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The Perception Gap: A Case Study of Japanese-Canadians Gonnami, Tsuneharu, 1940- 2005-02-19

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1                                                                                                                                                  [Revised on  April 13, 2005]The Perception Gap: A Case Study of Japanese-Canadians                                                      by Tsuneharu Gonnami                                           The Centre for Japanese Research, UBCIntroductionAt the start of this article I would like to say plainly that, according to ethnic category, Iand my family are defined as Japanese-Canadians. We parents born in the prewar dayswere guided by the theories of early childhood development proposed by Sigmund Freudand our children born in the postwar days were raised with advice from such authorities onchild rearing as Dr. Benjamin Spock. We consider ourselves members of the pre-WorldWar II generation and we value tradition and stability in society, but our children were bornafter the baby boom period of the 1950s and 60s, and they share with baby boomers thesame progressive values and the desire for more freedom of expression and communicationin this age of IT technology and the information explosion. They reached adolescence inthe 1990s, when the Cold War ended as a result of the collapse of the totalitarian system ofcommunisim in the USSR and other East European countries. In growing up in ourcapitalist society, our children have enjoyed great freedom in their daily lives. Theirphilosophies and lifestyles present an almost unprecedented challenge to the goals, valuesand codes of conduct which we believe in and followed in the prewar day. As a result, deepdivisions in understanding and values between us parents and our children are common -the perception gap 1,  the generation gap 2-a-e,   and  the communication gap 2-f-h._________________________________________________________________________This article was originally delivered by the author at the workshop:"Communication among Japanese-Canadians: TheRole of Non-Profit and For-Profit Organizations in Media and Education Service Industries" organized on Feb. 19, 2005by the Centre for Japanese Research  at  the  Institute  of  Asian  Research  of  the  University  of  British  Columbia.2In addition to these perception and generation gaps, in the case of our Japanese-Canadianfamily, there is a culture gap. I and my wife immigrated to Canada in the late 1960s and themid 1970s respectively, and our two children were born in Vancouver in the latter half ofthe 1970s and have grown up here. At our home I am reading both Japanese and Englishnewspapers, but my wife prefers to read Japanese papers all of the time. Our children arereading English papers exclusively. As for Japanese and English radio and TV programs,we can say the same thing.The Asahi Baseball TeamThe late Roy Ito, a high-school principal and a Nisei (second generation Japanese-Canadian) veteran in Hamilton, Ontario, well described a communication gap in Japanese-Canadian homes in the prewar days between Issei (the first generation) fathers and Niseisons based on his own experience in his book entitled Stories of My People.3  The formerread Japanese newspapers and the latter read English ones. Meaningful conversation aboutpolitics, government, philosophy and religion was difficult between Issei parents and Niseioffspring. In fact, it was almost impossible, because of an additional factor, the relationshipof uneducated parents from the prewar Japan and educated children in Canada - theeducation gap. However, we can find an interesting social factor in the Japanesecommunity, a bridge across the missing communication gap between Issei and Nisei, inJapanese-Canadian newspapers published in the Japan Town of the prewar days. All theseJapanese-Canadian newspapers printed a mixture of current domestic news from Japan andarticles on daily events in Vancouver's Japan Town along Powell Street. In particular,sports news on the Asahi Baseball Team warranted a long article, occupying almost onequarter  of  the  front  page.   The  box  scores   were  in  the  paper  for every  reader to see.3More than anything else, the Asahi team was a focal point, the pride of Japan Town inVancouver, B.C.   Ito's  Journal  says:When  Asahi  had  a  game in  Oppenheimer Park  at  PowellStreet  and  Dunlevy  Avenue,  spectators  packed  the dustybaseball  field  and  cheered lustily at the fine plays and evenmore loudly when  an  Asahi player  got a hit. The  Asahi wasa light  hitting team  and  relied on speed and defence in theirgames  with  the bigger  Canadian players.  "Did  Asahi  get awin  today?  What's  their score?" were frequently the stuff ofdinner  table  conversation  in  a  Japanese  house  hold.4Roy Ito pointed out in his book that baseball contributed towards narrowing thecommnunication gap between Issei fathers and Nisei sons through a common subject intheir conversation:  "Who won the game ? What was the final score ?"  Baseball and theAsahi brought the generations together, bridging the generation gap.   Pat Adachi, anotherOntarian and a Nisei free-lancer who wrote about the Japanese-Canadian community, didintensive field and documentary research and compiled a beautiful book entitled Asahi,Legend   in   Baseball 5   in which  one  of  the  former  Asahi  players,  Iwaichi  Kawashiri,94  years  old  as  of  1992,   vividly  depicts  his  recollection  of  the  remarkable  Asahis:There is a great physical difference between the Caucasianstature and the Japanese. Caucasians have the ability to hitthe  "long-ball."   So  Asahi  created  their own  style of play -4bunting to perfection  and  the amazing  "squeeze plays."  Assoon as the ball left the pitcher's hand, the Asahi runner wasalready  running from third to  home plate.  While the fielderwas bewildered, the second base runner was well on his wayto third and home, scoring two runs on a single bunt.  Andthat would bring the house down, with resounding cheersfrom the fans. These memories appear before my eyes.  In1928 I lived on Powell Street, running a rooming house.  Mygreatest pleasure in those difficult times was to grab 10  centsand  head  for  the  ball  park  to see the  Asahis play.  Wefollowed  the  Asahis  wherever  they  played. I learnedbaseball  strategy,  the  true meaning of fair play and sports-manship.  During  those  years   the  Japanese  people  werediscriminated  against  at  every turn.  To  have  a  Japaneselanguage  school  to teach our children the Japanese culturewas  highly  suspect.  We  were  constantly  criticized  forcongregating  in one area  -  Little Tokyo on Powell Street,or  working too hard in order to eke out a living. No matterwhat  we  did we were the targets of  political  organizations -the  institutionalized  pereceptionn  gap.  It was a worldwhere the Japanese-Canadian people had a patheticexistence. But  the barriers came down whenever the Asahisplayed ball - played a role of bridging the communicationand   perception   gaps    between   the  Japanese   community5and the mainstream Canadian society.  Naturally there werethe Japanese fans.  But,  it  was the  applause  from  theOccidental  fans which would make us so proud.  There wasone  coach  on  one  of  the  opposing  teams  named  DonStewart.  When  the  Asahi  team  was  at  bat,  some  of  theOccidental  fans  would  encourage  the  Asahis to execute adouble play as we described above.  This made Don Stewartso  angry,  he became  livid and grabbed  the  wire  fence  andyelled  at the fans to shut up.  I felt good.  Why did theseCaucasian  fans  look upon  the Asahis so favourably? Thesefans appreciated the sports-manlike attitude, the skill andfervour the  Asahis displayed  in their  game,  and thought ofthem   not   as   a  team   of   a  different  race,    but  as  equalin  the  name  of sports.   It  dispelled  suspicion  and  createda  camaraderie  with  the  mainstream  society  of  Canada.6This way of dispelling suspicion and creating respect between Caucasians and JapaneseCanadians worked towards closing the perception gap.  Love of the Asahi's game helpedthe people in Japan Town along Powell Street to forget their everyday hardships. Not onlydid the Asahis play an important role in bridging the communication gap or generation gap3-13 between Issei and Nissei, but also the superb play and good sportsmanshipdemonstrated  by  the  Asahi  team   members  brought   mutual  respect   and  a  sense  ofgoodwill between  them  and  rival  Canadian  players  as  well  as  among  full  houses  of6Japanese and Canadian spectators, promoting mutual friendship as a result of narrowing theperception gap.3-13  Through the Asahi Ball Club, the Japanese in the Province of BritishColumbia were more favourably accepted and assimilated more quickly into Canadiansociety, showing more self-assurance, and the Asahi Baseball Team, for these reasons, willalways remain in Japanese-Canadians' fondest memories.In Summer 2005, the National Nikkei & Heritage Centre Museum at Burnaby, B.C., plansto have an exhibition of artifacts and photographs entitled "Levelling the Playing Field:Legacy of the Asahi Baseball Team 1914 -1942."   In the prewar days, Ken Kutsukake wascatcher and one of the star players of the Asahi team. He also appeared in a recentlyproduced documentary film about the Club by the National Film Board of Canada entitledSleeping Tigers: The Asahi Baseball Story.7  In this film, award winning director JariOsborne skillfully weaves archival documentary film and dramatic re-creations, along withcandid interviews with the last surviving members of the Asahis, Ken Kutsukake andothers, reviving this remarkable story.  Adachi's book profiles Kutsukake as follows:Ken lived and loved baseball so much he became a memberof go-gun (fifth junior team) on the Asahi's Clovers team atage 12 and was known as "Catcha-catcha-Kutsukake."  Anexcerpt from a newspaper clipping provides a very accuratedescription of Ken's ability: "Kutsukake, catcher for Asahi's15-1 win at Powell Street. An effective catcher not onlycalled the pitches behind the plate, but had to be quick andagile  for  outside  pitches  and  wild  throws,  a quick  releaseto  gun  down  base  runners  and  block  home  plate."7During the evacuation, Ken along with Naggie Nishihara ashis battery mate formed and organized a baseball team inKaslo, B.C. He joined a French team in Montreal as a catcherin the Atwater Baseball Team for a short period of time(1947). His last association with baseball as a manager was in1956, when the Honest Ed's Nisei Baseball Team in Torontowon the Senior Baseball Championship. Ken put all hisenergy into bringing about the very successful Asahi Reunionin 1972.8On June 28, 2003, the Vancouver Asahi Baseball Team9 was inducted into the CanadianBaseball Hall of Fame (CBHF) in St. Mary's, Ontario. As of June 2003, there were only 10living Asahi players left. On the same day, Kutsukake9 was enshrined into the CBHF alongwith nine other players because of his distinguished contribution to the Pacific NorthwestBaseball League in the prewar days. Unfortunately, Ken Kutsukake passed away on Nov.22, 2003. Attending the Hall of Fame induction ceremony, there were five Asahi playerspresent to receive their Hall of Fame jackets from Tom Valcke, President and CEO of theCBHF. How proudly these old timers stood on the podium - Ken Kutsukake, MickeyMaikawa, Mike Maruno, Kaye Kaminishi, and Kiyoshi Suga. Five others who were unableto attend, but who would receive their jackets were Jimmy Fukui, George Yoshinaka, YukiUno, Bob Higuchi, and Ken Shimada. A beautiful bronze plaque with the list of 74 playerson the Asahi roster from 1914 to 1941 was also presented. The standing ovation from thelarge crowd attending the induction ceremony brought tears to everybody's eyes. In pre-World  War  II  Vancouver,  the Asahi  baseball  team was unbeatable,  outplaying the8taller Caucasian teams and winning the prestigious Pacific Northwest Championship forfive straight years.When the Pacific War broke out on December 7, 1941, the Canadian government sentevery person of Japanese descent (a total of 23,000 Japanese-Canadians), whether born inCanada or not, to internment camps. Faced with hardship and isolation during the PacificWar period, the former Asahi members (the Asahi Team had to be disbanded because of theoutbreak of the War) survived by playing baseball with local Canadian people at theirrelocation camps. Their passion for this quintessential North American heritage game soonattracted other Canadian players, including the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP)and local townspeople, and the baseball games helped to break down racial and culturalbarriers in Canadian society - bridging the culture and perception  gaps.3-13There was no premonition of the disaster that was to come.Yet early in 1942, when these men along with manythousands of Japanese Canadians were interned in relocationcamps, ghost towns and road camps, they soon overcame theshock of such harsh treatment by their own government.Little by little, bats and balls appeared and these formerAsahi players formed baseball teams wherever they were. Itdid much to dispel the doom and gloom of that uncertainperiod. Adults and children alike rallied around theirfavourite  team,   cheering  their  hearts  out  and  releasingtheir pent up anguish.  Also it did much to create a friendly9atmosphere with the local residents. It removed the fear andanimosity these people had for the Japanese Canadians whohad suddenly been thrust upon them so unexpectedly.Baseball has a universal language.10Again, the language of baseball helped to narrow the communication and perception gap.In October 1972 the Asahis' reunion was held at the Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre inToronto. A few hundred former great players of the Asahi team in the 1920s and 1930s hada happy reunion for the first time in the postwar period. There were Ken Kutsukake,Mickey Maikawa, Roy Yamamura, Reg Yasui, Frank Shiraishi, the Suga brothers : Ty, Kazand Kiyoshi, and the Tanaka brothers: George, Charley and Herb. Historian Toyo Takata,originally from Victoria, a former editor of the New Canadian , put together a souvenirprogram which tells lovingly of the many great games of the Asahis, and traces all theplayers from 1914 to 1941. Toyo read letters and wires from other Asahis, friends and fans,and former opponents. One letter to the Asahi reunion dated Oct. 1, 1972, is from JimmyCondon of Arrow Transfer, a team in Vancouver's City Service League:It is with a great deal of pleasure that I write this letter. I hopethat your reunion will be a real success. I have many fondmemories of the Asahi ball club in Vancouver. I was a bit ofan orangutan in my baseball days and I wasn't very popularwith the Japanese. I played against the Asahis for manyyears,  but it all came to  an  end in  that  unfortunate  year  of101941. Well do I remember a lot of the players. Reg Yasui, theSuga brothers, the Tanaka brothers, Roy Yamamura,Nishihara, Shiraishi and many more. I never forgaveShiraishi for catching the hardest hit ball of my career. Hewas playing left field and I really hit one far over his head.He turned his back and kept running and caught it over hisshoulder. Fond memories. Again I wish you a successfulreunion, and if any of the old players are there, I hope youwill give them my personal regards - renewing the oldfriendship and closing the culture gap  if any.11Frank Moritsugu contributed an article of his recollections of the Asahi team to Adachi'sbook. The following is an excerpt:In my playing days, I never aspired to the stardom in theJapanese-Canadian world that was the Asahis'. But that teamand its members symbolized what the growing-up Niseicommunity offered as its best in the hemmed-in Vancouverdays before evacuation. My immigrant father was a realbaseball fan. He used to read only two sections of the DailyProvince  everyday - the funnies and the sports pages. Thatis, after he'd finished his daily ration of the Japanese papers -Tairiku and Minshu. My mother, who ended up with fivesons  who played baseball  in B.C.,  became the serious fan in11the years when dad no longer had the ambition to follow usaround. When she made her return trip to Japan after comingto Canada 42 years before, she got to see a college baseballgame in Tokyo - I think between Waseda and Meiji - and shesays it was as exciting as all the magazine stories she'd readover the years suggested it would be.12Pat Adachi published in 2004 her second book on Asahi entitled Road to the Pinnacle, theSequel to Asahi: A Legend in Baseball 13 and proudly displayed it at the Nikkei Place boothof the Powell Street Festival held in early August 2004 at the Oppenheimer Park, where theAsahis used to play. As she reminisces, she heard the echoes of the glorious Asahi dayscoming from Asahi's homeground along Powell Street, which was once the main street ofJapan Town.The Asahis, a team made up exclusively of Japanese-Canadians, was an integral part ofVancouver's Little Tokyo neighbourhood from 1914 to 1942. On Dec. 1, 2004, the BCSports Hall of Fame and Museum, which is housed in BC Place Stadium in Vancouver,B.C., made a press annoucement that the Vancouver Asahi Baseball Team will be inductedalso into their Hall of Fame on April 28, 2005, honouring the team's achievement made intheir hometown in the prewar days.Regardless of where the game is played, the love of baseball is universal. Even nowadays,the great plays of Ichiro Suzuki of the Seattle Mariners, Hideki Matsui of the New YorkYankees, and Hideo Nomo  of the Los Angeles Dodgers  have much impressed many North12American baseball fans. Ichiro Suzuki set the major-league record for 258 hits in a seasonon Oct. 1, 2004, as the Seattle Mariners beat the Texas Rangers 8-3. The Globe and Mailreported on Saturday, Oct. 2, 2004, as follows:Ichiro Suzuki set the major-league record for hits in a seasonwith 258, surpassing George Sisler's 84-year old mark with apair of singles last night. The Seattle star chopped a leadoffsingle in the first inning, then made history with a grounderup the middle in the third. [When the ball bounded past TexasRangers' shortstop Michael Young, the standing-room-onlycrowd of 45, 573 exploded into a roar, Ichiro! Ichiro!] Laterhe got another single for No. 259. Fireworks went off afterthe record ball reached the outfield, creating a haze overSafeco Field, and Suzuki's teammates mobbed him at firstbase. The crowd gave him a standing ovation. With the fansstill cheering, Suzuki ran over to the first-base seats andshook hands with Sisler's 81-year-old daughter, FrancesSisler Drochelman.14Thus baseball has played an important role in creating mutual respect and makingneighborly exchange relationships between peoples on both sides of the Pacific Ocean. Asthe above cases witness, regardless of whether it is amateur or professional leagues,baseball has a fascinating function of bonding different people together beyond culturalbarriers  -  bridging the culture, generation, and  perception gaps.6-1313Japanese Immigrants to CanadaThe first Japanese immigrant to Canada, Manzo Nagano (1855-1924)34-b from NagasakiPrefecture, landed in 1877 at New Westminster, then the capital of British Columbia. By1941, the Canada census showed 23,000 people of Japanese origin living in Canada, ofwhom 13,687 (about 60 percent) were Japanese-Canadians by birth. Two distinct largegroups of Japanese immigrants to Canada have emigrated from the following particulargeographical areas in Japan: 1) Hikone City in Shiga Prefecture: Immigrants from Shigaconsisted mainly of merchants, service personnel, contractors, and foremen, and formed thelargest group (about 30 %) among the Japanese communities in B.C. They settled in shopsin Japan Town along Powell Street and many worked in the sawmill industry in theHastings area. 2) Mio Village (presently Mihama Town) in Wakayama Prefecture:Wakayama people, the second largest group (about 25 %) , were predominantly fishermenand concentrated in the fishing town of Steveston at Richmond, B.C.Japanese-Canadian Newspapers in the Prewar DaysIn 1985, Naomichi Nishimura, former Director of the Hikone Public Library, came to visitthe UBC Main Library in order to check backfiles of a few Japanese-Canadian newspapersas part of his private research on Japanese immigrants to Canada. At that time he usedmainly Tairiku Nippo (The Continental Daily News), 1908-1941 and observed that itsphysical condition had badly deteriorated. He felt that some preservation work wasrequired immediately.  