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Images of Foreigners in Edo Period Maps and Prints 2010

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IMAGES OF FOREIGNERS IN ED0 PERIOD MAPS AND PRINTS* Tsuneharu Gonnami University of British Columbia I) Peoples of the World A variety of interesting pictures of human figures representing peoples of many countries of the world can be observed in some of the early world maps and maps of Japan produced in the Edo period (1600-1868). The world-renowned Beans Collection1 of Edo maps housed in the Special Collection Division, Main Library of the University of British Columbia (UBC), has some such old maps . Since such illustrations of various peoples were rarely seen in maps made either before or after the Edo period, we could say that this was one of the unique characteristics of Edo maps (Slides l-16)2. Edo maps did not consist simply of maps of Japan. Despite the ban on foreign intercourse during the Edo period, the Tokugawa Shogunate Government could not totally suppress the nation’s interest in the outside world, and various world maps were produced, including the famous Bankoku S&zu (General Map of the World ) of 1645. It has images of various peoples of the world, is the first world map printed in Japan, and is now housed in the Kobe City Museum. UBC Library has an identical 1645 world map in its Beans Collection, but without he accompanying illustrations of people. It has also a different edition complete with illustrations which was dated as being produced around 1700 by Visiting Professor Kazutaka Unno, Professor Emeritus of Osaka University, and the leading authority on old maps of Japan, during his research at UBC in 1985. (Slides l-2). According to Professor Unno’s examination, the above two editions were based on the world map produced by Matte0 Ricci (1552-1610), the early Jesuit missionary to China. The UBC version of 1700 has attractive images of forty males and females of different peoples of the world. This Jinbutsuzu (Pictures of the World’s People) was originally mounted together with the said world map, Bankoku S~ZU . In this interesting depiction of human figures, we see many representative people from Africa, America, Asia, and Europe. These pictures demonstrate what the artists considered to be their distinguishing characteristics. They show us natural and cultural differences of basic human elements: physical features uch as body, skin, face, hair style, along with gestures, costume and everyday implements. (Slides 3-8). Images of these different peoples often appeared on world maps of the early Edo period. The map specialist’s view is that these illustrated maps were based on the “Great Ten Thousand Countries” map produced by Mateo Ricci and translated into Chinese in 1602. Ricci’s map of the world put China, the “Middle Kingdom,” in the centre. The Japanese seem to have followed this Chinese model. At that time, Japan was heavily indebted to Chinese civilization, and the Japanese view of the external world was based upon a Chinese cosmological conception: China as the centre of civilization. Though limited in this way, both these world maps and pictures of the peoples of the world helped the Japanese to grasp rapidly-proliferating knowledge of the non-Asian world and to break down the image of the world previously held by the Japanese, aworld made up of only China, India and other Asian countries. * This paper is a revision of a presentation given at “Edo: Past and Present,” amulti-disciplinary symposium held at the Asian Centre, the University of British Columbia, on April 4,1998. 5 Besides printed maps, maps of Japan and/or the world, which were painted on folding screens (byobu) seem to have had quite a vogue in Japanese high society during the latter part of the sixteenth and the early seventeenth centuries. Some twenty screen maps have survived natural disasters and wars. Such screen maps were generally painted in a number of colours on sixfold screens with a gold background. They act as brilliant reminders of the glories of Momoyama nd Early Ed0 paintings. The magnificent pair of such typical screen maps entitled Nansenbushfi Dai Nihon Shbt6zu (Authorized Map of Great Japan) and Typus Orbis Terrarum (World Map) were produced in the early seventeenth century and are preserved in the Nanban Museum at Osaka. This beautiful pair of maps shows various peoples of the world in their traditional costumes, real or imaginary, surrounded with gold panels. The margins of these maps depict he images of some forty couples representing the world’s peoples. Looking at them in detail, we can find, for example, African, Dutch, English, and Russian couples representing Europe, and Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Luzon, and Siamese couples which represent Asia. There are even couples from imaginary countries peopled by giants and