 210 2,057,655   Females Geographic name Total population Aboriginal identity population North American Indian Métis Inuit Non-aboriginal identity population Canada  15,914,760 600,695 359,975 196,280 25,455 15,314,065 British Columbia  2,076,000 101,215 66,395 30,855 460 1,903,525 Vancouver(B.C.) 1,072,920 21,290 11,035 7,835 120 1,006,020   Males Geographic name Total population Aboriginal identity population North American Indian Métis Inuit Non-aboriginal identity population Canada  15,326,270 572,095 338,050 193,500 25,025 14,754,175 British Columbia   1,998,385 94,860 63,185 28,590 335 1,903,525 Vancouver (B.C.)  1,025,040 19,020 11,035 7,240 90 1,006,020                161 Appendix B  Semiotic Analysis Data Questions (Rose, 2007, pp. 258-59) Some questions about the production: 1. When was the image made? 2. Where was it made? 3. Who made it? 4. Was it made for someone else? 5. What technologies does it production depend on? 6. What were the social identities of the maker, the owner and the subject of the image? 7. What were the relations betwen the maker, the owner and the subject? 8. Does the genre of the image addres these identities and relations of its production? Some questions about the image itself are: 9. What is being shown? What are the components of the image? How are they aranged? 10. What is its material form? 11. Is it one of a series? 12. Where is the viewer’s eye drawn to in the image and why 13. What is the vantage point of the image? 14. What relationships are established betwen the components of the image visualy? 15. What use is made of colours? 16. How has its technology afected the text? 17. To what extent does this image draw on the characteristics of the genre? 18. Does this image comment criticaly on the characteristics of the genre? 19. What knowledges are being deployed? 20. Whose knowledges are excluded from this representation? 21. Does this image’s particular look at its subject disempower its subject?           162 22. Are the relations betwen the components of this image unstable? 23. Is this a contradictory image? Some questions about the audiencing of the image are: 24. Who were the original audience(s) of this image? 25. How is it circulated? 26. How is it stored? 27. How is it re-displayed? 28. What relation does this produce betwen the image and its viewers? Is the image one of a series, and how do the preceding and subsequent images afect its meanings? 29. Would the image have had a writen text to guide its interpretation in its initial moment of display, for example a caption or a catalogue entry? 30. Have the technologies of circulation and display afected the various audiences’ interpretation of this image? 31. What are the conventions for viewing this technology? 32. Is more than one interpretation of the image possible? 33. How actively does a particular audience engage with the image? 34. How do the diferent audiences interpret this image?                  163 Appendix: C  Synopsis of the Printing Standards for the Olympic Rings. The Solid Version The solid version is only for single-colour reproduction in any one of the colours of the Olympic Rings (blue, yelow, black, gren, red), or in one of the folowing colours: white, grey, gold, silver and bronze. It is strictly forbiden to reproduce the solid version in ful colour. Interlocking Version The interlocking version is specificaly for ful-colour reproduction or reproduction in any of the colours as mentioned above for the solid version. White Background When shown on a white background, it is permited to reproduce the ful-coloured or the single-coloured interlocking version. However, it is strictly forbiden to reproduce the rings in single colour of yelow on a white background. Black Background When shown on a black background, the rings may only be shown in al yelow, al white, al gold, al silver or al bronze, in either the solid or interlocking version. It is strictly forbiden to reproduce the Olympic symbol in its ful-coloured version on a black background. Colour Background When shown on a colour background (other than black and white), the rings may only be reproduced in al white, al black, al gold, al silver or al bronze, using either solid or interlocking version. It is strictly forbiden to reproduce the Olympic symbol in its ful coloured version or in al blue, al yelow, al gren or al red on a colour background. Pantone Matching System The five oficial colours of the Olympic Rings are blue, yelow, black, gren and red. For colour reproduction, the colours can be matched either by using the Pantone System or by four-colour proces printing. The Pantone Matching System is a worldwide language used in the graphic arts industry for the selection, specification, matching and control of colour. The Pantone® printing specifications for obtaining the oficial colours of the Olympic Rings are: • Olympic Blue Pantone® 305 • Olympic Yelow Pantone® 137 • Olympic Black Pantone® 426           164 • Olympic Gren Pantone® 35 • Olympic Red Pantone® 192 • Grey Pantone® 424 or 50% black • Gold Pantone® 871 • Silver Pantone® 87 • Bronze Pantone® 876 The four-colour proces The four-colour proces printing specifications for obtaining the oficial colours of the Olympic Rings are: • Blue 10% Cyan, 30% Magenta, 6% Black • Yelow 34% Magenta, 91% Yelow • Black 10% Black • Gren 10% Cyan, 91% Yelow, 6% Black • Red 94% Magenta, 65% Yelow Protected Area There is a protected area surounding the Olympic Rings which must be honoured. No text, trade names or graphic elements must impinge upon this protected area (represented by a doted frame shown on the left). The distance betwen the rings and the border of this area equals half the radius of one of the Olympic Rings. This distance wil therefore vary depending on the size of the rings.                         