On his second visit to UBC in May 1987, he presented a generouscash donation, which allowed the UBC Library to produce a microfilm edition of TairikuNippo. Considering the historically interesting relationship between Hikone, ShigaPrefecture, and Vancouver, Province of British Columbia, his  thoughtful  gift  was  mostbeneficial to enhance  academic  and  cultural  exchanges  between  Canada  and  Japan.14Tairiku Nippo (The Continental Daily News)Tairku Nippo provided a detailed record of the Japanese Canadian community during theperiod of 1908-1941. It is still an important historical journal for scholars, researchers, andmembers  of  the  public,  in  both  Canada  and  Japan.  The  following  is  an  excerpt fromthis author's article on Tairiku Nippo , which appeared in Microform Review (Winter 1989):Originally founded in Vancouver by Dosa Iida on June 22,1907. Reestablished under the new management of YasushiYamazaki in 1908, Tairiku Nippo is an invaluable resourcefor determining the social, economic and political conditionsof the Japanese-Canadian communities in the prewar years. Itvividly records the history of Japanese-Canadians, focusingon those residing in the Province of British Columbia before1945. For both researchers and the public alike, searching forinformation about what was happening in the Japanese-Canadian community in those days, this is an indispensableoriginal source. The Main Library of the University of BritishColumbia has almost all the back issues (1908-1941) - theonly set of this leading Japanese-Canadian newspaper inexistence in the world. Missing only is the first year - 1907,which was published by Dosa Iida. The paper also served toreport to immigrants what was happening in their homecountry, Japan. It featured articles on the current issuesrelating to their life in their  new  country,  such as  social and15political movements and trends in British Columbia, and it letthem know of the impact of such trends on their daily life.Various important organizational and professional activitiesof the Japanese communities were recorded in great detail, aswell as all vital statistics such as births, marriages, and deathsand other miscellaneous community daily news like gossip,exposés, and fiction. Most importantly, Tairiku Nippo servedas the instrument through which the Japanese immigrantslearned to interpret the issues and events of the BritishColumbia society within which they lived. In the columns ofthe journal, the readers were advised of all important currentissues such as immigration, ethnic problems, and the role ofthe "Japanese Community" in a multi-cultural society. Wecan observe in Tairiku Nippo's daily articles that the paperfunctioned as a vigorous social and political conscience in theJapanese-Canadian effort and struggle to build a B.C. society,and that the paper maintained a high level of ethno-journalistic competence and informed analysis. At theoutbreak of the war in the Pacific on Sunday, December 7,1941, Tairiku Nippo was forced to suspend publication afterits last issue, dated Saturday, December 6, 1941.15Our first preservation project was successful and resulted in full cost recovery, whichenabled the  UBC  Library  to undertake  a second  microfilm  project  on the two Japanese-16Canadian rivals of Tairiku Nippo (The Continental Daily News), i.e.: Kanada Shinbun (TheCanada Daily News) and Nikkan Minshu (The Daily People).  We can look at issues from1941 in order to obtain unbiased information regarding the Japanese community in theprewar days. The following excerpts on Kanada Shinbun , Nikkan Minshu , and the NewCanadian, are from the author's other article,16  which was printed in Microform Review(Summer 1995):a) Kanada Shinbun (The Canada Daily News)Kanada Shinbun was founded on Sept. 9, 1923 by JuzoSuzuki at 118 Main Street, Vancouver, B.C., under theoriginal title of Kanada Nichinichi Shinbun (The CanadaDaily News). Like the other two Japanese-Canadian dailynewspapers in Vancouver in the 1920s and '30s, KanadaShinbun was a mixture of current domestic news from Japanand articles on daily social and political events on PowellStreet in Vancouver's Japan Town. However, compared to theother two papers, it provided rather more coverage of currentnews from Japan  as well as  church news.  Its readers  weremostly Japanese Christians.  On the other hand, major readersof Tairiku  Nippo  and Nikkan  Minshu  were members of theJapanese Buddhist temples and labour union membersrespectively.  Looking at the pages of Kanada Shinbun (Sept.2, 1941), we see many articles on Japanese military newsfrom  Tokyo,  Chinese political news  dispatched from  Hong17Kong, and international reporting from London, Teheran, andWashington, D.C. There also were news items on theJapanese community, such as the Japanese Christianchurches, the Farmers' Association, and the Asahi BaseballTeam. Kanada Shinbun in late 1941 also carried a series ofcontemporary novels entitled "Renai Tokkyu (An ExpressRomance) " contributed by Chiyo Uno, a best-sellingwomen'swriter in those days, as well as a serial of a famous work ofEnglish juvenile literature, Little Lord Fauntleroy,19 whichwas translated into Japanese by Kan Kikuchi, a prominentJapanese novelist in the prewar Japan.  Church and Farmers'Association news items were brief, but sports news on theAsahi team warranted a long article. Kanada Shinbun ceasedon Dec. 6,1941.16b) Nikkan Minshu (The Daily People)IIt was founded on Mar. 21, 1924 by Kanada Nihonjin RodoKumiai, the Japanese Workers' Union, at 544 Powell Street inJapan Town, Vancouver, B.C. The Union was organized byEtsu Suzuki20 and Takaichi Umezuki21 (both became Editorof Minshu later) in July 1920 after the bitter experience of a1919 labour strike in a sawmill at Swanson bay near OceanFalls, B.C., in which all the Japanese workers such assawmill  and  paper-mill  workers,   loggers,  fishermen,  day18labourers, and laundry workers became members of theJapanese Union. As one of the major activities of the Union,they started publishing a weekly newspaper, Rodo Shuho(Labour Weekly) on August 11, 1920, providing Japaneseworkers with much information on current labour issues andthe labour movement in Canada. The paper aimed ateducating the Japanese workers in democratic procedures forequal payment and status. It had great influence uponJapanese workers, who learned that the function of the unionwas to protect the workers against exploitation bymanagement  and that discrimination in any form was againstunion principles. Angus MacInnis, the Member of Parliamentof the CCF (Co-operative Commonwealth Federation) for theEast Hastings constituency in Vancouver, assisted theJapanese labour union in gaining affiliation in 1927 with theTrades and Labour Congress of Canada, headquartered inOttawa, and with being granted a charter as the Camp andMill Workers' Union, Local No. 31. He also made anarrangement for a Nisei (Second Generation) delegation offour - S. I. Hayakawa (an eminent linguist and President ofSan Francisco College in the 1960s and '70s), E. C. Banno (adentist), Minoru Kobayashi (life insurance agent), and Ms.Hide Hyodo (the first Japanese public school teacher in  1926,  who taught  at  an elementary  school in  Steveston,19B.C.) - to travel to Ottawa in 1936 and make theirpresentation for Nisei enfranchisement to the specialcommittee on Election and Franchise Acts. People in theJapanese Community appreciated Angus MacInnis' greatefforts very much, and most of them enthusiasticallysupported the CCF. Insufficient funds always plagued theUnion and the Rodo Shuho  (Labour Weekly),  which ceasedon March 8, 1924. Therefore, the Union bravely undertook topublish a daily newspaper, Nikkan Minshu (The DailyPeople), with the hope of increasing revenue. Its first issueappeared on March 21, 1924 under the editorship of aprominent Japanese journalist, Etsu Suzuki (1886-1933), whokept his position from 1924 to 1932. Suzuki, a graduate ofWaseda University in Tokyo, was an articulate gentlemanand a persuasive writer. His goal was to improve the workingconditions of Japanese workers. Before he came to Canada in1918, he had worked for Yorozu Choho and Asahi Shinbun,the two most famous national newspapers in Japan at thattime. From his arrival in Vancouver until 1924 he was theeditor-in-chief of Tairiku Nippo (The Continental DailyNews). Tairiku was a very conservative newspaper concernedmainly with Japanese community affairs. Its pages did notdiscuss progressive ideas until Etsu Suzuki wrote aboutTaisho democracy,  a new social trend in Japan after the First20World War. Suzuki was also concerned with the labourmovement in the 1920s, which motivated him to move fromTairiku to Nikkan Minshu. Although Minshu was publishedby the Japanese Workers' Union, it was intended to be ageneral newspaper for members of the Japanese communitiesin B.C., not merely a house organ of the Union. Its prototypewas likely the BC Labour News, published by the Vancouver,New Westminster and District Trades and Labour Council,which was also aimed at general readers. At that time theJapanese Union officially belonged to the Trades and LabourCouncil. Minshu was distributed from the office of the Unionon Powell Street to Japan Town as well as its many localchapters scattered across B.C. The contents of somerepresentative issues of Nikkan Minshu during the period ofMay  -  December  1941  consisted  of  labour  and  industrialnews, articles on international affairs reflecting the gloomyevents of World War II already occurring in Europe, fisherynews reporting a good harvest of salmon and herring,glorious news of the Asahi Baseball Team's five consecutivewins, and religious and educational issues: in particular, a bigdiscussion about the Japanese Language School betweenVancouver City Council and the Japanese Community. Somecity councillors were concerned about the health of Japanese-Canadian  students  who  spent  much  time  studying  at both21English and Japanese schools. Teachers of the JapaneseLanguage School denied any health problems among Niseiyouth due to dual education. Etsu Suzuki's wife ToshikoTamura (1884-1945),20-a a prominent novelist and essayist,contributed to Nikkan Minshu, with many articles and essayson women's issues; she also organized various culturalactivities for working Japanese women during the 1930s. Sheencouraged Japanese women in Canada to be more active inboth their private and public lives by organizing a discussiongroup where the women could express opinions freely andgain mutual understanding. Nikkan Minshu ceased onDecember 6, 1941.16c) The New  CanadianThis was an all English newspaper published in Japan Townand was aimed at Nisei readers in the late 1930s and laterbecame bilingual during the evacuation days around 1942.When the Pacific War started on December 7, 1941, theCanadian government banned the publication of all Japanese-Canadian newspapers, except this English languagenewspaper. The New Canadian was founded on Nov. 24,1938, by UBC graduates Shinobu Higashi, Edward Ouchi,Kunio Shimizu, and Thomas Shoyama at 230 AlexanderStreet  c/o Taiyo  Printing  Company  in Japan Town. Back in22the 1930s it was very difficult for Japanese universitygraduates to find jobs in their chosen fields. Therefore,Masajiro Miyazaki (UBC B.A. 1925)22 arranged to createjobs for them. He used to hear Maeba of Taiyo PrintingCompany talk about the scarcity of printing business. It gavehim the idea of starting an English language newspaper forthe Nisei people and letting Taiyo print it. That would begood for both the printing company and the secondgeneration of Japanese Canadians whose first language wasEnglish. One Japanese newspaper publisher also encouragedHigashi and the other young men to do so. Shinobu Higashi(who had formerly worked on the university paper, theUbyssey) was editor, reporter, subscription and ad salesman:Thomas Shoyama (Deputy Federal Minister of Financebetween 1975-80, and recipient of the Order of Canada in1978) was co-editor; Ed Ouchi, finance manager; and KunioShimizu, assistant editor. All of them were UBC graduates in1938 except Ed Ouchi, who had received his B.A. in 1937.That was how the New Canadian started publishing. Itscirculation was very small, estimated at 400 in 1941. Duringthe war years, the New Canadian relocated in 1942 to Kaslo,B.C., one of the internment camps, and was closely censoredby the B.C. Security Commission from 1942 to 1945. Laterthe authorities realized the need for  a Japanese section in this23English paper because they had difficulty in communicatingwith the Issei and they had to let Japanese-Canadian interneesknow of notices and orders issued by the government.Takaichi Umezuki joined the staff of the New Canadian andworked as an editor for its Japanese section. So the NewCanadian became a bilingual paper from 1942 and its totalcirculation jumped to about 4,000 copies at the peak timeduring the war period and it proved of great value to theCanadian authorities as well as to the Japanese Canadians.After the war, the New Canadian was published in Winnipegfrom 1945 to 1948 and in Toronto from 1949 to 2001.Takaichi Umezuki eventually became the editor- in-chief andpublisher of the New Canadian. He was awarded the Order ofCanada in 1979 by the Federal Government of Canada for hissixty years of contribution to the welfare of Canadians ofJapanese origin. He passed away in Toronto at the age ofeighty-two on January 23, 1980. UBC has complete backnumbers   of  the  New   Canadian   from   Nov.  24,  1938  toSept.  27,  2001  in  the Special Collections Division  of MainLibrary.16Characteristics and Roles of Japanese-Canadian Newspapers in their CommunityEvery one of the above four Japanese-Canadian papers vividly records the daily activitiesof  Japanese  communities  scattered in  various  locations  around  British  Columbia,  seen24through their professions such as business and commerce, farming, fishing, logging,mining, religious activities, education and so on in the prewar days as described in the laterpart of this aricle. The Japanese-language newspapers also served to report to immigrantswhat was happening in their home country, Japan. They featured articles on current issuesrelating to their life in their new country, such as social and political movements and trendsin British Columbia, and these Japanese papers let immigrants know of the impact of suchtrends on their daily life. Various important organizational and professional activities of theJapanese communities were recorded in great detail, as well as all vital statistics such asbirths, marriages, and deaths, and other miscellaneous community daily news like gossip,exposés, and fiction. For both researchers and the public alike, searching for informationabout what was happening in the Japanese communities in B.C. in those days, these fournewspapers are indispensable original news sources. These newspapers are invaluableresources for determining the social, economic and political conditions of the Japanese-Canadian communities in the prewar days. Most importantly, these Japanese-Canadiannewspapers served as the instrument through which Japanese immigrants and Nisei (theirsecond generation offspring) learned to interpret the issues and events of the BritishColumbian society within which they lived. In the columns of the journals, the readers wereadvised of important current issues such as immigration, ethnic problems, and the role ofthe "Japanese Community" in a multi-cultural society. We can observe in their daily andweekly issues that all the four papers functioned as a vigorous social and politicalconscience in Japanese-Canadian efforts and struggles to build a B.C. society, and that allthe papers maintained a high level of ethno-journalistic competence and informed analysis.All of them were headquartered in their main ethnic community : Japan Town centeredaround  Powell  Street  in  Vancouver,  where  a  large  number  of  Japanese  organizations,25companies, shops, Christian churches, a Buddhist temple, and the Japanese LanguageSchool were concentrated, and from there these news presses further distributed their dailyand weekly to various local Japanese communities scattered around the Province of BritishColumbia. After the outbreak of the Pacific War on Dec. 7, 1941 (Sunday), only the NewCanadian - an English language paper - was permitted to continue publication by theCanadian authorities. All the other three Japanese language papers, Tairiku, KanadaShinbun and Nikkan Minshu , were forced to suspend publication by the British ColumbiaSecurity Commission of the Federal Government of Canada. After the War, the NewCanadian moved to Winnipeg in 1945, and further to Toronto in 1949. Its publicationceased on Sept. 27, 2001, because of decreasing circulation numbers and subsequentfinancial problems. Among the Japanese-language papers, only Tairiku was reestablishedin Toronto as Tairiku Jiho (The Continental Times) under the new management of Yorikiand his wife Midori Iwasaki, who was the niece of Yasushi Iwasaki, founder of the originalTairiku Nippo (The Continental Daily News) 1908-1941. Tairiku Jiho was publishedbetween November 1949 and March 1982. It was superseded by Kanada Taimusu (TheCanada Times), which was published between April 1982 and May 1998 by Harry KunioTaba. Most of this paper's readers were Issei (Japanese First Generation) seniors and as aresult of their gradual departures, its circulation numbers also decreased and eventually itspublication ceased in May, 1998.Readership of Japanese Dailies in the Prewar DaysCirculation figures for these Japanese-Canadian dailies in 194120 are remarkable. Amongthe three Japanese-language papers, the long-established Tairiku Nippo (The ContinentalDaily  News), 1908-1941, led  the  field  with  4,000; Kanada Shinbun  (The Canada  Daily26News), 1923-1941, was the second largest in terms of circulation, with 2, 500 readers; andthird, Nikkan Minshu (Daily People), 1924-1941, sold 1,500 copies. Interestingly, the totalcirculation of the three papers was therefore about 8,000. At the same time, according tothe Canada census, the total number of Japanese-Canadian families in the Province ofBritish Columbia was only about 7,000. Therefore, we can safely conclude that manyfamilies were subscribing to more than one of these daily papers, and not relying on justone. This means that the readers were getting balanced information from these papers withdifferent characters and editorships.Completion of Microfilm Editions of Japanese-Canadian Newspapers at UBCIn the more than 50 years since the last issue of these Japanese language papers werepublished (Saturday, Dec. 6, 1941), the physical condition of the original newspapers hasbeen deteriorating, but their historical value has been increasing as time passes. In order toobtain unbiased information about the Japanese communities in the prewar days, all theavailable Japanese-Canadian newspapers mentioned above should be examinedcomparatively. Therefore, many Canadian and Japanese scholars, researchers, and membersof the general public, in their study of Japanese immigrants and their communities inCanada, have been requesting the preservation of these indispensable source materials andimprovement in their accessibility by micro-filming. In order to meet their wishes, the UBCLibrary   undertook  a  preservation   project   to  microfilm   their  holdings   of  these  fourpapers.15-18  Today, with the completion of microfilm editions of Tairiku Nippo (TheContinental Daily News) , Jan. 1, 1908 - Dec. 6, 1941, Kanada Shinbun (The Canada DailyNews), Sept. 2 - Dec. 6, 1941, Nikkan Minshu (The Daily People ), May 2 - Dec. 6, 1941,and   the  New  Canadian ,   Nov. 24,  1938   -   Sept. 27,  2001,   both  researchers  and  the27general public who are interested in Japanese-Canadian history are now able to know moredetails of various aspects of the cultural, social, economic and political lives of manyJapanese-Canadians up to 1941, when there were approximately 23,000 people of Japaneseorigin residing in the Province of British Columbia. The range of viewpoints presented inthese newspapers adds another dimension to the historical record, and having all fourpapers  preserved on a stable medium will ensure that these resources will remain availableto researchers and general readers into the distant future.Japanese Local Communities by Professions in the Prewar Daysa) Business and CommercePowell Street 23 in Vancouver in the prewar days was the main street of Little Tokyo orJapan Town, aligning all sorts of small stores and businesses operated by Japaneseimmigrants. Early immigrants often began by working for five or ten years at the nearbyHastings Mill; then they would own small stores in this area, often with their livingquarters or a boarding room upstairs. Two of the large companies were Tamura Shokai (theTamura Trading Company), and its affiliate, Nikka Chochiku K.K. (the Japan-Canada TrustSavings Company). Prof. Kunitoshi Suenaga of the Faculty of Economics, DoshishaUniversity, Kyoto, did his research in the mid-1990s at UBC about the Vancouver JapaneseCredit Association 24  in the post First World War period. All these banking companies heldthe money that these immigrants made and looked after the transfer of any surplus to theirhomes in Japan. There were also the head offices and the printing facilities for all thedailies, Tairiku Nippo, Kanada Shinbun and Nikkan Minshu, and of the weekly, the NewCanadian.  