dwarfs. (Slides 9-10). The Beans Collection’s Sekui Bankoku Nihon Yori Kaiia Risi.2 & Jinbutsuzu (Map of the World Showing the Distances of Various Countries from Japan, Their Names, and Inhabitants of Their Capitals), printed by woodblock c.1853, was loosely based on the map of Matte0 Ricci, and in it, Japan is located at the centre of the world. We could say that this was a reaction against he Chinese concept which placed China at the centre and evidence of rising Japanese nationalism. There are images of representatives from twelve nations on the map, each accompanied by a short description of the people and their country along with its distance from Japan. Besides real foreigners uch as Americans, French, Russians, Chinese, Koreans, Vietnamese and East Indians, there are several fanciful alien peoples uch as Giants, Dwarves, Cyclops, and, at the north pole, a “Land of the Night People”. The steamships heading to Japan from America seem to be US Commodore Matthew Perry’s Black Ships of 1853, from which we can judge with relative accuracy that this map was produced around the time of Perry’s visit to Japan. Many “Pictures of Black Ships” were created and came into vogue at that time in Japan as natural products of the people’s curiosity and wonder. When Admiral Perry’s squadron arrived in 1853, the production of black ship pictures reached its peak. Perry’s ships drove deep into Edo Bay like a dagger at the throat of Japan. They threatened the shore with their clearly lethal cannons, and this eventually forced open the closed door of Edo Japan. The Kingdome of China, an atlas leaf, 1626, by the famous cartographer, John Speed, has three images of Chinese, Japanese and Pegu peoples. (Slide 11). An interesting feature of these figures is that they look like Westerners. In Westerners’ eyes, Japanese were depicted like them, but to Japanese yes, such Western appearances looked strange and foreign. In the early depictions of the Japanese people by Western artists, the face was not at all like a Japanese face, but this was how the Japanese seemed to them through their foreign eyes. In a book leaf, 1719, entitled “Reception of the Holland Ambassador to Japan” by Henri A. Chatelain, Japanese were painted like Chinese, a variation of the Westerner’s vision of East Asians. (Slide 12) It was almost impossible for Western artists at that time to look for more details and to see the difference in appearance between Chinese and Japanese because of their lack of contact with East Asians in their own countries. A map titled Japan&Corea, 1851, also includes minute pictures of human figures, which supposedly show Japanese and Korean peoples. (Slide 13) During the early Edo period the Japanese began to develop their own navigational charts. They also had access to Dutch charts. Maritime charts igned by the Dutch cartographer Cornelius Doedtz (1555 1623), apparently drawn at Edam, Holland, probably came into Japanese hands after 6 the wreck in Bungo Province (present Oita Prefecture) in 1600 of the Dutch ship De Liefde on which William Adams (1564-1620), the British seaman from Kent, England, was the master pilot. These charts, now in the National Museum at Ueno, Tokyo, apparently came from the Tokugawa Archives in 1868. When Ieyasu Tokugawa (1542-1616), the first Tokugawa Shogun, granted an audience to Adams in 1600 and asked him how he had come to Japan, the latter might have shown the Shogun this kind of “chart of the whole world.” It was at this time that the whole composition of the globe including Africa, America, Europe and Oceania entered into the Japanese vision. Later Adams served the Tokugawa Shogunate Government by teaching eometry, navigation, shipbuilding and other Western sciences. (Slide 14) Among the old books in the Beans Collection is one entitled Kunkai ibun (Overseas News ) written in 1807 by Gentaku Otsuki (1757- 1827), a prominent doctor of Dutch medicine in Edo. This book has a map of a deformed world printed by woodblock in red, blue, and yellow colours, which includes an interesting drawing of an Inuit hunter with a spear and two others on a kayak on the Arctic Ocean. (Slides 15: a & b) It is amazing that information on the Inuit had already reached Japan by the early nineteenth century, when there was no direct communication between Japan and the Arctic. From this image of Icemen, it is rather difficult for urbanized people to imagine that they are hunting seals and other Arctic animals not only for their daily practical use but also for the ritual purposes of their spirit and culture. However, it made much sense for the people in this icelandic area to survive in the severe natural environment with an animistic appreciation for the gifts of Nature. This tradition of the Inuit people has now become widely known here in Canada. As a result of looking at the above-mentioned illustrated maps and prints, the Japanese people in