165 Appendix D  List of Olympic Emblem Design Competition Judging Panel Members  NAME OCUPATION CITY QUOTE ABOUT  THE EMBLEM Dr. Ron Burnet President, Emily Car Institute of Art and Design Vancouver  Tery Chui Art Director, Electronic Arts Canada Vancouver  Brad Copeland  President and founder of Iconologic, an Atlanta-based brand design firm specializing in identity, comunications design, interactive media and advertising for corporate and Olympic clients Atlanta, USA  Scot Givens  Vice President of Entertainment for Disney Entertainment Productions. Led creative and ceremonies teams for the 202 Salt Lake Winter Games. Los Angeles, USA "It is hapy, human, welcoming and has a sense of energy." Dorothy Grant Designer and traditional Haida artist Vancouver  Rod Haris President and CEO, Tourism British Columbia Victoria "It is universal, but also speaks to the vision and dream of Vancouver and Whistler." Theodora Mantzaris-Kindel Manager of the Image & Identity department at the Organizing Comite for the Athens 204 Olympic Games Athens, Grece "It is very, very simple which is why we're drawn to it. It stops you."           166 Steve Mykolyn Creative Director of design and interactive at Taxi Advertising and Design Toronto "What makes an identity col, is its litle unique characteristics. This one is the mouth. I wish I had designed that!" Wei Yew Designer and author of The Olympic Image - The First 10 years Edmonton                                            167 Appendix E  Synopsis of VANOC’s Rules for the Olympic Emblem Design Competition    Eligibility The Competition is open to Canadian design, advertising or creative profesionals, firms, agencies, organizations and individuals engaged in the development of brand identities, visual comunications, marketing and imaging strategies. Canadian students enroled in recognized post-secondary design programs are also eligible. Al entrants and individuals involved in the creation of a submited design must be Canadian and at least 19 years of age as of the date the Entry Form is completed. Ownership of Designs Al designs submited to VANOC, whether selected to be the Emblem or not, become the exclusive property of VANOC and wil not be returned. Entrants and al other individuals involved in creating a submited design must sign and submit an Intelectual Property Rights and Confidentiality Agrement which irevocably and unconditionaly transfers to VANOC al right, title and interest (including copyright) in and to the submited design and waives in favour of VANOC and its licenses and asigns al non-transferable rights (including moral rights) in and to the submited design. Entrants and al other individuals involved in creating a submited design must provide details regarding the development of the design, and certify that the design is original and not copied or derived from any other materials, and its use wil not infringe upon the rights of any other person. The wining entrant and al other individuals involved in creating the selected design wil be required to sign and deliver an irevocable release and agrement to indemnify, defend and hold harmles VANOC and its afiliates and representatives from and against any and al claims and liabilities arising from, conected with, or relating to the use and exploitation of the selected design. Selection of the wining design VANOC wil make the final decision regarding the wining Emblem, which decision wil be subject to the aproval of the IOC. VANOC wil establish an International Design Panel to review the submited designs and asist VANOC in its decision. The Design Panel wil comprise both Canadian and international judges with the experience and expertise to efectively evaluate the design. The Design Panel wil select an as yet undetermined number of designs for presentation to VANOC.           168 Design Objectives The Emblem should: • Create a distinctive and powerful visual identity for the celebration of the Vancouver 2010 Olympic Winter Games • Reflect contemporary artistic aesthetics, which may embrace historic references • Reflect the excelence of the Olympic design tradition • Provide clear distinction from al previous/existing emblems of past and future Olympic Games and other major worldwide sporting events • Provide a foundation for design extensions into a variety of aplications developed for the overal “Look of the Games”, both indors and outdors • Capture and reflect the unique image and spirit of Canada, Vancouver and Whistler • Capture both Canada’s pasion for winter sport, and the energy and excitement of the Olympic Winter Games • Reflect Canada’s love and comitment towards our spectacular natural environment • Embody Canada’s values and aspirations, celebrating our diversity and inclusivenes • Provide a broad symbolic platform for interpretive storyteling – an emblem that can convey a range of meanings • Serve as a source