A Japanese businessmen's club 25 was organized as early as 1920. In short,Japan  Town  along  Powell  Street  had everything that  Japanese people looked for: shops,28international companies, social organizations, Christian churches, a Buddhist temple, theJapanese School, and even Powell Grounds for baseball and recreation .b) FarmingAlong the Fraser River in B.C., agriculture was a key industry for Japanese immigrants inthe prewar days.26  The National Japanese Canadian Citizenship Association (NJCCA)Collection kept by the Special Collections Division of UBC Library lists fourteen Japaneseagricultural communities in the Fraser Valley, their memberships, total acres owned orleased, type of crops cultivated, etc. Information on the Fraser Community (NJCCACollection) and the Mission Japanese Farmers' Association (Mrs. Lily Kamachi Collection )is also useful for getting acquainted with Japanese farming conditions in these areas. Twooutstanding leaders 26-e of the Japanese farming community were Jiro Inouye and YasutaroYamaga. Jiro Inouye was born in Saga Prefecture, southern Japan, in 1870, and graduatedfrom Waseda University in Tokyo. He immigrated to Canada in 1906, bought 20 acres ofland in Haney and started to grow strawberries. He found it profitable and wrote manyarticles in the Japanese newspapers urging people to start farming, and he also wrote ahistorical book about the Japanese Farmers' Association in Haney, B.C.26-d  The total landdeveloped by Japanese farmers before 1930 was approximately 3,000 acres. Assisting JiroInouye was Yasutaro Yamaga. Born in Hiroshima Prefecture, Japan, in 1886, Yamaga hadimmigrated to Canada in 1907, and attracted by Inouye's publications, he settled down inHaney until 1942. Both men taught Sunday School at the Haney Corner Mission, whichwas interdenominational and interracial in nature (in 1930, here were 160 Japanese andCaucasian Canadian children in attendance there). Yamaga was one of the rare olderJapanese-Canadians who had a full command of English  and understood the Canadian wayof life.  He acted to clarify misunderstandings and misconceptions and to interpret for both29Japanese immigrants and Canadian people - bridging the communication, generation, andinterracial gaps.  At the Japanese Club, the Japanese Farmers' Association, the JapaneseYouth Club, and the Japanese Women's Club, Yamaga and his associates would give talksto promote better understanding of the Canadian way of life - closing the perception gap.After the war, Yamaga moved to Beamsville, Ontario, and purchased an orchard and builton it Nipponia Home,26-e & 39-b the first Japanese-Canadian Senior Citizens' Home. Yamagais perhaps one of the most well known among Japanese leaders, in agriculture, in adulteducation, in the co-operative union movement and in social work. In early days, there wasa lot of uncleared land in the Fraser Valley, which ambitious farmers cleared by hand.26-c.However, as the number of strawberry growers increased, many problems developed, suchas overproduction, lack of markets, lack of price control for their produce, and, above all,accelerating anti-Japanese sentiment. The Canadian farmers, unable to compete with theJapanese, blamed them for the low price of berries. In order to solve the many problems,the Japanese soon realized that it was necessary to organize a farmers' cooperative toexpand into the profitable produce market and establish a system of quality control for thestrawberry crop. Through the leadership of Yamaga, the Maple Ridge Co-operativeProduce Exchange was organized in 1926. A method of packing and crating thestrawberries was standardized. Information concerning new and better varieties ofstrawberry plants, fertilizers, crates, insecticides, etc. was given to the members, and theCo-op could buy large quantities of these materials and sell them to the members atreasonable prices.  The Co-op had a plant to receive and sell berries and other farmproduce, a jam factory and a berry preserving plant.26-b.A postwar immigrant farmer's laborious trial-and-error story of producing successfulorganic vegetables in greenhouses  in  Windsor,  Ontario,  was well depicted in his memoir,30Bokuwa Kanada no Daikon Hyakusho 26-g  by Tom T. Kuramoto. He told the story ofovercoming the perception gap between an employee and an employer as a farmer inCanada.c) FishingFishing was a very comon profession for Japanese immigrants, and in the prewar daysJapanese fishing villages were scattered along the Fraser, Skeena and Nass Rivers, andaround Vancouver Island in British Columbia.27  However, the first Japanese victims inCanada of the persecution that followed the outbreak of the Pacific War were fishermen.By the order of the Royal Canadian Navy, all the Japanese fishing boats, about 1,200, wereassembled on the shores of Annacis Island, off New Westminster along the Fraser River,for fear Japanese-Canadian fishermen would act as enemy agents. One prominent Japanese-Canadian fisherman was Rintaro Hayashi, 27-j who was born in 1901 at Mio-Mura,Wakayama-ken, Japan. Mio-Mura is well known as "American Village" in Japan (i.e.,Canadian Village, source of emigrants of fishermen to Canada), because every family in thevillage has relatives in Steveston at Richmond, B.C.,27-d  a fishing town at the mouth of theFraser River.  Hayashi came to Canada at age twelve, called here by his father, who was afisherman.  Besides fishing, he served as secretary of the Steveston Japanese Fisherman'sAssociation and also was in charge of accounting for the Steveston Japanese Hospitalmanaged by the Fisherman's Association. He was also one of the founders of Kendo(Japanese fencing) Clubs in Canada. Hayashi wrote two books 27-f & l in his retirement days.The Rintaro Hayashi Collection kept by the Special Collections at UBC is rich in officialdocuments regarding the Japanese evacuation orders issued by the BC SecurityCommission,  RCMP,  and so on.   It  includes  lists  of  names  of  those  repatriated  after31the War and correspondence regarding the relocation of other Japanese-Canadians inEastern Canada. The Collection also contains minutes of the Steveston JapaneseFisherman's Benevolent Association.27-a  The Skeena Fisherman's Association Collection(part of the NJCCA Collection at UBC) includes correspondence files which pertain to thecancellation of fishing licenses for Japanese fishermen, and the "gas boat controversy".(The restriction gas boats for Japanese was appealed by Jun Kisawa, Waseda graduate, andhe won his case in court in 1929).27-f  Finally, the Kishizo Kimura Collection includes verydetailed  statistics  on  salt  salmon  production,  1895 - 1939,  and  salt  herring production,1924 - 1941,  as well as  licenses  issued by racial  origin  and type of fishing,  1922 - 1937.c) ForestryIn pioneering days, many Japanese immigrants worked for logging companies, sawmills, orpulp and paper companies along the B.C. coast.28 In fact, the Japanese called Hastings Mill,the Otasuke Kaisha, the "Helping Hand Company."28-e  As mentioned above, newcomersfound ready employment at this Mill, and from their earnings many started small shops andbuilt their first homes in Japan Town. One prominent figure in forestry was EikichiKagetsu, who operated in the Cumberland-Comox area, logging and transporting timberson his logging railway. The Rev. Yoshio Ono Collection at UBC includes Kagetsu's letter tothe B.C. Security Commission, which reveals the scope of his operations: when the warbroke out and he was forced to leave his logging camp with 2.5 million feet of logsawaiting transport, he requested special permission to hire employees to move them beforeclosing down his operation. Another prominent figure was Kantaro Kadota.28-a  He wasborn in 1882 in Tottori Prefecture in Japan and immigrated to Canada in 1905. Kadota'scamps were known  for the prohibition of liquor and gambling, as it was his conviction that32the excess of these vices (which were almost synonymous with labour camps in those days)only led to the deterioration of morals and standards of propriety. His principles were basedon his Christian spirit, particularly encouragement for a hard-working and clean, happy life.Kadota, as the Head Millwright and Superintendent of the Japanese workers at theEnglewood mill by 1941, was overseeing one of the most productive sawmills. Many of themill facilities were designed and constructed by him. After the historic 1919 strike atWhalen Pulp & Paper Company, the Japanese Workers' Union (JWU) was formed in 1920,based at an office on Powell Street. It accepted any Japanese worker who wished to join:loggers, papermill workers, laborers, fishermen, laundry workers and so on. In 1927, JWUgained affiliation with the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada.28-d  Its constitution andbylaws as well as correspondence and records up to 1942 can be seen in the NJCCACollection at the Special Collections, UBC, which also includes a taped interview withHachiro Miyazawa, whose reminiscences 28-b of his first employment days at the HastingSaw Mill and of his later successful laundry business were published in 1980.d) MiningMany early immigrants from Japan also used to work in mining.29  The NJCCA Collectionat UBC includes the story of Arichika Ikeda,29-a  whose copper mine on Moresby Islandwas located on "Ikeda Bay." According to the Charlottes Journal of the Queen CharlotteIslands Museum, Vol. 3 (1973), Arichika Ikeda was "a most unusual man belonging to aspecial breed of adventurers, a man who dominated an exciting period in the history of theQueen Charlottes, liked and trusted by all he met, no mean feat in those days when racialprejudice ... was rampant." In April 1906, he discovered copper at Moresby Island, one ofthe Queen Charlotte Islands.  When he journeyed to Victoria, capital of B.C., to register his33copper claim, he could not describe the location by name since it was not given on the map.He drew the shape of the bay on paper and presented it to the authorities in Victoria. Aletter he received later from the Federal Government of Canada stated: "This bay shall benamed Ikeda Bay forever." It is likely the first time the Canadian map was marked by aJapanese name.Prof. Toshiji Sasaki's article and book in Japanese on the Canada Union Coal Mine(CUCM)  and the  Kobe  Emigration  Company  (KEC)  describe well about  178  Japaneselabourers from Hiroshima and Fukuoka employed in 1891/ 92 by the CUCM through KEC,an emigration agent.29-c & d  The Rev. Ono Collection at UBC contains lists of Japanesepeople working in the coal mines and forests around Cumberland, B.C. The lists were madein great detail and they include not only miners and loggers but also all their familymembers by age, sex, school grade, etc. These would be very useful lists in a demographicstudy of Japanese-Canadians in the prewar days. Miyoko Kudo, a non-fiction writer whoonce lived in Vancouver, B.C., in the 1970s and '80s, wrote a book on the coal mining townof Cumberland with many old photographs reproduced from original glass negatives keptby the Cumberland Museum. 29-b  e) EducationFrom the prewar days to the present time Japanese immigrants' parents have been veryeager to give bilingual and bicultural education to their children by sending them to theJapanese heritage school after Canadian public school hours.30.The  first  Japanese  school   for  children  of  immigrants  from  Japan  started  in  1906  asNippon  Kokumin  Gakko (Japanese  National  School) on Alexander Street in Japan Town.34Curriculum and textbooks were exactly the same as those in schools in Japan so thatimmigrants' children could experience the same education as their counterparts in Japan.However, as the number of Japanese children born in Canada increased, some teachers ofthe Japanese School urged parents to send their children to Canadian public schools and tosend them to the Japanese Language School for Japanese lessons only after public schoolhours. Mastering English was absolutely necessary, but learning their parents' mothertongue at the same time was also essential for them to keep their ethnic culturalbackground. Between 1906 and 1942, the number of Japanese language schools increasedto about fifty schools in all of B.C. They had typically changed from strictly Japaneseeducation from 1906 to 1911, then to teaching English in addition to Japanese, and finallyto teaching Japanese language only after public school hours in Canadian schools. Inparticular, strong advocates of this bilingual education for Japanese-Canadian childrenwere Tsutae and Hanako Sato,30-k  long-time principal and teacher respectively of theVancouver Japanese School in Japan Town.30-b&c  Tsutae Sato's contribution to Canadianmulticultural society through his career and writings was recognized in 1980 when he wasmade a member of the Order of Canada. The essay by Tom Mitsunaga in the Lily KamachiCollection at UBC deals particularly with the history of the Japanese school in Mission,describing in detail its origins. The primary acculturation agents to Canadian culture of theJapanese were the public schools, churches, and other social organizations, while variousJapanese institutions like the Japanese language school30-a-e played the main role inpreserving an appreciation for Japanese cultures. Regarding the history of Japaneselanguage education in British Columbia in the prewar days, readers will want to refer toTsutae Sato's History of the Vancouver Japanese Language School Educational Society,1923-1942 30-b  and  H. K. Hutchison's Dimensions  of  Ethnic  Education: The  Japanese inBritish Columbia, 1880 - 1940. 30-g   The latter thesis  deals  with the relationship  between35acculturation and educational factors. It demonstrates that the public school was to a largeextent responsible for the behavioral assimilation of the second generation of Japanese-Canadians. Hutchison concludes that the primary acculturation agents were the publicschools, churches, and various Japanese institutions like the Japanese Language School andthe Japanese Youth Club, etc. - helping to close the perception gap. Another important roleserved by the Japanese Language School taught by T. Sato was the facilitating of adulteducation among the parents of the students through the School's Educational Society,Parent-Teacher Association, Mothers' Association, etc. There existed a strong desire topromote understanding and to bridge the perception gap between the Japanese andCanadian communities. One time, for example, the school held a fund-raising drive to senda Canadian teacher from Strathcona Public School to Japan. As for the education ofJapanese-Canadian children in the B.C. interior detention camps during WW II, FrankMoritsugu and 100 former teachers of the camp schools successfully compiled acomprehensive history book entitled Teaching in Canadian Exile 30-o after their happyreunion in 1987. Patricia Roy, History Professor at the University of Victoria wrote aresearch article, "The Education of Japanese Children in the British Columbia InteriorHousing Settlements during World War Two," 30-l  and Wakako Ishikawa, graduateeducation student at the University of Toronto, an MA thesis, "Japanese-Canadianeducation during the World War II internment."30-p   With regard to the same subject in thepostwar period, The Vancouver Japanese School: 20th Anniversary, 1973-1993 30-m and"The History of Japanese Language Education at UBC, 1956-1998: Challenges and FutureDirections" 30-n by K. H. Lynn at the UBC Asian Studies Department are good researchsources.36f) Religious Missionaries    i) The Buddhist ChurchThe dominant Buddhist school in Canada is Jodo Shinshu Honganjiha (Pure Land Sect -Nishi Honganji Temple) headquartered in Kyoto, Japan.31 The first Buddhist Church inCanada was established at 328 Alexander Street, Vancouver, B.C., in 1905 by Rev. SenjuSasaki, dispatched from Honganji in Kyoto, and members of the Bukkyokai (VancouverBuddhist Association). Terry Watada's Bukkyo Tozan 31-n details the ninety years (1905-1995) of existence of Japanese Pure Land Buddhism and its followers in Canada. It is astory of a Buddhist organization and its people that faced hardships, hostility, anddiscrimination in the early stages of immigration into Canada. During the Pacific War theywere forced to leave their homes on the west coast, resulting in the dissolution of theBuddhist churches. After the war the Buddhist churches, through sacrifice and hard work oftheir leaders, followers, and supporters, re-emerged stronger with churches today in majorcities all across Canada. As of today (2004) there are Buddhist churches in most majorJapanese communities such as those in Vancouver, Kelowna, and Steveston in B.C.,Raymond in Alberta, Winnipeg in Manitoba, Toronto in Ontario, and Montreal inQuebec.31-g & l   Prof. Masako Iino, former President of the Japanese Association forCanadian Studies and presently President of Tsuda College in Tokyo, has come to visitCanada almost every year over the past ten years in order to do her research on Japanesecommunities and their Buddhist churches in various locations mentioned above. As herresearch results she contributed several excellent research papers to academic journals inJapan.31-p-s    ii ) The Christian ChurchAn early history of the Christian missionary movement among Japanese immigrants in37British Columbia from 1892 to 1949 is well depicted in Rev. Tadashi Mitsui's thesissubmitted in 1964 to Union College of B.C.32-g  He examines the Christian church 32during the early period of Japanese settlement in B.C. and gives an account of the religiousactivities of such leaders as Rev. Kosaburo Shimizu 32-h  of Vancouver and Rev.Yoshimitsu Akagawa 32-j  of New Westminster. This thesis is a good research source on thedevelopment of Christianity in the Japanese community before and during WW II, whichplayed an important role for Japanese immigrants, helping them to assimilate to Canadiansociety and resolve the perception gap. A History of the Japanese Congregations in theUnited Church of Canada 32-o tells of the founding of the Japanese churches in BritishColumbia, the grass roots pastoral work, evangelism and the taking root of thecongregations, wherever Japanese found work - the fishing canneries, lumber camps andfarming areas.  