the Edo period greatly enhanced their knowledge and images of various peoples and the geography of the globe. This was a whole new world opening up for them. II) Dutch Traders The most significant achievement ofthe Tokugawa Government (1600-1868) is considered to be the establishment ofdomestic peace and relatively stable social order for about 270 years. This was done by closing almost all Japan’s ports except Nagasaki to the Western world and by adopting a national seclusion policy (Sakoku) from 1639 to 1868 in order to legitimize and strengthen the Tokugawa Shogunate’s authority. Under this Sakoku policy, only Nagasaki was open to Dutch and Chinese trading ships; ships from other countries were not allowed. The one exception was the trade with Korea through Tsushima Island. Through the foreign traders, overseas news was brought into Japan by word of mouth and/or by documents. The information delivered by the Chinese or Korean merchants was limited to conditions in Far Eastern countries. In contrast, the Head of the Dutch Trading House (or Factory) at Deshima (later in the 19th century known as “Dejima”) used to report he most up-to-date Western ews to the Shogunate in order to foster a good commercial relationships with Japan. This kind of world news was called Oranda Fiisetsugaki (Dutch Reports or News). William Adams was befriended by Ieyasu Tokugawa, the first Shogun, who employed him not only as an expert in the Western sciences but also as an adviser concerning international trade. It was mainly due to his efforts that the Dutch East India company was invited to trade with Japan. Adams thus became a man of influence and renown, and was rewarded by the Shogun with a large estate including some 80 servants at Miura Penninsula t the mouth of Tokyo Bay. His Japanese name, Anjin Miura (Pilot ofMiura), came from this penninsula on which his manor was located. He often travelled through Japan on official business. His adventurous life has been the subject of several books, most popularly James Clavell’s Shogun (1976) and its video version of the TV drama series. ,_ 7 ___- __ ~--- Japanese historians call this most peaceful and culturally mature period in the long history of Japan, “Pax Tokugawana.” The only loophole in the Sakoku policy was the tiny Dutch merchant community at Deshima in Nagasaki, and through it Western culture and science was introduced to Japan during the Edo period. Deshima was a small, artificial island (130 acres: 4,000 tsubo) constructed inthe 1630s in Nagasaki Ha&our by the Tokugawa Government in order to establish a trading post for the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Nederlandsche Oost Indische Compagnie=VOC), inother words, the Dutch Factory or Dutch Trading House (Oranda Shokan). This was the only place in Japan where Dutch trading missions were allowed to reside and do business with the Japanese merchants during the Edo period. On the small island of Deshima there were about forty buildings. Ten to thirteen officers (Kapitans, Surgeons, Warehousekeepers, and clerks) lived on the island with their cooks and servants. The term of office of the Kapitan was for one year. Intercourse between the Dutch and the ordinary Japanese, except he merchants of each, was generally prohibited, but both gradually came to exchange with each other culturally in Nagasaki. The towns-people of Nagasaki showed no hostile sign of disgust or fear, but rather expressed friendship by facial and hand gestures when they happened to encounter Dutch and Chinese traders in the streets of Nagasaki. Nagasaki possessed an international tmosphere of trade and culture. The northern part of the island had a wharf, where cargo was unloaded, stored in warehouses, and then put up for sale. Dutch vessels arrived in Japan almost every year. A total of 700 trading ships came to Nagasaki during the 260 years of Japan’s seclusion. Export items were gold, silver, copper, lacquer ware, pottery and porcelain. Among the imported items were raw silk, wool and cotton textiles, medicine, incense, lead, mercury, watches and clocks. Later, books on warfare, medicine, and other sciences were increasingly imported. In particular, instruments of vision such as prisms, lenses and mirrors, microscopes and telescopes, and also fantastic viewing devices uch as kaleidoscope and peepbox (Karakuribako) accelerated the vogue movement of the “Red-hair craze” (fantasized images of Westerners) envisioned by the Edo people. Further, guns, ammunition, scientific instruments, and even steam ships were imported. Japan’s remarkable progress after the Edo era would have hardly been possible had she not assimilated these European cultural and scientific elements brought by the Dutch merchants. Japan’s foreign relations were also maintained, though on a small scale, through De&ma. This island fell under the jurisdiction of the office of the Nagasaki