or image of national pride and inspiration for al Canadians • Provide a foundation for animation, particularly for broadcast aplications • Work wel in al scales and media (including, but not limited to large-scale building wraps and smal-scale lapel pins) • Be capable of being reproduced by: etching, scren printing, embroidery, die-cast or other moulds, embosing, and al electronic media • Work wel in horizontal and vertical formats (from ice hockey rink boards to stret baners) • Be easy to reproduce in two- and thre-dimensional aplications, for production and procesing by media and for VANOC use • Work wel in multi-colour, solid, and black and white versions • Provide the basis for a colour palete that can be aplied to the entire “Look of the Games”            169 Utilization and Exposure of the Olympic Emblem The wining design wil be used as the Emblem, primary identity and core image of the Vancouver 2010 Olympic Winter Games and VANOC. Through its marketing programs, VANOC wil be entitled in its discretion to use and exploit or authorize any third party to use and exploit the Emblem in any and al ways and using any and al media and technologies, including without limitation: • Promotions organized, promotional and informational materials produced by, and merchandise of VANOC and authorized third parties, venues, the “Look of the Games”, cultural and educational programs, volunter activities, torch relay and any other activities relating to the Vancouver 2010 Olympic Winter Games; • Productions, print, television broadcast or interactive comunication to global media; and • Utilization through television broadcasts, promotions held by the owners of television broadcast rights, marketing activities promoted by VANOC and its comercial partners, and programs licensed by VANOC. Prize There is one (1) prize available to be won by the entrant whose design is chosen as the Emblem. The prize is $25,00 CDN and two tickets to the opening ceremonies of the Vancouver 2010 Olympic Winter Games curently scheduled to take place on February 12, 2010. The opening ceremonies tickets are subject to al aplicable standard conditions, restrictions, requirements and regulations. The prize includes aplicable GST/HST, but does not include any other fes, charges or benefits (such as transportation to/from the opening ceremonies) or taxes or duties, al of which are the winer’s sole responsibility. The prize is not transferable or asignable, and wil be awarded to the confirmed winer only. The tickets are not convertible to cash, and must be acepted as awarded. The aproximate face value of the tickets is not yet determined. There is no maximum number of total entries in the competition.                170 Disclaimers VANOC is not responsible or liable for any eroneous, damaged, destroyed, lost, late, incomplete, ilegible, incorectly adresed or misdirected submisions or any damage or los (whether in contract, tort or under any other theory of law or equity) arising from, conected with, or relating to the Competition, the submision of designs to the Competition, participation in the Competition, or the prize, regardles of the cause or any fault by VANOC or any person for whom VANOC is responsible, and notwithstanding that any of those persons may have ben advised of the posibility of such los or damage being incured.                             171                                                    1 An inuksuk is a stone structure normally found throughout the Arctic and Grenland as a guidepost. In English speling it sometimes apears with an “h”, that is “inukshuk”. In the Inuktitut language it is normaly speled without the “h”. For the purposes of this study that is the speling I would use unles the word apears in a direct quote where it is speled diferently. One stone structure is known as inuksuk, two receive the name of inuksuk and thre or more are refered to as inuksuit 2 (Rose, 207, p.30) 3 htp:/ww.vancouver2010.com 4 htp:/no2010.com 5 htp:/ww.sethewestend.com 6 htp:/ww.histler.com/olympics/ 7 htp:/no2010.com 8 htp:/no2010.com 9 htp:/no2010.com 10 htp:/ww.fourhostfirstnations.com/sumit.html 11 htp:/en.beijing208.cn/spirit/beijing208/graphic/n21407081.shtml 12 htp:/no2010.com 13 Aragon. A (207). Indigenous solidarity poster from Bank Stret Otawa 14 htp:/pac-man.clasicgaming.gamespy.com 15 htp:/ww.gov.nu.ca/english/about/symbols.shtml 16 Steward, H. (1979). Looking at the Indian Art of the Northwest Coast. University of Washington Pres. Vancouver/Toronto: Douglas & McIntyre. 17 Steward, H. (1979). Looking at the Indian Art of the Northwest Coast. University of Washington Pres. Vancouver/Toronto: Douglas & McIntyre. 18 htp:/multimedia.olympic.org/pdf/en_report_1303.pdf 19 htp:/no2010.com 20 ww.tribuneindia.com/207/2070629/sports.htm 21 abovegroundpolart.blogspot.com/208/05/olmyp.. 22 htp:/i14.photobucket.com/albums/n257/SMITH_01/Mohawk_Flag.jpg 23 A blog is a contraction of the term “web log”. It is a website, usualy maintained by an individual with regulr entries of comentary, descriptions, photos and so on. 24 htp:/no2010.com 25 htp:/povertyolympics.ca/?p=21 26 htp:/ww.vancouver2010.com/images/Features/VANOC_AIG-Anouncement_edited.jpg 27 An American documentary film about global warming; presented by Al Gore and directed by Davis Gugenheim. 

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