Then the war came. The Japanese were forcibly removed to internmentcamps in the B.C. interior and sugar beet areas in Alberta. When the war ended, theJapanese were either repatriated to Japan or scattered across Canada, forming newcongregations in the Japanese communities at various locations.32-m  Japanese Christianministers were serving at local churches of the Japanese communities. Rev. YoshimitsuAkagawa 32-j&l  came to Canada in 1910 to help in church work in the Japanese communityof the New Westminster District. After completing a theology course at the University ofToronto, he established the Japanese United Church missions between 1924 and 1934 inthe Fraser Valley farming districts of Pitt Meadows, Hammond, Haney, Mission City,Strawberry Hill, Surrey, and many other small villages along the Fraser River. In Haney,one centre of Japanese farming in the Fraser Valley district, the church meetings used to beheld at the Japanese Farmers' Community Hall. The Rev. Y. Akagawa Collection at UBC,including  his  diaries  written  in  both  Japanese and English between  1893 and 1950, and38membership lists of the Vancouver Methodist Church in 1909 and 1918, containinformation which cannot be found elsewhere today. Rev. Yoshio Ono served on theCumberland-Comox Japanese Mission, United Church of Canada, and was appointed as aJapanese liaison at the Hastings Relocation Camp during the early period of the PacificWar. The Rev. Yoshio Ono Collection at UBC includes his bilingual diary, which describesin detail his day-to-day work in the Hastings Park clearing station in early 1942. There arealso precise lists of Japanese residents and students of the Cumberland-Comox areas in the1940s. Voluminous diaries and documents of Rev. Kosaburo Shimizu, (United Church),spanning 1892 through 1962, and those of Rev. Gordon G. Nakayama, (Anglican Church),covering 1900 through 1962, are also housed at the Rare Books and Special CollectionsDivision of UBC Main Library. Both Rev. Shimizu and Rev. Nakayama graduated from theVancouver Theology College in 1924 and 1934 respectively. In those days the majority ofJapanese Christians belonged to the United Church of Canada.32-eThe Past and Present Overview of the Japanese Communitya) HistoryThe first immigrant from Japan, Manzo Nagano34-b of Nagasaki, landed at NewWestminster, then the capital of British Columbia, in 1877. As of 1936, there were 20,000Japanese-Canadians in British Columbia, of whom 11,000 were Canadian born, 3,500 werenaturalized, and 5,500 were landed immigrants. There were two large groups in theJapanese community, as described before - those originally from Shiga Prefecture, andthose from Wakayama Prefecture, in Japan. The Shiga people36 ran stores in Japan Town orengaged in farming in the Fraser Valley. The Wakayama people37 tended to settle inSteveston,  or  other  coastal  locations, and  mainly  engaged  in  fishing.  As for sources in39English on the history of the Japanese-Canadians in British Columbia and other locations inCanada, refer to the note.33  As for Japanese books with the same subject, see also thenote.34  In 1958 the History Committee of the Japanese-Canadian Citizens Association inToronto under the editorship of Ken Adachi compiled a good handbook of the Japanese inCanada entilted A History of the Japanese Canadians in British Columbia 1877 to 1958.38-bTwo decades later, in 1977, the Japanese community celebrated its 100th year anniversarysince the first Japanese immigrant, Manzo Nagano, put his foot down in New Westminster,B.C. in 1877. The ad hoc committee on the Japanese-Canadian Centennial Project of theJapanese-Canadian Citizenship Association in Vancouver, B.C., compiled a photographichistory book of the Japanese development in Canada in English, French, and Japanese, andin 1978 they published it with great success under the title, A Dream of Riches: TheJapanese Canadians, 1877-1977.33-l   In those early immigration days, the Japanese, likeother Canadians of Oriental origin, were not allowed to vote in British Columbia. Therights and privileges of Canadian citizenship were not granted even to those born here,much less to naturalized Canadians of Japanese parentage who were barred from becomingelected officials, lawyers, pharmacists, employees on public works projects, jury members,etc. The NJCCA Collection at UBC includes materials on both sides of the debate over fullcitizenship for Japanese-Canadians, an extreme example of the culture gap  betweenJapanese and Canadians. On one side there were Angus MacInnis' speech in Parliament inFeb. 1936, and the Nisei presentation seeking their enfranchisement at the House ofCommons in May 1936, and on the other side H. D. Wilson's "Brief on the OrientalSituation in British Columbia in the Year 1938." The lack of recognition and acceptance ofthe  Japanese  community  by the rest  of Canadian  society  makes the records of  activitiesof  the  Japanese  association  particularly   important.   The  Dr.  Masajiro  Miyazaki40Collection at UBC includes maps of Japanese populations in Vancouver in 1938, vitalstatistics of the Japanese in B.C. in 1938 and 1939, minutes of Kanada Nihonjin Kai (TheCanadian Japanese Association) from Dec. 1936 to Jan. 1940, and membership lists of theAssociation from 1935-1937 and 1939, which list an average of 3,300 members each year."Kanada Zairyu Hojin Chosahyo" (The Survey of Japanese in Canada) compiled by theAssociation is the result of a comprehensive census of the 23,000 Japanese residing inCanada as of 1938. Its detailed statistics cover professions by province, and include acensus by age, sex, and citizenship status (Canadian-born, naturalized, or landedimmigrant). Within B.C., there is coverage by city, town, and village, by gender, and byfamily, etc. All of these are very good sources for a researcher who is interested indemographic study. The Rintaro Hayashi Collection includes the Constitution, Bulletins,Reports, and Agenda of the National Japanese-Canadian Citizens Association (NJCCA),and the similar documents of Vancouver JCCA, Steveston JCCA, and provincial BC JCCA.As for research materials on the development of the Japanese in Canada in the prewar days,there are many good source books written in English, e.g. Rigenta Sumida's MA thesis atUBC,38-a in which this student of economics traces the history and main characteristics ofJapanese immigration to Canada, and provides detailed statistical data on the income,occupation, and industrial distribution of Japanese immigrants. This is an intensive study ofthe social and economic status of the Japanese-Canadians (naturalized and Canadian-bornsecond generation) in British Columbia. There was anti-Japanese public sentiment in B.C.from 1890 to 1941. Most crucial in molding BC's hostile political atmosphere was theeconomic factor - the fact that Japanese worked hard as cheap labour. The Japanese workedharder and their skills were comparable or exceeded those of their Caucasian   counterparts.Competition  became  the  source  of  discord  and  apprehension,41which caused the B.C. government to pass an anti-Japanese law in 1897. HowardSugimoto, second generation Canadian student, analyzed this conflict in his MA thesisentitled "Japanese Immigration, the Vancouver Riots and Canadian Diplomacy," which wassubmitted to the University of Washington in 1966.33-i  Immediately after the riot incidentin Sept. 1907, then Prime Minister Laurier sent R. Lemieux, Minister of Labour, to Japan.The visit resulted in the Hayashi-Lemieux Agreement; as a result of immigrationnegotiations between Ottawa and Tokyo, the Japanese government agreed in 1908 to limitemigration to Canada to 400 persons yearly. The Japanese Canadians 33-b by CharlesYoung et al., gives an overall picture of the Japanese in Canada in terms of the significantstages in their progress after their arrival in Canada. The book contains a systematicaccount of the hostility and racial prejudice against Japanese-Canadians and their offspring,the Nisei generation. In order to counter such anti-Japanese movements, the book showsthe Japanese contribution towards the development of Canada. This is a good source bookon the prewar Japanese-Canadians. The Association of Canadian Japanese made tworeports entitled: A Short Statement of the Position and Facts Regarding the Japanese inCanada 39-a in 1921,  and Survey of the Second Generation of Japanese in BritishColumbia 39-k in 1935, in order to help members of the general public in B.C. to understandthe Nisei, the second generation of the Japanese immigrants. The latter is little more than astatistical summary of a house-to-house survey, which focuses on the economic, social, andpolitical conditions of the Nisei. Japanese Canadians had been the object of criticisms inthe 1930s and '40s by the people of B.C. The Association also wrote a booklet entitled TheJapanese Contribution to Canada, a Summary of the Role Played by the Japanese in theDevelopment of Canadian Commonwealth 33-c with the intent of countering the above-mentioned  criticisms  by  presenting  the  facts  of  Japanese  participation in Canadian life.42It describes various activities of the Japanese-Canadians in the major industries of Canada,such as Fishing, Logging, Agriculture, Mining and others. It also discusses some of theproblems of assimilation, especially for the Nisei. Conflicts and changes of the Japanese-Canadian community in the prewar and postwar periods were well depicted in S. Shaw'spaper: "The Future of Japanese in Canada,"33-d which appeared in Canadian Business(October 1944) and George Tanaka's A Documented History of Japanese-Canadians up tothe Year 1953.33-f  F. Walhouse wrote an MA thesis at UBC in 1961 entitled "MinorityEthnic Groups in Vancouver's Cultural Geography."33-g  He conducted a comprehensivesurvey of twenty-seven ethnic groups in Vancouver in the 1950s including Japanese-Canadians, and made an enquiry into the contribution that these groups made to thefunction and appearance of the multicultural city of Greater Vancouver in accordance withthe national mosaic policy in Canada. Joseph S. Roucek's "The Japanese in Canada"33-hpublished in 1965-66 is a series of brief but comprehensive bilingual articles on theJapanese in Canada. Dr. Roucek, a political scientist, presents a clear short history ofJapanese-Canadians. He then focuses his attention on the generation gap between the Isseiand Nisei (first and second generation) Japanese-Canadians in the 1960s. Victor KojiUjimoto, former Sociology Professor of the University of Guelph, Ontario, wrote his Ph.D.thesis at UBC in 1973 under the title of "Post-War Japanese Immigrants in Canada,"33-j inwhich he gives a good overview of the political, economic, and social conditions ofJapanese immigrants in the postwar period. However, his study does not adequately assessthe effects of traditional Japanese cultural factors - the networks of personal affiliations andgood neighbourhoods - on the social relationships of the Japanese immigrants in theCanadian setting. It should also be noted that new immigrants in the postwar period are notclosely  associated  with  each other  any more  like the old  immigrants  in the prewar days.43b) EvacuationThe Pacific War broke out on December 7, 1941 (Sunday). The British Columbia SecurityCommision of the Federal Government of Canada was established on March 4, 1942 toplan and supervise the mass evacuation of Japanese-Canadian citizens, regardless ofwhether they were Canadian-born, naturalized, or landed immigrants, to security areas setup in the interior more than 100 miles from the B.C. coast, as designated by the Minister ofNational Defence on February 2nd 1942. Order in Council P.C. 148640-a authorized theMinister of Justice to evacuate all persons of Japanese race on Feb. 24, 1942. Under theOrder-in-Council, Evacuation Order: P.C. 166540-b which was made on March 4, 1942, inOttawa under the War Measures Act on the recommedation of then Prime MinisterMackenzie King, was put into operation by the British Columbia Security Commission andwas publicly announced on March 6, 1942, through the New Canadian, the only Englishnewspaper of the Japanese community which was permitted to continue publication duringWW II, as well as through other mainstream media. The Commission undertook the firststeps toward total evacuation, using the Hastings Park National Exhibition Grounds as a"clearing station" for assembling the evacuees.  Eventually, approximately 8,000individuals passed through this temporary set-up before a total of 23,000 JapaneseCanadians were interned under Order-in Council P.C. 1486 in various local camps such asTashme, Princeton, Bay Farm, Popoff, Lemon Creek, New Denver, Sandon, Slocan City,Kaslo, and Greenwood. Some important English-language sources on the Japanese massevacuation are seen in the note.40  Jessie L Beattie's Strength for the Bridge40-i well depictsthe uprooting of the Japanese from the West Coast of Canada in 1942. The author does notpreach  or  admonish;  she lets the historical facts speak for themselves. Studies of thecrisis   created by  the  Pacific War  and its  effects   on the Japanese-Canadians  and of  the44popular agitation for evacuation of the Japanese in Canada from the protected areas on theCanadian West Coast and their consequent removal and resettlement are also documentedin other similar Japanese sources in the note.41  Kimiaki Nakashima's M.A. thesis at McGillUniversity in 194640-e attempts to study some of the economic consequences of relocationby giving a detailed analysis of the mass evacuation of the Japanese-Canadians. It showsthat controlled movements of population may often result in economic as well as social andpsychological disorientation. Furthermore, that such disorientation is not always limited tothe particular group relocated but may have repercussions on the economic life of thewhole country. In this category of effects of population displacement, researchers shouldrefer to the National Association of Japanese-Canadians's Economic Losses of Japanese-Canadians after 1941 42-c and J. Roberts-Moore's "Studies in Documents: The Office of theCustodian of Enemy Property..."42- j  There are several other worthy government documentson this subject40-c & d  The Japanese-Canadian Archives at UBC Special Collections housesthe following personal collections: the Tokikazu Tanaka Collection, consisting of publiccorespondence in his capacity as leader of the Petawawa Internment Camp, Angler,Ontario, in 1942-45, and the Rintaro Hayashi Collection , including documents from theRCMP, B.C. Security Commission and other materials relating to the relocation ofJapanese-Canadians in Eastern Canada after the war. The latter also contains lists of namesof Japanese-Canadians repatriated to Japan in 1946, and the Report of the Department ofLabour on Administration of Japanese Affairs in Canada, 1942-44, which is especiallynoteworthy.   Many   other  UBC   collections  contain  important  and  interesting  materialon   the  evacuation.     The  Kiyozo    Kazuta    Collection    contains  notes,  clippings   andmiscellaneous documents  from wartime 1943,  such as a summary of the factfindingRoyal  Commission.   The TASHME  Camp  News  Collection   includes  back  numbers  of45TASHME Camp News ,  dated October-December 1943. Shigeichi Uchibori was a memberof the Central Committee of the Lemon Creek Action Group in the Slocan Valley, B.C. TheShigeichi Uchibori Collection covers the period from October 1945 though March 1946and contains many letters concerning efforts to mobilize a movement to cancel the so-called "Voluntary Repatriation" from various Japanese internment camps. In addition, thereare petitions and open letters to the Prime Minister of Canada denouncing "VoluntaryRepatriation."The Rev. Yoshio Ono Collection also contains documents relating to the mass evacuationprocess of Japanese-Canadians. Forty back issues (1941-44) of the New Canadian, whichprinted many important announcements and/or orders of the Canadian Government duringwartime, are included in this collection as well. The Ono Collection also contains thefollowing moving farewell letter written by him to the residents of Comox District, B.C., inApril 1942:                             - Sayonara (Goodbye) -The Japanese people of Comox District wish to say a word offarewell to all residents of this area. ... For many of us, thishas been our HOME for over thirty years. Here our sons anddaughters were born and brought up. They received theirtraining in Canadian citizenship in the local schools andinstitutions and for this we are thankful. Our life here hasbeen a happy one which we will remember for the rest of ourlife.  We  are  sorry  to have to  say  SAYONARA  to  all  our46friends - people we have known so long - and we earnestlyhope that when this trouble is over (which we hope will besoon) we shall return to our  HOMES and take up ourassociations where we now leave off. The difficult businessof moving the whole community of Japanese people has beenmade as easy as possible by the local people ... We aregrateful for all such assistances ... Again we wish to say"SAYONARA," and may God be with you all till we meetagain. Rev. Yoshio Ono, Japanese United Church atCumberland - Comox, B.C.40-oKey Japanese-language sources on the evacuation include the following: Chiyokichi Ariga,Roki no Yuwaku (Temptations in the Rockies)41-a and Omoide no Katami (Souvenir fromMy Memory);41-c Kiyoko Koyama, Surokohan no Omoide (Memories of Lake Slocan; 41-bRobert Katsumasa Okazaki, Nisei Masu Ebakyueshon Gurupu to "Senji Horyo Shuyojo101" - 1941-1946 41-i (The Nisei Mass Evacuation Group and P.O.W. Camp 101 [inAngler, Ontario]: The Japanese-Canadian Community's Struggle for Justice and HumanRights during World War II);40-zc  Tom Sando Kuwabara, Toraware no Mi: Aru KanadaNikkei Nisei no Senjichu Nikki 41-j translated and edited by Yumiko Hoyano (Wild Dasiesin the Sand: Life in a Canadian Internment Camp);40-ze  Mitsuru Shinpo, Kanada NihonjinImin Monogatari (The Story of Japanese Immigration to Canada)34-d and Ishi o MoteOwaruru Gotoku (Chased Out by Stones ),34-f and Masako Iino, Nikkei Kanadajin noRekishi (A History of Japanese-Canadians).34-g47Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson gave a moving address on the evacuation at the openingceremony of the Japanese-Canadian Cultural Centre in Don Mills, Toronto, on June 7,1964. The following is an excerpt from his speech:For me, this Centre is a new reminder of the multi-racialheritage on which our nation is being built, surely andstrongly. The first Japanese to arrive in Canada came to seeka temporary livelihood in British Columbia, many of themplanning to return to Japan to retire in comfort. But Canadawas to be more fortunate than that for, happily, most of themdecided to stay, and the Japanese way of life became firmlyrooted in small settlements along Canada's Pacific coast. In1942, however, following the unhappy outbreak of warbetween our two countries, the coastal area of BritishColumbia was declared a protected area. People of Japaneseorigin were required to leave. That action by the Canadiangovernment - though taken under the strains, and fears andpressures of war - was a black mark against Canada'straditional fairness and devotion to the principles of humanrights. We have no reason to be proud of this episode, but ithad one compensation. Relocation brought to the attention ofother parts of Canada the strong character and the finequalities of our Japanese citizens and settlers. Their self-reliance and energy and their varied contribution to Canadian48development were a revelation to the rest of Canada. Perhapseven more important, the distribution - even though forceful -over the whole country undoubtedly hastened the fullintegration of Japanese-Canadians into Canadian life.40-l    c) RedressThe Japanese-Canadians' experience of injustice in Canada did not begin with the outbreakof the Pacific War. The struggle to achieve full recognition as citizens of this country canbe traced to the early years of Japanese immigration to British Columbia. A long timebefore 1941, they were targeted by racists because of their growing successes in their majoroccupations such as fishing, forestry and farming in B.C. The trauma of what Japanese-Canadians went through during World War II was clearly the result of politicized andinstitutionalized racism. The tragic experience of the mass expulsion of Canadian citizensof Japanese ancestry from the B.C. coast under government orders P.C. 148640-a and P.C.166540-b motivated the Redress Movement for and by Japanese-Canadians in the 1980s and1990s because the evacuation was a violation of Canadian citizenship rights, a denial of itsown citizens, by the federal government - a reprehensible result of the perception gap. Inthe early organization of this Redress Movement there was a significant generation gap inthe Japanese-Canadian community, as well. Issei (the first generation) did not want tocause any troubles in Canadian society, but Nisei and Sansei (the second and thirdgenerations) wanted to correct the past injustice - this withholding of basic human rights -imposed upon Japanese-Canadians during WW  II by  the federal government  of Canada.These younger generations initiated the Redress Movement.  