Magistrate (Nagasaki Bugyo), and entry and departure from it was strictly supervised by the Bugy8. Despite such severe restrictions, Japanese gained acess to the numerous European books and writings the Dutch brought o Deshima. Even the Shogun relied on Dutch Reports (Orudiz Filsetsuguki), regularly brought by Dutch Traders of Deshima, to keep abreast of events in the Western world. The overseas news was translated by interpreters (Oranda Tsuji) and forwarded to the Shogunate by the commissioners of the Nagasaki Bugy8. The Asian Library at UBC has a comprehensive r print of such a Dutch Report published in 1977 under the title of Oratifiisetsugaki sht2sei (See Ref. 5). It is composed of the original Dutch documents as well as Japanese translations. According to it, the first Fusetsugaki was dated 1641 and the last one 1858. The oldest extant Fusetsugaki dates from 1644. The Oranda Fbetsuguki allowed the Shogunate to get information about movements of South European Catholic peoples (Nanbanjin), such as the Portuguese and Spanish, who were banished and forbidden to return to Japan, because they were eager to reopen Christian missions which had been closed by Bakufu’s edict (ofuregaki). Dutch traders fully complied with the purpose of the Fusetsugaki, i.e., the desire of the Shogunate to get recent news from Europe. Reporting to the Shogunate was accepted as part of the job in the Dutch Factory, and the contents of the reports ranged from Christian missions to the latest information from Europe and South Asia. Whenever a new Factory Head(Kapitan) arrived at Nagasaki, he would make a trip to Edo in order to pay his respects to the Shogun. The trip was made once a year at the beginning, but it was changed to 8 - -- once in every four years after 1790. It took about six weeks by the normal transport, boat and palanquin. Prominent Kapitans such as Engelbert Kaempfer (1651-1716), Carl P. Thunberg (1743-1822), and Phillip. F. von Siebold (17%-1866), played important roles in introducing Dutch Learning (Rangaku) to Japan and Japanese Studies to Europe as well. Through Deshima, the Japanese learned of Western culture as well as science & technology. The Dutch language was avidly studied first, then, as translators became competent, works on Western science and technology like medicine, astronomy, cartography, navigation, shipbuilding, and manufacturing of firearms and other equipment such as clocks, telescopes, and glassware. The development of Rangaku eventually blazed a path for Japan’s modernization i  the latter half of the 19th century. Many of these Dutch factory heads and medical doctors, after returning to their mother countries (the Netherlands, Germany, Sweden) wrote numerous books on Japan and contributed to the establishment of Japan Studies in the West. Thus, as we have seen, Deshima played an important role not only in commercial and diplomatic contacts but also in the broader field of cultural and sientilic interaction between Japan and the West. The following are maps and prints depicting various cenes of professional and private activities of the Dutch traders at Deshima: 1) Map of Nagasaki dated 1680 held by the British Library, London. This map was originally brought back to the Netherlands by the former manager of De&ma, Dr. Engelbert Kaempfer. It shows ships in Nagasaki Ha&our with figures of foreigners representing Chinese, Dutch, French, and Mongolians along with one other individual of unknown origin. There is also a table of distances between Japan and various countries, including the Netherlands. (Slide 16) 2) Scene of Tamanoura district, Nagasaki, 1862. (Slide 17) 3) Sea Route Map from Karatsu in S.W. Kyushu to Nagasaki, Mid-17th century. (Slide 18) 4) Birds-Eye View of Deshima, 1798. (Slide 19) 5) Arrival of a Dutch Ship at Nagasaki, Mid-19th century. (Slide 20) 6) Arrival of a Dutch Ship at Deshima, 1850. (Slide 21) 7) Weighing of Commodities, Mid-19th century. (Slide 22) 8) Daily Life of Deshima, c. 1699. (Slide 23) 9) Chinese and Dutch Residences at De&ma, c. 1699. (Slide 23) 10) The Dutch Kapitan Blomhoffs Family, 1817. (Slide 24) 11) A Banquet at the Dutch Residence, Mid-19th century. (Slide 25) Interior of the Residence at Deshima, Nagasaki (Nagasaki Deshima Kannai no Zu ) (Banquet) by Kawahara Keiga. Colour on paper. Tokyo Univ. of Art and Music, Art Museum. This is a famous realistic sketch by Keiga of a banquet given at the 9 Kapitan’s house. Five Dutch men and two Japanese officials are seated or standing around the circular table set with bottles and Western dishes. They are accompanied in their revelry by two Japanese courtesans. Through the window at the center, one can see the bay and some anchored ships. III) Korean Embassies (Chosen TsBshinshi) Hideyoshi Toyotomi’s invasions (1592-1598) of Korea and Ming China caused a great transformation of the political situation of East Asian countries. Ming’s