A successful result of theircivil rights movement  has  opened  a new  perspective  for  Japanese Canadians  inCanadian  society.49The honour and dignity of loyal Japanese-Canadians were restored in the House ofCommons on September 28, 1988, with a formal apology from the Government of Canada,officially pronounced by then Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. The labels of "second classcitizen" and "enemy alien" were officially and forever removed. For Japanese-Canadians, aminority group of only 40,000 (as of the 1986 Canada Census), apart from the financialcompensation - C$ 21,000 each for former individual Japanese-Canadian evacuees (thetotal number of recipients of the compensation around 1988 to 1993 was about 18,000) -the moral victory for human rights will remain for perpetuity. It is hailed as one of the mostsignificant victories for civil and human rights in Canadian history. As a groupcompensation benefit to the Japanese-Canadian community, the Redress Agreement alsostipulated a $12 million fund to be administered by the National Association of JapaneseCanadians (NAJC) headquartered in Winnipeg, Manitoba. The fund would be used forpromoting educational, social and cultural activities in the community. As for those formerJapanese-Canadians expatriated to Japan in 1946 under the federal government's"Repatriation Program"43-a & b in 1946 after the war, Canadian citizenship was restored tothem. After September 28, 1988, former landed immigrants from Japan and/or JapaneseCanadians by birth who were living in Canada were newly granted Canadian citizenshipunder the Redress Agreement. According to a national poll published in the Toronto Staron April 11, 1986, 63 % of members of the general public in Canada supported the redressfor Japanese-Canadians.  We can safely conclude from this newspaper report that not onlythe great efforts of Japanese-Canadians but also huge public support and pressure fromCanadians in general played a significant role in correcting an injustice toward this ethnicminority, bridging the perception gap among the general public in Canada and also amongCanadian governments - municipal, provincial, and federal.50Since the redress for Japanese-Canadians was finally achieved in the House of Commonson September 22, 1988, quite a number of books about the long quest for justice have beenwritten.42  From these, let me pick Justice in Our Time42-r by Roy Miki and CassandraKobayashi as a good example. Authors Miki and Kobayashi, Sansei (the third generation),played an active role in the Japanese-Canadian redress movement, as communityrepresentatives and as members of the NAJC Strategy Committee that negotiated theRedress Settlement. They celebrate the redress settlement as a major victory for humanrights in Canada. In this book, they have documented the vital stages in the politicalstruggle from the historic injustices in the 1940s, through the redress movement in the1980s, to the final events leading up to the settlement on September 22, 1988. The story ofredress is told through a rich interweaving of commentary, photographs, quotations, andhistoric documents. Four decades of history of the Japanese-Canadians' struggle to winredress is a story of democracy winning out, after persistent attempts to correct an injusticeunder joint public pressures from Japanese-Canadian and other collaborative communities.Through the public education campaigns of the national and local Japanese-CanadianCitizenship Associations, and response from members of other communities in Canada, thepublic has spoken, and the Canadian governments on every level - municipal, provincial,and federal - listened.d) Demographic Change in the Japanese-Canadian CommunityIn recent years, the demographics of the Nikkei community have changed dramatically.Now, the Issei generation of immigrants has almost gone, and the Nisei generation is goingto follow next.   At present, the Sansei and Yonsei (third and fourth generations) and theShin-Ijusha   (postwar  immigrants  since  1966)  compose  the main core of  the permanent51Japanese-Canadian population. The Shin-Ijusha have different culture and assimilationissues. As mentioned above, as of 2004 the total population of Japanese-Canadians isapproximately 73,000, with 34,000 in the Greater Vancouver area. Each of the differentgroups is in a much different situation than its counterparts were with regards to thegeneration, culture, and perception gaps.At the same time, there are a Japanese businessmen's community and a growing populationof Japanese visitors on working holidays and visitor visas, along with an increasing numberof intermarried couples, with their own complex sets of concerns (the exact statistics ofnumbers of businessmen, temporary workers, and intermarried couples are not available).Among them, there are many significant problems of language, cultural differences, andmisunderstanding: that is,  significant communication, culture, and perception gaps. ADemographic Profile of Japanese Canadians and Social Implications for the Future byAudrey Kobayashi, published in 1989 by the Department of Secretary of State, Ottawa, issomewhat dated, but is still useful to a researcher on this subject.42-n.e) Interactive Community ProgramsIn order for Japanese-Canadians to fully participate in Canadian life, more efforts should bemade to draw together members of the mainstream and other ethnic communities in Canadaand to provide them with the opportunity to interact with Japanese-Canadian colleagues. Torealize this objective, various intercultural community programs have been organized at theNikkei (Japanese-Canadian) Centres in Vancouver, Toronto and other places. Let me pointout good examples of such interaction recently observed here in the Greater Vancouverarea.52e-i) Dialogue Forum - Closing the GapOne such example is the activities related to Nikkei Week held at Toronto and Vancouver.In order to close the language, culture and generation gaps between Shin-ijusha, newimmigrants from Japan since 1966, and Nikkeijin, Canadian-born Japanese, VancouverJCCA organized a forum in the form of a panel discussion44 at the National NikkeiHeritage and Cultural Centre located in Burnaby, B.C., on September 15, 2004, as part ofthis year's Nikkei Week programs. Two years ago in 2002, in Toronto, the NationalAssociation of Japanese-Canadians (NAJC) sponsored a "Meeting Point Forum," whichfacilitated a national community dialogue about issues of concern, differences, challenges,experiences, and aspirations of the Shin-ijusha community in adapting to life in Canada andrelating to Nikkeijin. Since then, the Vancouver JCCA has held such a dialogue sessionannually44 during the Nikkei Week. What are the past and present challenges to achievingmutually supportive relations and genuine integration between these two Japanese-Canadian community groups?  Nationally, we are a small community (73,000). We arelosing membership due to an aging population and limited immigration from Japan atpresent. New biracial and intercultural generations are growing through intermarriage. Ourfuture growth and development as a Japanese-Canadian community relies on establishingan inclusive outlook, finding and sustaining our commonalities, respecting diversity,developing stronger ties with each other, and building true integration among ourcommunity members whether they settled here one year ago or 100 years ago. They are thekeys to becoming a truly strong and healthy, united community. Both representatives ofvarious community organizations and individual participants confirmed at the end of thisyear's forum the importance of continuing this discussion so that we can work more closelyto bridge the communication, culture, and perception gaps.53e-ii) Nikkei Week Lecture SeriesThe National Nikkei Museum in Burnaby, B.C., has organized a series of lectures onvarious topics by inviting speakers from the Japanese and other communites in order tonarrow the culture and generation gaps. This year, as a part of the Nikkei Week discussion"After the Tumult" on September 21, 2004, Tatsuo Kage, who formerly served as a boardmember of the Vancouver JCCA and later worked for the NAJC as a RedressImplementation Co-ordinator, delivered a speech entitled "Japanese-Canadians Exiled toJapan."43-f  The following is an excerpt from his talk:In 1946, right after the Pacific War ended, almost 4,000Canadian residents of Japanese ancestry were exiled to Japan.The majority were Canadian citizens and it was a historicallyrare incident of a democratic country deporting its owncitizens to a foreign country. A general policy direction forthe expulsion was given by Prime Minister McKenzie Kingon August 4, 1944, at the House of Commons, Parliament ofCanada. He categorized Canadians of Japanese origin intotwo groups:1) Those who were loyal to Canada: They had to comply withthe government policy to disperse themselves as evenly aspossible in Canada (in concrete terms they had to move eastof the Canadian Rockies).2) If Japanese Canadians were unwilling to move to the east,they were regarded as disloyal to Canada and they had to be54sent   "back"   to   Japan.    According   to   the governmentrecords43-a & b of "repatriation," at the time the governmentinsisted repeatedly that the choice was voluntary, butconsidering the circumstances, Japanese-Canadians wereforced  to  choose  one  way  or  another.   It should  be  notedthat two-thirds of the exiled were Canadians by birth;therefore,the government term "repatriation" or "deportation"did not accurately describe the nature of the policy. Theywere required to give up their citizenship when they leftCanada.43-dKage suggested in his conclusion that this lesser known aspect of the community'sexperience of expulsion should be appropriately incorporated into the history of ourcommunity and of Canada in order to better understand the vulnerability of democracy andcitizens' rights during times of national emergency, whether actual or perceived 43-e. IreneTsuyuki also wrote an article on this theme of "Exiled to Japan."43-c.e-iii) First Friday ForumAt the National Nikkei Heritage Centre located in Burnaby, B.C., the "First Friday Forumand Coffeehouse"45 has been held. This interdisciplinary cultural interaction program wasdesigned by Harry Aoki, a bassist, with the Nikkei Centre in early 2002 as an "outreach"program to use arts and dialogue: to initiate intercultural exchange between Japanese-Canadian artists and other Canadian artists and members of the general public from variousethnic and mainstream communities; to investigate the culture and identity of differentethnic   groups;   and  to  identify   their  commonalities  which   in  turn   serve  to  enhance55appreciation of those inherent differences which render various cultures unique in Canadiansociety. This unique cultural interaction forum, with the objective of sharing experience,invites anyone to bring one's musical instrument and join the others for music, freediscussion, refreshments and good company on the first Friday evening of each monthduring the period from fall to spring. These sessions are designed to help close thecommuncation and perception gaps and promote multiculturalism in Canada.e-iv) Vancouver Public Library and Vancouver Opera Joint Speakers' Forum"The Japanese Internment of the 1940s: Realities & Legacies " in the "Opera Speaks"Series was held on the Main Branch of Vancouver Public Library on November 9 (7:30 -9:30 pm). Speakers were Midge Ayukawa, Paul Kariya, Arthur Miki, and Zool Sulman, alawyer for immigration and human rights. This forum was moderated by CBC Radio'sMark Forsythe for about 100 attendees. Ayukawa, formerly a chemist working for thefederal government Water Bureau in Ottawa, later obtained her PhD in Japanese-Canadianhistory from the University of Victoria in her retirement days. Paul Kariya works for aprivate agency, the Pacific Salmon Foundation, and is a cousin of the NHL super-star withthe same name - Paul Kariya. Art Miki, former President of the National Association ofJapanese-Canadians (NAJC) and one of the leaders of the redress movement of Japanese-Canadians, was awarded the Order of Canada. These above three Japanese-Canadianspeakers talked about their hardships experienced as members of the Japanese-Canadiancommunity. Ayukawa recollected the forced evacuation under the War Measures Actduring WW II.  Kariya talked about his fisherman father's struggle to survive in the prewarand postwar days. Miki spoke about the arduous process of "Redress" negotiations in the1980s between the NAJC and the federal government under Prime Minister BrianMulroney.56In February 1942 a total of 23,000 Japanese-Canadians were forcefully removed from theirhomes and out from the 100 Mile Protected Area to the B.C. interior, as designated by theminister of National Defence, and were eventually interned in various local camps. All"persons of Japanese racial origin" were classified as "enemy aliens" regardless of theirstatus as Japanese nationals, naturalized Canadian citizens, or Canadians by birth. TheCanadian federal government referred to this expulsion from the Pacific Coast, as a"relocation," carefully avoiding the term "internment" in their official documents, because"internment" would have been a violation of human rights and illegal under the GenevaConvention. The above mentioned classification "enemy aliens" for the Canadian-bornJapanese and Japanese immigrants who became naturalized Canadian citizens is also aviolation of Canadian citizenship rights. What we can clearly see nowadays is that theseJapanese-Canadians were not prisoners-of-war or even criminals. The Pacific War was overin August 1945, but it was not until 1949 that they were finally released from all therelocation camps. As described before in "Nikkei Week Discussion: After the Tumult," thefederal govenment of Canada deported about 4,000 Canadian residents of Japaneseancestry to Japan in 1946.  The majority were Canadian citizens. This undemocratic actionof  a  civilized  nation was  clearly  a  violation  of  its  citizenship  rights.  Originally about10,000 Japanese Canadians responded to the federal govenment's repatriation program bysigning on such application forms but later about 60 % of these applicants changed theirmind and decided to stay in Canada. This determination of 18,000 people of Japaneseorigin may be interpreted as a confirmation of their Canadian citizenship in spite of theirbitter experience during wartime. As we saw above in this paper, Prime Minister LesterPearson praised their decision to stay in Canada. All the wartime Japanese-Canadians stillalive  at  present  say  nowadays  that  they are happy  and proud with  the wise choice  they57made right after the war to reject the "repatriation programme" of the federal governmentand to stay in Canada. Canada should appreciate the bicultural challenges faced byJapanese-Canadians, who tried so hard to reconcile their motherland of Canada and theirfatherland of Japan during a period of great turmoil. This patriotism does well fit into thepresent-day national policy of multiculturalism and also clearly symbolizes the globalismin Canada - promoting multiculturalism and globalism in Canada.In 1977 the Japanese-Canadian communities all across Canada celebrated the centennialanniversary since the first immigrant from Japan, Manzo Nagano from Nagasaki, set hisfoot in New Westminster. This historic event awoke the memories of the unjust treatmentof the past endured by Japanese-Canadians. The government files that once were bannedfrom public scrutiny were gradually becoming available, which revealed that the forcedremoval of people of Japanese ancestry, internment, confiscation of property andrepatriation policies were unnecessary and not vital to the safety of Canada. In 1984 ArtMiki was appointed as President of the National Association of Japanese-Canadians(NAJC) headquartered in Winnipeg. Under his leadership the redress movement forcorrecting the injustices of the past by government and institutionalized racism againstJapanese-Canadians started. On September 22, 1988, Prime Minister Brian Mulroneyofficially apologized for injustices perpetrated upon Japanese-Canadians in the House ofCommons and provided compensation to the individual victims and a community fund forthe revitalization of the Japanese community. Furthermore, the redress agreement called forthe restoration of Canadian citizenship to those former Canadian residents who were forcedto give up their citizenship at the time of the repatriation in 1946, and amendment of theWar Measures Act  and relevant sections of the Charter of Rights  and Freedoms  so that no58Canadian will ever again be subjected to the wrongs committed against Japanese-Canadians during World War II. In this forum at the Vancouver Public Library on Nov. 9,2004, Art Miki mainly talked about this redress movement, which took forty-six yearsbefore this satisfactory resolution was finally realized since the uprooting of Japanese-Canadians took place in 1942. The author of this article attended this public meeting andobserved that this kind of forum has really promoted a public education on ethnic Canadianhistory and also helped in stimulating public discussions on Canadian society as mosaic -promoting mutual understanding, and bridging the communication, culture, and perceptiongaps.e-v) Philosophers' CaféSimon Fraser University (SFU) of Burnaby has been organizing informal communitydiscussion programs called "The Philosophers' Café" in the Lower Mainland andVancouver Island regions of B.C. These cafés are set up as interdisciplinary programsunder their Continuing Studies department in cooperation with volunteer moderators atlocal cafes, community centres and other premises of various organizations which host theprograms. They aim to provide members of the general public an opportunity to participatein free discussion on various topics and to eventually help to raise the level of publicawareness in our community. These are all interesting community discussion programsranging from philosophy in general to government, politics, economy, society, culture,sports, science and technology, and so on. One of this year's fall programs announced bySFU was: "'Homeland Security' in Canada: What lessons have we learned from theJapanese internment in the 1940s?"  It was held at the Kino Café, a local establishment onCambie Street in Vancouver on November 17 (Wednesday), 2004. "The Philosophers' CaféProgram" (SFU Newsletter, Fall 2004, p. 7) says:59The internment of Japanese-Canadians in the 1940s was thelargest mass movement of people in Canadian history. Itseffects are still being felt by those who were detained and bythe generations that have followed. After much soul-searching by Canadians, an official government apology andthe payment of repatriations [i.e. the redress payment forJapanese-Canadians], we might be forgiven for believing thatsuch injustices could never happen again in a countrycommitted to tolerance and multiculturalism. But the WarMeasures Act [replaced by the Emergencies Act in 1988 - seebelow] is still on the books, the world is on alert for terrorists,and racism still rears its ugly head in many places. This caféprogram, hosted by Vancouver Opera's General DirectorJames W. Wright, will look back at the events of theInternment, into the mirror at current issues of nationalsecurity in Canada and elsewhere, and forward to what thefuture may hold.46This café is part of Vancouver Opera's Views of Japan, a series of events and perform-ances - leading up to its production of Puccini's Madama Butterfly in November /December 2004 - that will explore the rich and complex relationship between the culturesof Japan and Canada. Thus, Vancouver Opera and the Philosopers' Café are cooperating tohelp close the communication, culture, and perception gaps and promote the ethnic mosaicand globalism in Canada.60With regard to the war-time experience of Japanese-Canadians in the 1940s, Kage, also amember of the Human Rights Committee of the Greater Vancouver Japanese-CanadianCitizens' Association, delivered another lecture under the theme: "The War Measures Act -Canadian Experience Workshop: Immigration and Security"47 at the Inter-CommunityConference on Our Voice, Our Strategies - Asian Canadians Against Racism - organizedby the Chinese-Canadian National Council and held June 7 - 9, 2002, at UBC. Thefollowing is a core excerpt from his lecture draft:The War Measures Act was a statute legislated in 1914,conferring emergency powers on the federal cabinet. This actallowed the Cabinet to govern by orders-in-council when itperceives the existence of "war, invasion or insurrection, realor apprehended." This legislation was applied during the twoworld wars, most notably, for the discriminatory treatment ofJapanese-Canadians during and after World Wat II - withcensorship of publications, arrest, detention and deportationof persons, confiscation and disposition of properties, controlof movements & travels, etc. In 1988, under the Mulroneygovernment, the Act was replaced by a more detailed andlimited emergency law called the Emergencies Act. Further,the government introduced Bill 36: the Anti-terrorism Actproclaimed in Dec. 2001. Why did the federal governnentintroduce a new anti-terrorism legislation instead of using itspowers  under  the 1988 Emergencies Act?   Perhaps  because61the emergency powers available under the Emergencies Actare for a limited time period and under the supervision ofParliament. It seems that the government may have preferredthe concentration of power in the executive, resulting in arepetition of the highly discredited practice under the WarMeasures Act. Through the Act, legislative power wastransferred to the federal government. Either Parliamentarycontrol or judicial review was very difficult. Through thispower, the government could and did deprive citizens of theirdemocratic rights by issuing orders-in-council andregulations which had the effect of laws. Japanese-Canadians,as a visible minority, have experienced legalized repressivemeasures from the powers authorized by the War MeasuresAct. Therefore, during our redress campaign, the NationalAssociation of Japanese Canadians urged that "thefundamental human rights and freedoms be consideredsacrosanct, non-negotiable and beyond the reach of anyarbitrary legislation such as the War Measures Act." Ourconcerns remain the same as before because of the anti-terrorism legislation.  The present situation after September11, 2001 seems to be a state of permanent or on-goingemergency. When and how can we go back to a normal stateof affairs? 4762ConclusionOn September 22, 1988, the Canadian government under the Conservative Party Cabinet of PM Brian Mulroney formally apologized to the Japanese-Canadians in the form of a redress agreement correcting the injustices toward them during WW II. Most of the Japanese-Canadians have been happy with the decision they made after the war to reject the federal government's "repatriation programme" to Japan43-a  and to stay in Canada. By overcoming hardship during a war-time period of great turmoil, they finally reconciled the perception gap between their motherland of Canada and their fatherland of Japan. With the redress group endowment funds administered by the National Asociation of Japanese-Canadians headquartered in Winnipeg, Manitoba, various programs have been organized to assist Japanese-Canadians in culture, arts, sports and education fields, and also to promote various interdisciplinary and intercultural interaction with non-Japanese communities in the above fields and even beyond these categories. In order to promote Japanese-Canadian society, unilingual media sources, for example Japanese language newspapers, should be published bilingually, in English and Japanese, so that many more Canadian can have access to news of what's going on in the Japanese-Canadiancommunities all across Canada. Such bilingual sources would help bridge the communication, culture, and perception gaps   between Japanese-Canadians and other Canadians.We also could say that if the Canadian governments - municipal, provincial or federal -would try to further promote mutual exchanges between Canada and other countries, itwould help bring together not only the peoples of multi-ethnic communities in Canada butalso the peoples of multiple countries in the world. It would also promote mutualunderstanding by exchanging different cultures and thoughts, working towards a resolutionof the perception gap  on a universal scale63Open QuestionIn this paper entitled "The Perception Gap: A Case Study of Japanese-Canadians," I havenot dealt with psychological aspects of the perception gap of Japanese-Canadians,  becauseI do not have any expertise in this field. However, it would be an interesting topic toexplore, I think.  Therefore, I hope that one day someone will try to throw some light onthis issue.AcknowledgementI would like to gratefully acknowledge the following persons for helping me while I havebeen preparing this article by providing me with various facts and data on Japanese-Canadians' lives and works, and giving me constructive suggestions and comments toupgrade my draft paper: Mr. Norman Amor at UBC Library, Dr. Donald Burton, formerlyUBC History Dept., Messrs. Stan Fukawa and Timothy Savage, Japanese-Canadian NikkeiHeritage Centre Museum, and Dr. Tatsuo Kage, formerly MOSAIC, Non-Profit ServiceOrganization for Immigrants and Refugees in Canada.                                                                  Notes1)  Keizo Nagatani and David W. Edgington, ed., Japan and the West: The Perception     Gap  (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 1998).2)  For the Generation Gap,  See:     a)  Margaret Mead, Culture and Commitment:A Study of the Generation Gap  (New          York Natural History Press/ Doubleday & Company, 1970).     b)  Stephen Z. Cohen and Bruce Michael Gans, The Other Generation Gap: The          Middle-Aged and Their Aging Parents (Chicago: Follett Publishing, 1978).     c)  Seymour Papert, The Connected Family: Bridging the Digital Generation Gap             (Atlanta, GA: Longstreet Press, 1996).     d)  Grant Sylvester and Rob Sylvester, The Money Gap: Expections vs. Reality:64          Bridging the Gap Facing Baby Boomers and Seniors  (Willowdale, ON: Money          Jar Publishing, 1997).        e)  Pearl Cassel and Raymond Corsini, The Challenge of Adolescence:The Bridge             Across the Generation Gap is Mutual Respect (Toronto: Crystal Cassel, 1998).        f)  Arthur Kraft, Are You Listening to Your Child?  How to Bridge the             Communication Gap through Creative Play Sessions (New York: Walker, 1973).       g)  Barbara J. Cox and Lois Lord Walker, Bridging the Communication Gap with the             Eldery: Practical Strategies for Caregivers (Chicago: AHA, 1991).       h)  Jay McGraw, Closing the Gap: A Strategy for Bridging Parents and Teens Together             (New York: Fireside, 2001). 3)   Roy Ito, Stories of My People: A Japanese Canadian Journal (Hamilton, ON: S-20        and Nisei Veterans Association, 1994). 4)   Ibid., pp. 1-8. 5)   Pat Adachi, Asahi: Legend in Baseball: A Legacy from the Japanese-Canadian       Baseball Team to Its Heirs (Etobicoke, ON: Asahi Baseball Organization, 1992). 6)   Ibid., pp. 45-46. 7)  Sleeping Tigers: Asahi Baseball Story, dir. Jari Osborn (Montreal: National Film Board       of Canada, 2003), Videorecording. 8)  Adachi, p. 98-99. 9)  Tom Hawthorn, "Sun Rises Again for B.C. Ball Players," Globe and Mail, June 27,       2003, pp. 1-2.10)  Adachi, p. 126.11)  Ibid., p. 180.12)  Ibid., p. 174-175.13)  Pat Adachi, and Dale Vaillancourtt, ed., Road to the Pinnacle, Sequel to Asahi:       A Legend in Baseball   (S.l. : s.n., 2004).14)  "Ichiro Sets Mark," Globe and Mail , October 2, 2004, p. S1.6515)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, "Tairiku Nippo (The Continental Daily News), 1908-1941 on        Microfilm, " Microform Review  18, n. 1 (Winter 1989), pp. 38-40.16)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, "Kanada Shinbun (The Canada Daily News) and Nikkan Minshu       (The Daily  People) for 1941 on Microfilm: A Preservation Microfilming Project at the       University of British Columiba Library," Microform Review 24, n 3 (Summer 1995),       pp. 117-123.      See also:      a)  Mitsuru Shinpo, Norio Tamura and Shigehiko Shiramizu, Kanada no Nihongo           Shinbun: Minzoku Ido no Shakaishi (Tokyo: PCM Shuppan, 1991), p. 63.      b)  Norio Tamura, Esunikku Janarizumu: Nikkei Kanadajin, Sono Genron no Shori           (Tokyo: Kashiwa Shobo, 2003).17)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, "Japanese-Canadian Archives on Microfilm: an Overview of the        Japanese-Canadian Archives at the University of British Columbia Library,"       Microfilm & Imaging Review  26, n. 1 (Winter 1997),        pp. 22-23.18)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, "Preservation Projects of Japanese-Canadian Materials at UBC        Library," Journal of East Asian Libraries 124 (June 2001), pp. 1-18.19)  Frances  Hodgson Burnett, Little Lord Fauntleroy (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart,       1922).20)  For Etsu Suzuki,  See:       a)  Miyoko Kudo and Susan Phillips, Bankuba no Ai: Tamura  Toshiko to Suzuki Etsu            (Tokyo: Domesu Shuppan, 1982).       b)  Norio Tamura, Suzuki Etsu: Nihon to Kanada o Musunda Janarisuto  (Tokyo:             Riburo Poto, 1992).21)  "What I Remember about Takaichi Umezuki C.M.," in Issei: Stories of Japanese        Canadians Pioneers by Gordon G. Nakayama (Toronto: Britannia Printers, 1983),         pp. 185 - 188.22)  Masajiro Miyazaki, My Sixty Years in Canada (Lillooet, BC: Masajiro Miyazaki,        1973)23)  For Powell Street,  See:66       a)  Katsuyoshi Morita, Powell Street Monogatari , tr. Erik A. Sokugawa (Burnaby, BC:            Live Canada Publishing, 1988).            Note: This is the English translation of Pauerugai Monogatari..       b)  Katsuyoshi Morita, Pauerugai Monogatari (Burnaby, BC: Live Canada Publishing,            1986).       c)  Audrey Kobayashi, Powell Street: A Brief History and Walking Tour (Vancouver,            BC: NRC Publishing, 1992).       d)  Tamio Wakayama, Kikyo: Coming Home to Powell Street (Madeira Park, BC:             Harbour Publishing, 1992).       e)  Toshiji Sasaki and Yuki Shimomura, "Senzen no Bankuba Nihonjingai no Hatten             Katei," Kobe Kokusai Daigaku Kiyo 46 (1994), pp. 26-67.       f)  Toshiji Sasaki and Yuki Shimomura, "Shiryo - Senzen no Bankuba ni Okeru            Nihonjingai no Hatten to Henyo: Shoten o Chushin to Shita Nihonjin Dotaihyo            (1908-nen - 1941-nen)," Kobe Kokusai Daigaku Kiyo 47 (1995), pp. 97-177.       g)  Tamura Norio, Kanada ni Hyochakushita Nihonjin: Ritoru Tokyo Fusetsusho             (Tokyo: Fuyo Shobo, 2002).24)  Kunitoshi Suetsugu, " Dai Ichiji Taisen Go no Kanada ni Okeru Nikkei Kinyu Kikan       no Kiseki: Bankuba Kyodo Toshi Kaisha no Baai: Activity of Vancouver Japanese       Credit Association after World War II," Doshisha Daigaku Keizaigaku Ronshu 46, n. 2       (1995), pp. 602 - 622.25)  Gordon G. Nakayama, "Katsuyoshi Morita and the Japanese Canadian Industrial        Business Men's Club," in Gordon G. Nakayama, Issei: Stories of  Japanese Canadian        Pioneers (Toronto: Britannia Printers, 1983), pp. 176 - 180.26)  For Farming,  See:       a)  Juzo Suzuki, Kanada Nihonjin Nogyo Hatten Go (Tokyo: Toyo Insatsu, 1930).       b)  Yasutaro Yamaga, Bei-Ka ni Okeru Kyodo Hanbai to Shijo Tosei (Tokyo:  Sangyo             Kumiai Shokai, 1937).       c)  John Mark Read,"The Pre-War Japanese-Canadians of Maple Ridge:Landownership             and the Ken [Prefectural] Tie,"  M.A. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1975.       d)  Jiro Inouye, Hene Nokai Shi (Tokyo: Haney Koen Kai, 1962).67       e)  "Jiro Inouye, Pioneer Farmer, and Yasutaro Yamaga, Founder of Nipponia Home,"              in Gordon G. Nakayama, Issei: Stories of Japanese Canadian Pioneers (Toronto:              Britannia Pritners, 1983), pp. 50 - 55.    See also # 39-b.       f)  Michael S. Hoshiko, Who was Who: Pioneer Japanese Families in Delta and Surrey            (Edwardsville, IL: M. Hoshiko, 1998).       g)  Tom Tsutomu Kuramoto, Boku wa Kanada no Daikon Hyakusho (Tokyo: Soshisha,             1989).27)  For Fishing,  See:       a)  Suchibusuton Gyosha Jizen Dantai, Suchibusuton Gyosha Jizen Dantai Sanjugonen            Shi (Steveston, BC: Suchibusuton Gyosha Jizen Dantai, 1935).       b)  Hitoshi Watanabe, Kanada Bishishu no Hojin Gyogyo ni Tsuite (S.l.: s.n., 1937).       c)  Tadashi Fukutake, Kaigai Imin ga Boson ni Oyoboshita Eikyo (Tokyo: Mainichi            Shinbun Sha, 1953).       d)  Masao Gamo, Umi o Wattata Nihon no Mura (Tokyo: Chuo Koron Sha, 1962).       e)  Kazuko Tsurumi, Sutebusuton Monogatari: Sekai no Naka no Nihonjin (Tokyo:            Chuo Koron Sha, 1962).    See also # 27-d, o, q & 37.       f)  Rintaro Hayashi, Kuroshio no Hateni (Tokyo: Nichibo Shuppan Sha, 1974)            (Note: For a partial English translation, refer to "The Role of Japanese-Canadians             in the Fishing Industry in B.C.," translated by Shoji Matsumoto, in Yuko Shibata,             Shoji Matsumoto, Rintaro Hayashi and Shotaro Iida, The Forgotten History of             Japanese-Canadians , Volume One: The Role of Japanese-Canadians in the Early             Fishing Insdustry in B.C. and an Annotated Bibliography (Vancouver, BC: New             Sun Books, 1977), pp. 3 - 22.       g)  Daphne Marlatt, ed., Steveston Recollected: Japanese-Canadian History (Victoria,             BC : Provincial Archives of British Columbia, 1975).       h)  Rolf Knight and Maya Koizumi, A Man of Our Times : The Life-History of a            Japanese-Canadian Fisherman (Vancouver, BC: New Sun Books, 1976).        i)  Ryuzo Saki, Nami ni Yuhi no Kage mo Naku (Tokyo: Chuo Koron Sha, 1980).        j)  "Rintaro Hayashi, Leader Among Japanese-Canadian Fishermen," in Gordon G.              Nakayama, Issei: Stories of Japanese-Canadian Pioneers (Toronto: Britannia              Printers, 1983), pp. 158 - 160.68       k)  Mitsuru Shinpo, Kanada Imin Haiseki Shi: Nihon no Gyogyo Imin (Tokyo:             Miraisha, 1985).        l)  Rintaro Hayashi, Kahan Mandan (Surrey, BC: Nippon Printing, 1900).      m)  Ide Noriko, Nikkei Kanadajin no Esunikku Aidentiti: Suchibusuton Oyobi            Bankuba no Baai (Kawagoe-shi: Tokyo Kokusai Daigkau, 1994).       n)  Shigeru Koyama, Nikkei Kanada Imin no Chichi, Honma Tomekichi O no Shogai             (Wakayama-ken Mihama-cho: Shigeharu Koyama, 1995).       o)  Rika Kawanishi, "Kanada ni Okeru Nikkeijin Komyuniti: Suchibusuton no Genjo             Bunseki," Imin Kenkyu Nenpo 1 (March 1995), pp. 63-88.             See also # 27-d, e,. q & 35, 37.       p)  Mitsuo Yesaki and Harold and Kathy Steves, Steveston Cannery Row: An            llustrated History (Richmond, BC: Lulu Island Printing, 1998).       q)  Chikako Yamada, Kanada Nikkei Shakai no Bunka Henyo:" Umi o Wattata Nihon             no Mura" Sansedai no Hensen (Tokyo: Ochanomizu Shobo, 2000).             See also # 31-o & 35.       r)  Mitsuo Yesaki and Sakuya Nishimura, Salmon Canning on the Fraser River in the           1890s , illus. Duke Yesaki (Coquitlam, BC: Fraser Journal Publishing, 2000).            See also # 27-s.       s)  Mitsuo Yesaki, Meiji Jidai Kanada de Tsukurareta Sakekan no Hanashi , tr.            Sakuya Nishimura, illus. Duke Yesaki (Coquitlam, BC: Fraser Journal Publishing,            2000).  Note: This is the Japanese translation of Salmon Canning on the Fraser            River in the 1890s.    See also # 27-r.       t)  Mitsuo Yesaki, Sutebusuton: a Japanese Village on the British Columbia Coast.            (Vancouver, BC: Peninsular Publishing, 2003).       u) Kathy Merkins, "Translations from Japanese-Canadians Works Relating to Topics           on the Municipality of Richmond, including Steveston"  (Unpublished ms., 1978).28)  For Forestry,  See:       a)  Yoshiharu Nishio, Kadota Kantaro Shi Ichidaiki: Kanada Seizai Rodokai no            O-Bosu  (Tottori-shi: Nishio Yoshiharu, 1974).       b)  Hachiro Miyazawa, Ochibakago (Nagano: Miyazawa Shinobu, 1980).       c)  "Genroku Nakayma Who Cleared Forests," in Gordon G. Nakayama, Issei: Stories69             of  Japanese-Canadians Pioneers (Toronto: Britannia Printers, 1983), pp. 111-112.       d)  Audrey Lynn Kobayashi and Peter Jackson, "Japanese-Canadians and the            Racialization of Labour in the British Columbia Sawmill Industry, 1900-1930"            (Vancouver, BC: n.p., 1990).       e)  Roy Ito, "Hastings Mill, the Helping Hand Company," in Stories of My People: A            Japanese-Canadian Journal (Hamilton, ON: S-20 and Nisei Veterans Association,            1994), pp. 18 - 26.       f)  Bob Muckle, "Archaeology of Nikkei Logging Camps in North Vancouver," Nikkei            Images  9, n. 4 (Winter 2004), pp. 1-3.29)  For Mining, See:       a)  "Arichika Ikeda: Discoverer of Ikeda Bay," in Gordon G. Nakayama, Issei: Stories             of  Japanese Canadian Pioneers (Toronto: Britannia Printers, 1983), pp. 17-43.       b)  Miyoko Kudo, Maboroshi no Machi, Maboroshi no Onna Cumberland  (Tokyo:            Asahi Shinbun Sha, 1986).       c)  Toshiji Sasaki, "Kanada Union Tanko to Kobe Imin Kaisha," Kikan Pan  6-8             (1987-88).       d)  Toshiji Sasaki, Nihonjin Kanada Iminshi (Tokyo: Fuji Shuppan, 1999).30)  For Education, See:       a)  Tsutae Sato, Bei-Ka ni Okeru Dai Nisei no Kyoiku (Vancouver, BC: Jikyudo,            1932).       b)  Tsutae Sato ed., Kanada Nihongo Gakko Kyoikukai Shi: History of the Japanese             Language School Educational Society 1923-1942 (Vancouver, BC: Kanada             Nihongo Gakko Kyoikukai Seiri Iinkai, 1953).       c)  Bankuba Nippon Kyoritsu Gogakko Enkaku Shi: History of the Vancouver Japanese            Language School , ed. Bankuba Nippon Kyoritsu Gogakko Ijikai  (Vancouver, BC:            Bankuba Nippon Kyortisu Gogakko Ijikai, 1954).       d)  Tsutae Sato, Nihongo Gakko no Shomondai (Vancouver, BC: Sato Tsutae, 1966).       e)  Tsutae Sato and Hanako Sato, Kodomo to Tomo ni Gojunen - Kanada Nikkei70            Kyoiku Shiki: Fifty Years with Children - Our Personal Acounts of the Japanese-            Canadian Education (Tokyo: Nichibo Shuppan Sha, 1969).       f)  Jorgen Dahlie, "The Japanese in B.C.: Lost Opportunity: Some Aspects of the            Education of Minorities," B.C. Studies 8 (Winter, 1970-1971), pp. 3 - 16.       g)  H. K. Hutchison, "Dimensions of Ethnic Education: the Japanese in British            Columbia, 1880-1940," M.A. thesis, University of British Colubia, 1972.       h)  Kiyozo Kazuta, Bankuba Nippon Gogakko 68-Nen no Ayumi o Kiku, (S.l.: s.n.,            1975).       i)  Tsutae Sato and Hanako Sato, Nikkei Kanadajin no Nihongo Kyoiku: Zoku Kodono           to Tomo ni Gojunen (Tokyo: Nichibo Shuppan Sha, 1976).       j)  Tsutae Sato and Hanako Sato, Kansha no Issho: Kanada Nikkei Kyoiku Shiki (S.l.:            s.n., 1980).      k)  Gordon G. Nakayama, "Hanako Sato and Tsutae Sato, C.M. Educators," in Gordon            G. Nakayama, Issei: Stories of Japanese-Canadian Pioneers  (Totonto, ON:           Britannia Printers, 1983), pp. 180-185.       l)  Patricia Roy, "The Education of Japanese Children in the British Columbia Interior           Housing Settlements during World War Two," Historical Studies in Education           Revue/ Revue d'histoire de l'education 4, n. 2 (1992), pp. 211 - 231.     m)  Bankuba Nihongo Hoshu Gakko: 20th Anniversay, 1973-1993 , ed. Bankuba           Nihongo Hoshu Gakko Unei Iinkai (Vancouver, BC: Vancouver Japanese School,           1993).        n)  Kyung-Hee Lynn, "History of Japanese Language Education at UBC, 1956-1998:             Challenges and Future Directions," in Japan after the Economic Miracle: In Search             of New Directions , ed. Paul Bowels and Lawrence T. Woods (Dordrecht,             Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2000), pp. 265-276.        o)  Frank Moritsugu and the Ghost Town Teachers Historical Society, Teaching in              Canadian Exile: A History of the Schools for Japanese-Canadian Children in B.C.              Detention Camps during the Second World War (Toronto: Ghost Town Teachers              Historical Society, 2001).        p)  Wakako Ishikawa, "Japanese-Canadian Education during World War II              Internment,"  M.A. thesis, University of Toronto, 2003.31)  For the Japanese Buddhism in Canada,  See:71        a)  Butsuda, Vol. 1 (1927) - Ceased in December 1941 (Vancouver, BC: Kichirano              Bukkyo Seinenkai, 1927 - 1941).        b)  Otakebi , Feabyu Bukkyo Seinenkai Benronbu, ed. (Vancouver, BC: Uchida              Shoten, 1930).        c)  Steveston Buddhist Church: Dedication Ceremonies, March 6th & 7th, 1965              (S.I.:  s.n., 1965).        d)  Konosuke Nishikihama, Sutebusuton Bukkyokai Shi (Unpublished m.s., 1967).        e)  Reimondo Bukkyokai, Reimondo Bukkyokai Shi, 1929-1969 (Kyoto: Dohosha,             1970).        f)  Kumiko Uchino, "Kanada Nikkeijin Shakai to Bukkyokai," Nihon Bukkyo  38             (Aug. 1976), pp. 43 - 53.   See also # 35.        g)  Takamichi Takahatake, Kanada Jodo Shinshu (Kyoto: Hyakkaen, 1978).        h)  Vancouver Buddhist Church, New Temple & Complex Dedication, 75th             Anniversary (Vancouver, B.C.: Vancouver Buddhist Church, 1979).             Note: Printed in both English and Japanese.        i)  Shinjo Ikuta, Kanada Bukkyokai Enkakushi: Dainiji Taisen Zen no Bishi-shu o            Chushin ni  ( S.l.: Kanada Bukkyo Kyodan, 1981).        j)  Yutetsu Kawamura, Taiheiyo Senso Toji Kanada Bukkyo Shi, Narabini 1936-Nen            Kara 1985-Nen Made no Kiroku (Raymond, AB: Kawamura Yutetsu, 1988).       k)  Mark Mullins, Religious Minorities in Canada: A Sociological Study of the            Japanese Experience (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen Press, 1989).        l)  Yutaro Ide, Kanada no Junrei o Yuku: Toronto, Kebekku, Montorioru, Banfu,            Bankuba (Tokyo: Chuo Koron Sha, 1990 ).       m)  Akira Ichikawa, "A Test of Religious Tolerance: Canadian Government and Jodo             Shinshu Buddhism during the Pacific War, 1941-1945," Canadian Ethnic             Studies  26, n. 2 (1994), pp. 49-50.        n)  Terry Watada, Bukkyo Tozen: A History of Jodo Shinshu Buddhism in Canada,             1905-1995 (Toronto: HpF Press and the Toronto Buddhist Church, 1996).        o)  Chikako Yamada, "Nikkei Kanadajin no Intamariji ni Kansuru Ichi Kosatsu:              Bukkyokai ni Okeru Tsukon Patan Bunseki o Chushin ni," Nagasaki Kenritsu72              Daigaku Ronshu  33, n. 4 (March 2000), pp. 67-94.    See also # 27-q & 35.        p)  Masako Iino, "Toronto Bukkyokai (TBC) to Nikkeijin: Sai Teiju o Chushin ni," in,             Kosasuru Kokka, Minzoku, Shukyo: Imin no Shakai Tekiyo, ed. Muneyoshi Togami             (Tokyo: Fuji Shuppan, 2001), pp. 213 - 236.  (Ryukoku Daigaku Shakai Kagaku             Kenkyujo Sosho, 45).        q)  Msako Iino, "Bishi-shu no Bunkkyokai to Nikkei Kanadajin Komyuniti," Tokyo             Daigaku Amerika Taiheiyo Kenkyu  2 (March 2002), pp. 45-61.    See also # 35.        r)  Masako Iino, "Bukkyokai to Nikkei Kanadajin Komyuniti," Gakuto  99, n. 5 (May             2002), pp. 12-15. See also # 35.        s)  Masako Iino, "[Otakebi] to [Butsuda] ni Mirareru Nikkeijin no Ishiki: Bishi-shu no             Nikkei Kanadajin Komyuniti to Bukkyokai," Ryukoku Daigaku Keizaigaku Ronshu             43, n. 1 (June 2003), pp. 1-14.   See also # 35.        t)  "Imin to Kaigai Fukyo," in Omi ni Ikiru Jodo Shinshu to Minshu: Shiga Kyoku             Hyakunijunenshi, ed. Shiga Kyokushi Hensan Senmon Iinkai (Omihachiman-shi:             Omihachiman-shi Jodo Shinshu Honganjiha Shiga Kyoku Kikan Undo Suishin             Iinkai, 2004), pp. 69 - 79.32)  For the Japanese Christianity in Canada,  See:       a)  S.S. Osterhout, "Mr. Kanamori and the Revival Among the Japanese in British            Columbia," in Missionary Bulletin: Containing Letters from Missionaries and            Missionary Superintendents to Their Fellow-Worker at Home 12 (March-June,            1916), pp. 343-350.      b)  Orientals in Canada: The Story of the Work of the United Church in Canada with           Asiatics of Canada (Toronto: Board of Home Missions, United Church of Canada,           1929).      c)  Bokuteki: Shepherd's Call (Vancouver, BC: B.C. Japanese United Church, 1932-           1941).d)  Makoto Nakayama, Kanada ni Okeru Nikkei Seikokai no Rekishiteki Kosatsu,            (Tokyo: Kirisutokyo Insatsu Kabushiki Kaisha, 1959).            Note: This is  a Japanese translation of the author's  thesis  originally written in            English under the title: A History  of the Japanese Anglican Church in Canada            at the Union College of British Columbia.      e)  Kanada Nikkeijin Godo Kyokai Shi: 1892-1959: A History of the Japanese73           Congregations of the United Church of Canada: 1892-1959, ed. Zenkoku Kyokai            Kyogikai (Toronto: Kanada Nikkeijin Godo Kyokai Zenkoku Kyogikai, 1961).            See also # 32-o.      f)  Chichiga Aishita Yoni, ed. Nakanishi Sensei Kinen Bunshu Henshu Iinkai            (Kyoto: Nihon Kirisuto Kyodan Kyoto Nishimachi Kyokai, 1963).      g)  Tadashi Mitsui, "The Ministry of the United Church Amongst Japanese Canadians            in B.C. 1892-1949,"  Graduate thesis, Union College of B.C., 1964.      h)  Ko Shimizu Kosaburo Bokushi Omoideshu, Toronto Nikkeijin Godo Kyokai, ed.            (Tokyo: Fukuinsha, 1965).       i)  Jun Kabayama, Oncho-ki (Tokyo: Fukuinkan Shoten, 1971).       j)  Tsukane Maeda, Akagawa Yoshimitsu: Waga Seimei wa Dendo ni Arite  (Tokyo:           Janaru Tokyo K.K., 1972).      k)  Toshiji Sasaki, "Kanada Shoki Imin Shakai to Nihon Nii Kyokai," Kirisutokyo           Shakai Mondai Kenkyu  29 (March 1981), pp. 28 - 78.      l)  "Yoshimitsu Akagawa: Missionary and Paster," in Gordon G. Nakayama, Issei:           Stories of Japanese-Canadian Pioneers (Toronto: Britannia Printers Ltd., 1983),            pp. 113 - 125.    m)  Ministry to the Hopelessly Hopeless: Japanese-Canadian Evacuees and Churches          during WW II, ed. Roland M. Kawano (Scarborough, ON: Japanese-Canadian          Christian Churches Historical Project, 1997).   See also # 32-p.     n)  Chiyokichi Ariga and Shinichi Kimura, The Rev. Frank Cassillis-Kennedy: Elder to           the Japanese Canadians, ed. Roland M. Kawano, tr. The Japanese-Canadian          Christian Churches Historical Project (Scarborough, ON: Japanese-Canadian          Christian Churches Historical Project, 1990).          Note: This is an English translation of Doho no Chichi: Kenedi Choro no Shogai,          which was originally published in 1930.     o)  A History of the Japanese Congregations in the United Church of Canada:1892-          1959, ed. Kanada Nikkeijin Godo Kyokai Zenkoku Kyogikai, tr. Ed Yoshida, Seiichi          Ariga, and Shinji Kawano (Toronto: Japanese Congregations of the United Church of          Canada, 2003 ).  Note: This is the English translation of Kanada Nikkeijin Godo          Kyokaishi.    See also # 32-e.      p)  Zetsuboteki ni Kibonaki Hitobito ni Hikari ga: Dainiji Sekai Taisen Chu ni Kyosei            Ido  Saserareta Nikkeijin to Kanada no Kyokai , ed. Roland M. Kawano, tr. Kanada            Kurisuchan Honyaku Gurupu (Scarborough, ON: Japanese Canadian-Christian74            Churches Historical Project, 2003).            Note: This is the Japanese translation of Ministry to the Hopelessly Hopeless..               See also # 32-m.33)  For Japanese-Canadian History - English Sources,  See:       a)  House of Lords and Privy Council. Cunnigham and Attorney-General for British            Columbia v. Tomey Homma and Attorney-General for the Dominion of Canada,            On Appeal from the Supreme Court of British Columbia, Number 45 of 1901.            House of Lords and Privy Coucil, December 17, 1902.       b)  Charles H. Young, Helen R. Y. Reid, and W.A. Carrothers, The Japanese            Canadians  (Toronto: The University of Toronto, 1938).       c)  The Japanese Contribution to Canada, a Summary of the Role Played by the            Japanese in the Development of Canadian Commonwealth , ed. Canadian Japanese            Association (Vancouver, BC: Canadian-Japanese Association, 1940).       d)  S. Shaw, "Future of the Japanese in Canada," Canadian Business 17 (October             1944), pp. 68-72, 164, 166, 168.       e)  Forest La Violette, The Canadian Japanese and World War II: A Sociological and            Psychological Account (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1948).       f)  George Tanaka, A Documented History of Japanese-Canadians up to the Year 1953,           August 31st, by the Japanese-Canadian Citizens Association (Toronto: Toronto           Japanese-Canadian Citizens' Association, 1953).      g)  F. Walhouse, "Minority Ethnic Groups in Vancouver's Cultural Geography,"           MA thesis, University of British Columbia, 1961.      h)  Joseph S. Roucek, "The Japanese in Canada," Study of Current English  20, n. 10            (October 1965), - 21, n 2 (February 1966).      i)  Howard H. Sugimoto, "Japanese Immigration, the Vancouver Riots and Canadian           Diplomacy," MA thesis, University of Washington, 1966.      j)  Victor Koji Ujimoto, "Post-War Japanese Immigrants in Canada: Job Transfer-           ability, Work, and Social Participation," Ph.D. diss, University of British Columbia,          1973.     k)  Ken Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was: A History of the Japanese Canadians             (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1976).75         l)  Japanese-Canadian Centennial Project, A Dream of Riches: The Japanese -             Canadians,  1877-1977 = Senkin no Yume: Nikkei Kanadajin Hyakunenshi = Un             reve-de  richesses: les  Japaonais  au  Canada, 1877 -1977   (Vancouver, BC:             Japanese-Canadian Centennial Project, 1978).    Note: Text in English, French and             Japanese.       m)  W. Peter Ward, White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy              toward Orientals in British Columbia (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press,              1978).        n)  Japanese-Canadian Conference on Aging (1st: 1989: Calgary), The Best Years., ed.             Frank Greene (Winnipeg: National Association of Japanese-Canadians, 1990)             Note: Text in English and Japanese.        o)  Patricia E. Roy, A White Man's Province: British Columbia Politicians and              Chinese and Japanese Immigrants, 1858-1914  (Vancouver, BC: UBC Press,              1989).        p)  Tosh Tanaka, Hands Across the Pacific: Japan in British Columbia, 1889-1989,              ed.  Roland M. Kawano (Vancouver, B.C.: Consulate General of Japan, 1990).        q)  Randy Enomoto, ed., HomeComing '92: Where the Heart Is (Vancouver, BC: NRC             Press Publishing, 1993).        r)  Norman Amor and Tsuneharu Gonnami, ed., Historical Materials of Japanese             Immigration to Canada: Supplement (Kanada Iminshi Shiryo: Bessatsu)             (Tokyo: Fuji Shuppan, 2001).        s)  Andrea Geiger-Adams, "Pioneer Issei: Tomekichi Homma's Fight for the             Franchise," Nikkei Images  8, n. 1 (Spring 2003), pp. 1-6.34)  For Japanese-Canadian History - Japanese Sources,  See:       a)  Koichiro Takasaki, Kanada Imin: Akeyuku Hyakunen  (S.l.: Takasaki Koichiro,            1974).       b)  Kenzo Mori and Hiroto Takami, Kanada no Manzo Monogatari: The First            Immigrant to Canada (Tokyo: Osuzuyama Shobo, 1977).       c)  Nakamura Chosuke Den Hensan Iinkai, Nakamura Chosuke Takumashiku Ikitekita            50-Nen: Kanada ni Kaketa Seishun (Sendai: Hobundo, 1981).76       d)  Mitsuru Shinpo, Kanada Nihonjin Imin Monogatari (Tokyo: Tsukiji Shokan,            1986).       e)  Teruko Takada, Toki Tabiji no Koe: Kanada Nikkei Imin Kutoshi (Tokyo: Asahi            Shinbun, 1991).       f)  Mitsuru Shinpo, Ishi o Mote Owaruru Gotoku (Tokyo: Ochanomizu Shobo, 1996).      g)  Masako Iino, Nikkei Kanadajin no Rekishi (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai,           1997).      h)  Toshiji Sasaji, Nihonjin Kanada Iminshi (Tokyo: Fuji Shuppan, 1999).       i)  Sasaki Toshiji and Tsuneharu Gonnami, ed., Kanada Iminshi Shiryo (Historical           Materials of Japanese Immigration to Canada) (Tokyo: Fuji Shuppan, 1995 - 2001),           11 vols.35)  For Acculturation and Change of the Japanese-Canadian Community,  See:       a)  K. Victor Ujimoto, "Contrasts in the Prewar and Postwar Japanese Community in            British Columbia: Conflict and Change," Canadian Review of Sociology and            Anthropology  13 (1976), pp. 80-89.       b)  Peter Takaji Nunoda, "A Community in Transition and Conflict: The Japanese-             Canadians, 1935-1951," PhD diss., University of Manitoba, 1991.       c)  Michiko Midge Ayukawa, "Creating and Recreating Community: Hiroshima and            Canada 1891-1941," PhD diss., University of Victoria, 1996.       d) Sengo Nikkei Kanadajin no Shakai to Bunka, ed. Ritsumeikan Daigaku Nikkei            Bunka Kenkyukai (Tokyo: Fuji Shuppan, 2003). See also # 27-o & q and 31-f & o       e)  Yuko Shibata, "Overlapping Lives: Cultural Sharing Among Five Groups of            Japanese-Canadians (Nikka) Women," PhD diss., University of British Columbia,            2003.36)  For Immigrants from Shiga Prefecture, Japan,  See:       a)  Koto Iminmura no Kenkyu: Hikone-shi Hassaka, Mitusya, ed. Ritsumeikan Daigaku             Jinbun Kagaku Kenkyujo (Kyoto: Ritsumeikan Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenkyujo,             1964).       b)  Audrey Lynn Kobayashi, "Emigration from Kaideima, Japan, 1885-1950: An            Analysis of Community and Landscape Change," PhD diss., University of            California, Los Angeles, 1983.77       c)  Masuo Matsumiya, Kaideima Monogatari: Ume no Hana to Kaede (Hikone:            Matsumiya Masuo, 1984).       d)  Aisaku Kawasaki, Umi o Wattata Omi no Hitotachi: Shiga-ken Kaigai Ijushi (Otsu:            Shiga-ken, 1986).       e)  Audrey Lynn Kobayashi, Regional Backgrounds of Japanese Immigrants and the            Development of Japanese-Canadian Community (Montreal: McGill University,            Department of Geography, 1986).       f)  Dai 6-kai Shiga Kenjinkai Sekai Taikai, Bankuba Taikai, 1993.8.28 - 8.29            (Vancouver, B.C.: Dai 6-kai Shiga Kenjinkai Sekai Taikai Jikko Iinkai, 1993).37)  For Immigrants from Wakayama Prefecture, Japan,  See:       a)  Tadashi Fukutake, Amerika-mura: Imin Soshitsu-mura no Jittai (s.l.: n.p., 1953).       b)  Tadashi Fukutake, Kaigai Imin ga Boson ni Oyoboshita Eikyo: Wakayama-ken            Hidaka-gun Mio-mura Jttai Chosa (Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbun Sha, 1953).            See also # 27-d & e.       c)  Shigeharu Koyama, Waga Rutsu, Amerika-mura (Kyoto: Mineruba Shobo, 1984).       d)  Kanada Iju Hyakunenshi , ed. Kanada Iju Hyakunenshi Henshu Iinkai (Wakayama-            ken, Mihama-cho: Mihama-cho Yakuba, 1988-1991). 2 vols.38)  For the Japanese-Canadian History - Local Regions,  See:       a)  Rigenta Sumida, "The Japanese in British Columbia," M.A. thesis, University of            British Columbia, 1935.       b)  Ken Adachi, A History of the Japanese-Canadians in British Columbia 1877 to            1958 (Toronto: Japanese-Canadian Citizens Association, 1958).       c)  The Rites of Passage: the History of the Japanese-Canadian Community in Mission,            B.C., ed. Mission Museum and Archives (Mission, BC: Mission Museum and            Archives, 1992).            Note: This is a program of the photo exhibition on the Japanese-Canadian                      community in Mission in the prewar days, organized and displayed in 1992                      by and at the Museum.       d)  William T. Hashizume, Japanese Community in Mission: A Brief History, 1904-            1942 (Scarborough, ON: William T. Hashizume, 1990).78       e)  Ed Ouchi, ed., Till We See the Light of Hope (Vernon, BC: Vernon Japanese Senior            Citizens/ Association, 1982).       f) The Vision Fulfilled 1984-1994 , ed. Bill Hoshizaki (Kelowna, BC: Kelowna and            District Association of Japanese-Canadians , 1995).       g)  David Iwaasa, "Canadian Japanese in Southern Alberta, 1905-1945," M.A. thesis,            University of Lethbridge, 1972.       h)  The Members of the Okinawa Cultural Society, comp., Biographies of the Issei            Pioneers from Okinawa to Southern Alberta (Lethbridge, AB: Members of the            Okinawa Cultural Society, 2000).           i)  Nishiki : Nikkei Tapestry - A History of Southern Alberta Japanese-Canadians                (Lethbridge, AB: Lethbridge and District Japanese-Canadian Association, 2001).         j)  Kinenshi Henshu Iinkai, ed., Kanada Okinawa-ken Yuaikai Soritsu 25 Shunen             Kinenshi: Commemorating 25 Years of Canada Okinawa-ken Yuaikai  (Vancouver,             BC: Kanada Okinawa-ken Yuaikai, 2002).        k)  Tadamasa Murai, Nikkei Kanadajin Josei no Seikatsushi: Minami Arubata             Nikkeijin Shakai ni Umarete (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 2001).         l) Japanese-Canadians in Manitoba : A Pictorial History, 1942-1987, ed. Manitoba             Japanese-Canadian Citizens Association (Altona, MN: Friesen Yearbooks, 1988).       m) The History of Japanese-Canadians in Manitoba, ed. Manitoba Japanese-Canadian             Citizens Association (Winnipeg: Manitoba Japanese-Canadian Citizens             Association, 1996).39)  For Generations of Japanese-Canadians,  See:        a)  Canadian Japanese Association, A Short Statement of the Position and Facts             Regarding the Japanese in Canada (Vancouver, BC: Association of Canadian             Japanese, 1921).        b)  Nipponia Home: 21 Years of Nipponia Home (Beamsville, ON: Nipponia Home,              1979).   See also # 26-e.        c)  "Jiro Inouye, Pioneer Farmer, and Yasutaro Yamaga, Founder of Nipponia Home,"              in Gordon G. Nakayama, Issei: Stories of Japanese-Canadian Pioneers (Toronto:              Britannia Printers, 1983), pp. 50 - 55.        d)  Gordon G. Nakayama, Issei: Stories of Japanese-Canadian Pioneers (Toronto:             Britannia Printers, 1983).   See also # 39-f.79        e) Toronto Nikkei Shimin Kyokai Issei-Bu 35-Nenshi 1946 - 1981, ed. Toronto             Japanese-Canadian Citizens Association Issei-Bu (Toronto: Toronto JCCA, 1983).        f)  Gordon G. Nakayama, Issei: Nikkei Kanadajin Kaitakusha Monogatari , tr. G. G.             Nakayama and Takako Hall (Vancouver, BC: Seiai Kanko Iinkai, 1987).             Note: This is the Japanese translation of Issei: Stories of Japanese-Canadian                       Pioneers.     See also # 39-d.       g)  Michiko Midge Ayukawa, "Bearing the Unbearable: The Memoir of a Japanese             Pioneer Woman," M.A. thesis, University of Victoria, 1990.       h)  Keibo Oiwa ed., Stone Voices: Wartime Writings of Japanese-Canadian Issei               (Montreal: Vehicle Press, 1991).        i)  Roy Kiyooka, Mothertalk (Toronto: NeWest Publishers, 1997).   See also #39-j.        j)  Roy Kiyooka, Kanada ni Wattata Samurai no Musume: Aru Nikkei Issei no Kaiso             tr. Matsuki Masutani (Tokyo: Soshisha, 2002).   See also #39-i.             Note: This is the Japanese translation of Mothertalk..       k) Survey of the Second Generation of Japanese in British Columbia, ed. Canadian            Japanese Association (Vancouver, BC: Association of Canadian Japanese, 1935).        l)  Haruko Okano, Come Spring: Journey of a Sansei (North Vancouver, BC:            Gallerie, 1992).      m)  Catherine Lang, O-Bon in Chimunesu: A Community Remembered (Vancouver,             BC: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1996).       n)  Tomoko Makabe, Canadian Sansei (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1998).40)  For Evacuation of the Japanese-Canadians during WW II - English Sources,  See:       a)  "Order in Council Amending Defence of Canada Regulations - Protected Areas,"              Canada Gazette (Extra), February 27, 1942; P.C. 1486 (Authorizing Minister of              Justice to evacuate All Persons of the Japanese Race).       b)  "Order in Council Establising Regulations Respecting the British Columbia              Security Commission," Canada Gazette (Extra), March 11, 1942; P.C. 1665               (The Power of the British Columbia Security Commission).       c)  Canada, British Columbia Security Commission, Removal of Japanese from             Protected Areas: Reports Issued by British Columbia Security Commission, March             4, 1942 to October 31, 1942 (Vancouver, BC: British Columbia Security80             Commission, 1942).       d)  Canada, Department of Labour, Report of the Department of Labour on the             Administration of Japanese Affairs in Canada, 1942-1944 (Ottawa: Department of             Labour, 1944).        e)  Kimiaki Nakashima, "Economic Aspects of Japanese Evacuation from the             Canadian Pacific Coast: A Contribution of Social Groups and Displaced Persons,"             MA thesis, McGill University, 1946.        f)  Mollie E. Cottingham, "The Japanese Relocation Settlements in History of the             West Kootenay District in British Columbia," MA thesis, University of British             Columbia, 1947.       g)  Canada, Department of Labour, Report on Re-Establishment of Japanese in             Canada (Ottawa: Department of Labour, 1947).       h)  Forest  LaViolette, The Canadian Japanese and World War II: A Sociological and             Phychological Account (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1948).       i)  Jessie L Beatie, Strength for the Bridge (Toronto: McClelland and Steward, 1966).       j)  Frank Moritsugu, "The Evacuation" in The Canadians at War, 1939-1945, ed.            Douglas How (Montreal: Reader's Digest Association of Canada, 1969),            pp. 150 - 159.      k)  Shizue Takashima, Child in a Prison Camp (Montreal: Tundra Books, 1971).       l)  Lester B. Pearson, "Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson on the Evacuation,"  in Ken           Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976),           p. 434.     m)  W. Peter Ward, "British Columbia and the Japanese Evacuation," Canadian            Historical Review 58 (1976).      n)  Barry Broadfoot, Years of Sorrow, Years of Shame: the Story of the Japanese-           Canadians in World War II (Toronto/New York: Doubleday Canada, 1977).      o)  Yoshio Ono, "Sayonara (Good-bye in Japanese)," in Tsuneharu Gonnami,            "Japanese-Canadian Archives on Microfilm: An Overview of the Japanese-              Canadian Archives at the University of British Columbia Library," Microform             & Imaging Review   26,  n. 1 (Winter 1997), p. 29.      p)  Ann G. Sunahara, "Federal Policy and the Japanese-Canadians," in Visible           Minorities and Multiculturalism: Asians in Canada, eds. K. Victor Ujimoto and81           Gordon Hirabayashi (Toronto: Butterworth, 1980).      q)  Takeo Ujo Nakano, Within the Barbed Wire Fence: A Japanese Man's Account of           His Internment in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1980).      r)  Ann Gormer Sunahara, The Politics of Racism: The Uprooting of Japanese          Canadians during the Second World War (Toronto: Lorimer, 1981).      s)  Toyo Takata, Nikkei Legacy: The Story of Japanese-Canadians from Settlement           to Today (Toronto: NC Press, 1983).      t)  Roy Ito, We Went to War: The Story of the Japanese-Canadians Who Served          during the First and Second Wars (Stittsville, ON: Canada's Wings, 1984).      u)  Kitagawa, Muriel, This is My Own: Letters to Wes and Other Writings on          Japanese-Canadians, 1941-1949, ed. Roy Miki (Vancouver, BC: Talonbooks, 1985).      v)  Mona Oikawa, "Driven to Scatter Far and Wide: The Forced Resettlement of           Japanese-Canadians to Southern Ontario," MA thesis, University of Toronto, 1986).     w)  Patricia Roy, J.L. Granatstein, Masako Iino, and Hiroko Takamura, Mutual           Hostages: Canadians and Japanese during the Second World War (Toronto:           University of Toronto Press, 1990).   See also # 41-h.      x)  Anna Cecil Scantland, Study of Historical Injustice to Japanese-Canadians            (Vancouver, BC: Parallel Publishers, 1991).      y)  Randy Enomoto, Tatsuo Kage, and K.Victor Ujimoto, ed., HomeComing '92:           Where the Heart Is (Vancouver, BC: NRC Publishing, 1993).        z)  Winifred J. Awamack, TASHME: A Japanese Relcoation Centre, 1942-1946              (Victoria, BC: n.p., 1993).      za)  Yon Shimizu, The Exiles: An Archival History of the World War II Japanese             Road Camps in British Columbia and Ontario (Wallaceburgh, ON: Shimizu             Consulting and Publishing, 1993).      zb)  Roy Ito, Story of My People: A Canadian Journal (Hamilton, ON: S-20 and Nisei             Veterans Association, 1994).      zc)  Robert Katsumasa Okazaki, The Nisei Mass Evacuation Group and P.O.W. Camp             101: The Japanese-Canadian Community's Struggle for Justice and Human Rights             during World War II, tr. Jean M. Okazaki and Curtis T. Okazaki (Scarborough,             ON:  Markham Litho, 1996).             Note: This is the English version of the author's: Nisei Masu Ebakyueshon Gurupu82                       to "Senji Horyo Shuyojo 101" - 1941-1946.     See also # 41-i.      zd)  Addie Kobayashi, Exiles in Our Country: Japanese-Canadians in Niagara                (Richmond Hill, ON: Ontario Nikkei Network of Niagara, 1998).      ze)  Tom Sando Kuwahara, Wild Daisies in the Sand: Life in a Canadian Internment             Camp (Edmonton: NeWest Press, 2002).    See also # 41-j.       zf)  Andrew Danson, Face Kao (Unpublished m.s., 2003 ).      zg)  Norman Okihiro, The Impact of Internment and Forced Dispersal on Social             Adaptation (Unpublished m.s., 2003 ).41)  For Evacuation of the Japanese-Canadians - Japanese Resources,  See:       a)  Chiyokichi Ariga, Roki no Yuwaku (Tokyo: Rikkyo Shogakko, 1952).       b)  Kiyoko Koyama, Suro Kohan no Omoide (Okayama-ken Showa-cho: Yuri Utakai            Okayama Shibu, 1959).       c)  Chiyokichi Ariga, Omoide no Katami (Tokyo: Aporo Sha, 1966).       d)  Shizue Takashima, Kyosei Shuyojo no Shojo, tr. Noriko Maekawa, (Tokyo:             Fuzanbo, 1974).       e)  Joy Kogawa, Obasan (Markham, ON: Penguin Books, 1983).       f)  Joy Kogawa, Ushinawareta Sokoku , tr. Sari Nagaoka (Tokyo: Chuo Koron Sha,            1983).      g)  Joy Kogawa, Itsuka (Toronto: Penguin Books Canada, 1992).      h)  Patricia Roy, et. al., Hikisakareta Chuseishin, tr. Masako Iino and Hiroko Takamura           (Kyoto:  Mineruba Shobo, 1994).    See also # 40-w.         i)  Robert Katsumasa Okazaki, Nisei Masu Ebakyueshon Gurupu to "Senji Horyo           Shuyojo 101" - 1941-1946 (Angler, ON: s.n., 1994).   See also # 40-zc.       j)  Tom Sando Kuwahara, Toraware no Mi: Aru Kanada Nikkei Nisei no Senjichu           Nikki , ed. and tr. Yumiko Hoyano (Edmonton: Edmonton JCCA, 1995).           Note: This is the Japanese translation of the author's English original: Wild Daisies                     in the Sand: Life in a Canadian Internment Camp.    See also # 40-ze.8342)  For Redress for Japanese-Canadians,  See:       a)  Michael T. Kaufman, "A Case for Honor in Canada: Redress for Its Japanese,"            The New York Times, November 22, 1982.       b)  Ann Sunahara, "Redress and Government Documents," in Redress for Japanese-             Canadians: A Community Forum (Vancouver, B.C.: Japanese-Canadian Citizens'             Associaiton Redress Committee, 1984), pp. 11-17.        c)  National Association of Japanese-Canadians, Democracy Betrayed: The Case for             Redress - A Submission to the Government of Canada on Violation of Rights and             Freedoms of Japanese-Canadians during and after World War II (Winnipeg:             NAJC, 1984).   See also # 42-h .       d)  National Association of Japanese-Canadians, The Case for Redress: Information,             (Winnipeg: National Association of Japanese-Canadians, 1984).       e)  Redress for Japanese-Canadians: A Community Forum., ed. Roy Miki, speeches by            Joy Kogawa, Tom Shoyama, Ann Sunahara, and David Suzuki (Vancouver, BC:            Vancouver JCCA Redress Committee, 1984).       f)  Tom Shoyama, "Redress and the War Years," in Redress for Japanese-Canadians:            A Community Forum (Vancouver, B.C.: Japanese-Canadian Citizens' Association            Redress Committee, 1984), pp. 32-37.       g)  Economic Losses of Japanese-Canadians after 1941: A Study Conducted by Price            Waterhouse, Vancouver, B.C., ed. National Association of Japanese-Canadians             (Winnipeg: National Association of Japanese-Canadians, 1985).       h)  National Association of Japanese-Canadians, and Takeo Yokoyama and Tatsuo            Kage, tr., Uragirareta Minshushugi : Hosho Mondai no Tame ni  (Winnipeg:            National Association of Japanese-Canadians, 1985).            Note: This is the Japanese translation of Democracy Betrayed.    See also # 42-c.       i)  Roy Miki, "The Personal Side of Redress: Four Japanese-Canadians Tell Their            Stories," Greater Vancouver Japanese-Canadian Citizens' Association Bulletin            27,  n. 10 (October 1985), pp. 16-18.      j)  Judith Roberts-Moore, "Studies in Documents: The Office of the Custodian of           Enemy Property: An Overview of the Office and Its Records, 1920-1952,"           Archivaria   22 (Summer 1986), pp. 95 - 106.     k)  Tom Berger, Reflections on Redress (Vancouver, BC: Vancouver JCCA Redress           Committee, 1986).84      l)  "News Release, September 22, 1988; Historic Agreement Reached on Japanese-           Canadian Redress," (Ottawa: Government of Canada, 1988).    m)  Jesse Nishihata, NAJC Redress (Toronto: NAJC, 1988).           Note: Video documentary produced for the National Association for Japanese-                     Canadians.     n)  Audrey Kobayashi, A Demographic Profile of Japanese-Canadians and Social          Implications for the Future (Ottawa: Department of the Secretary of State, 1989).     o)  Cassandra Kobayashi and Roy Miki, ed., Spirit of Redress: Japanese-Canadians          in Conference (Vancouver, BC: JC Publications, 1989).     p)  Tatsuo Kage, "Hosho Mondai no Kaiketsu to Nikkei Kanadajin," Iju Kenkyu  27           (March 1990), pp. 62 - 75.     q)  Roy Miki and Cassandra Kobayashi, Canadian Redress Settlement (Vancouver, BC:          Talonbooks, 1991).     r)  Roy Miki and Cassandra Kobayashi, Justice in Our Time: Redress for Japanese-          Canadians (Winnipeg: National Association of Japanese-Canadians, 1991).          See also # 42-y.     s)  Tatsuo Kage, "Personal Notes on Redress," Greater Vancouver JCCA Bulletin,          October 1991, pp. 26 - 27.     t)  Audrey Kobayashi, "The Japanese-Canadian Redress Settlement and Its Implication          for Race Relations," Canadian Ethnic Studies  24, n. 1 (1992), pp. 1 - 19.    u)  Minoru: Memory of Exile, dir. Michael Fukushima (Montreal: National Film Board          of Canada, 1992), Videorecording.    v)  Maryka Omatsu, Bittersweet Passage: Redress and the Japanese-Canadian         Experience (Toronto: Between the Lines, 1992).    See also # 42-x.   w)  Henry Shimizu, "JC Redress Foundation 1993-1994 AGM Report,"         Greater Vancouver JCCA Bulletin, December 1994, pp. 8 - 9.    x)  Maryka Omatsu, Horonigai Shori: Sengo Nikkei Kanajin Ridoresu Undoshi, tr.         Yusuke Tanaka and Deadri Tanaka (Tokyo: Gendai Shokan, 1994).         Note: This is the Japanese translation of Bittersweet Passage.     See also # 42-v.       y) Roy Miki, Cassandra Kobayashi, Tadasareta Rekishi: Nikkei Kanadajin e no           Shazai to Hosho, ed. Toshiji Sasaki, tr. Yuki Shimomura and Masumi Izumi (Kyoto:            Tsumugi Shuppan, 1995).    Note: This is the Japanese translation of the authors'85            Justice in Our Time .     See also # 42-r.       z)  Tatsuo Kage, "Redress - Good News & Bad News," Greater Vancouver JCCA            Bulletin , January 1995, p. 23.     za)  Roy Miki and Scott McFarlane, ed. In Justice: Canada, Minorities, and Human            Rights (Winnipeg: National Association of Japanese-Canadians, 1996).     zb)  Japanese-Canadian Redress: The Toronto Story, ed. Momoye Sugiman            (Toronto: HpF Press, 2000).     zc)  Roger Obata, "Justice at Last," in Japanese-Canadian Redress: The Toronto Story ,            ed. Momoye Sugiman (Toronto: HpF Press, 2000).     zd)  Internment and Redress: The Story of Japanese-Canadians: A Resource Guide for            Teachers of the Intermediate Grades, Social Studies 5 and Social Responsibility            (Victoria, BC: Ministry of Education, 2002).     ze)  Re-Shaping Memory Owing History: Through the Lense of Japanese-Canadian            Redress , ed. Midge M. Ayukawa et al., tr. Tatsuo Kage (Japanese), tr. Alliance            Francaise (French) (Vancouver, BC: Japanese-Canadian National Museum, 2002).            Note: Text in English, French and Japanese.      zf)  Arthur K. Miki, The Japanese-Canadian Redress Legacy: A Community             Revitalized (Winnipeg: National Association of Japanese-Canadians, 2003).     zg)  Bilingual Human Rights Guide for Japanese-Canadians, ed. Greater Vancouver            Japanese-Canadian Citizens' Association (JCCA) Human Rights Committee,            contributors Tomo Adachi et al., tr. Mariko Kage et al. (Vancouver, BC: Greater            Vancouver JCCA Human Rights Commitee, 2003).            Note: Text in English and Japanese.     zh)  Roy Miki, Redress: Inside the Japanese-Canadian Call for Justice (Vancouver,            BC:  Raincoast Books, 2004).43)  For Repartriation of Japanese-Canadians to Japan,  See:       a)  Co-operative Committee on Japanese-Canadians, Memorandum for the Members of            the House of Commons and Senate of Canada on the Orders in Council P.C. 7355,            7356, 7357, for the Deportation of Canadians of Japanese Origin (Toronto: Co-            operative Committee on Japanese-Candians, 1946).86       b)  Canada, Department of Labour, Report on Re-Establishment of Japanese             in Canada, 1944-1946  (Ottawa: Department of Labour, 1947).       c)  Irene Tsuyuki, "The Second Uprooting: Exiled to Japan," in HomeComing ' 92:            Where the Heart Is, ed. Randy Enomoto (Winnipeg: National Association of            Japanese-Canadians, 1993), pp. 40-41.       d)  Tatsuo Kage, Nikkei Kanadajin no Tsuiho (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1998).             See also # 43-e & f..       e)  Tatsuo Kage, "History of Japanese-Canadians in Japan" (Unpublished ms., 2003).             Note: This is a partial English translation of the author's: Nikkei Kanadajin no                         Tsuiho.    See also # 43-d.       f)  Tatrsuo Kage, "Japanese-Canadians Exiled to Japan" (Unpublished ms., 2004).            Note: This is an English summary report of Nikkei Kanadajin no Tsuiho.                      See also # 43-d.44)  Judy Hanazawa, "Closing the Gap - Continuing the Dialogue between Ijusha and       Canadian-born Nikkei," Greater Vancouver JCCA Bulletin  46, n. 10 (October 2004),       p. 12.45)  "Nikkei Place Events - First Friday Forum," Greater Vancouver JCCA Bulletin            46, n. 8 (August 2004), p. 25.46)  " 'Homeland Security' in Canada: What Lessons Have We Learned from the Japanese         Internment of the 1940s ?" Philosophers' Cafe , Fall 2004, p. 7.47) Tatsuo Kage,       "War Measures Act - Japanese-Canadian Experience Workshop: Immigration and         Security" (Unpublished ms., 2002).      Bibliography of Bibliographies of Japanese-Canadian Historical Materials1)  Yuko Shibata, "Japanese-Canadians: An Annonated Bibliography, " in Yuko Shibata,      Shoji Matsumoto, Rintaro Hayashi and Shotaro Iida, The Forgotten History of the      Japanese-Canadians: Volume I (Vancouver, B.C.: New Sun Books, 1977), pp. 23-85.2)  Anna Cecile Scantland, Bibliography: Study of Historical Injustice to Japanese-     Canadians (Vancouver, B.C.: Parallel Publishers, 1886).3)  Terry Nabata and George Brandak, Japanese-Canadian Photograph Collection     - An Inventory of the Collection in the Library of the University of British Columbia87     Special Collections Division (Vancouver, B.C. The Division, 1986).4)  Christopher Hives with May Oh, Sources for Researching the History of Japanese -     Canadians in British Columbia in the Special Collections and University Archives     Division (Vancouver, B.C.: The Division, 1991).5)  Aiko Suzuki, Works for, by, and about Japanese-Canadians (Toronto: Toronto Nikkei     Archives and Research Centre, 1994).6)  Terry Nabata, Susan Philips, Frank Hanano, and George Brandak, ed., and rev., Norman     Amor and Tsuneharu Gonnami, An Inventory to the Papers and Records in the     Japanese-Canadian Research Collection in the Library of the University of British     Columbia Special Collections Division, with a New Introduction by Tsuneharu Gonnami     (Vancouver, B.C.: The Division, 1996).         The Collection of Japanese-Canadian Historical Materials at UBC Library  1)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, " Tairiku Nippo (The Continental Daily News ), 1908-1941 on       Microfilm," Microform Review  18, n. 1 (Winter 1989), pp. 38-40.  2)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, "Nikkei Kanadajin Shiryo Korekushon," Iju Kenkyu  28 (1991),        pp. 56-68.  3)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, "The Japanese-Canadian Archives," Greater Vancouver JCCA       Bulletin  35, n. 9 (September 1994), pp. 22 - 25.  4)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, "Kanada Shinbun (The Canada Daily News ) and Nikkan Minshu       (The Daily People ) for 1941 on Microfilm: A Preservation Microfilming Project at the       University of British Columbia Library," Microform Review  24, n. 3 (Summer 1995),       pp. 117-123.  5)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, "Buritisshu Koronbia Daigaku Toshokan Shozo Nikkei Kanadajin        Korekushon: Kaiko to Tenbo (The Japanese-Canadian Research Collection at UBC        Library: Retrospect and Prospect)" in Proceedings of the Third Ritsumeikan-UBC        Seminar, October 31 and November 1, 1997,  pp. 25 - 48.  6)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, "Japanese-Canadian Archives on Microfilm: An Overview of the       Japanese-Canadian Archives at the University of British Columbia Library," Microform       &  Imaging Review  26, n. 1 (Winter 1997), pp. 22 - 33  7)  Norman Amor and Tsuneharu Gonnami, ed., Historical Materials of Japanese       Immigration to Canada: Supplement (Kanada Iminshi Shiryo: Bessatsu)  (Tokyo: Fuji       Shuppan, 2001).88  8)  Tsuneharu Gonnami, "Preservation Projects of Japanese-Canadian Materials at UBC        Library," Journal of East Asian Libraries  124 (June 2001), pp. 1 - 18.


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