intervention against Japan in order to rescue Korea eventually exhausted its great energy so that Nurhachi (1559-1626), who later became the first Manchurian Emperor of the Ching Dynasty, successfully accumulated military power in northeastern China. War-tom Korea, which was acutely aware of this geo-political situation, sought neighbourly relations with Japan for its own security. At the same time, Japan herself wanted to resolve the international problem of its diplomatic isolation in East Asia caused by Toyotomi’s military expedition. In the post-Toyotomi period after 1598, in order to restore and develop a peaceful relationship between Japan and Korea, Ieyasu Tokugawa, the first Shogun of the Tokugawa Government (Bakufu), made a request in 1599 to the King of the Yi Dynasty in Korea to send a good-will ambassadorial mission to Edo. In response, the court of the Yi Dynasty in Seoul sent Korean Embassies to the Tokugawa Bakufu twelve times between 1607 and 1811. The first envoy, accompanied by 467 attendants, came to Edo (now Tokyo) in 1607 to congratulate Hidetada Tokugawa, who had become the second ShGgun in 1605. Eleven more delegations were sent, usually for auspicious occasions uch as the succession of a new Shogun; the last was in 1811. Their trip took about hree to five months from Seoul to Edo by sea and land transport utilizing ship, horse and palanquin. The journey took such a long time because of the various receptions and cultural exchanges with local lords who were required by the Shogun to offer hospitality on his behalf. Although state-to-state r lations were restored by the 1607 Korean Embassy to Edo, no equivalent Japanese Embassy was ever sent o Seoul, except for an intelligence mission dispatched by the Shogun to investigate the first Manchu invasion of Korea (1627), and to offer military assistance, which was declined by the Korean King. The Korean Government never equested an embassy from the Shogun, and the Tokugawa Government never sought o send one. Historians argue that this was due to the perceived superior cultural status of Korea versus the perceived stronger military power of Japan. Despite these different political perceptions of self-images of Japan and Korea, the relationship between the two countries during the Edo period has been historically characterised as based on “Zenrin yQk6” (goodwill and neighbourliness). The Korean visits had a special significance for Japan during this period of the national seclusion policy. Such splendid parades were too rare and spectacular to escape public enthusiasm or artistic notice. All along the route from Tsushima Island to Edo, rich and poor, courtier, samurai, and commoner, competed--and paid dearly--for the best vantage point from which to watch the passage of an embassy. Among these crowds of spectators along the route of the Korean Embassy from Kyushu to Edo, dozens of artists also stood taking in the sight inorder to record it in paintings and woodblock prints. Over one hundred such paintings, prints, and illustrated pamphlets depicting the exotic procession of the Korean Embassies through Japan are known to survive. Artists and printmakers, adopting the viewpoints of curiosity-seekers, vividly recorded various stages of a Korean Embassy’s progress through Japan, from first landfall in Tsushima, to passage by ship through the Inland Sea (Setonaikai) and riverboat up the Yodo River, thence overland 10 through Kyoto (the home of the Emperor), and along the highways to Edo (the Shogunate’s capital) by horse and palanquin. Members of each embassy met officially only with the Japanese lite and intellectuals--almost exclusively samurai lords and Buddhist priests--for cultural exchange. These depictions constitute not only important works of art but also valuable historical and literary sources. Calligraphy and classical Chinese poetry written and created by Ambassador Am Cho (Gen Sho) in 1748 at Kiyomidera Temple at Yui, which was one of fifty-three stations on the Tokaido Highway, are good examples. These superb examples of brush writing result from this master calligrapher’s personal touch and the poems reflect he excellence of his literary imagination and creativity. (Slides 40-41) In addition to professional rtists and government high officials, the Japanese commoners integrated Korean Embassies into their experience, painting commemorative scrolls of their processions, enshrining them in Buddhist emples and Shinto halls in the form of Ema, pictorial votive offerings, and assuming roles masquerading as Korean Embassies in their annual festivals. Korean Embassies became part of the fabric of national consciousness, helping ordinary people articulate the nature of their world and their own place in it. This clearly shows that Korean Embassies to Edo captured the popular imagination of the Japanese in the Edo period. Such representations of Korean Embassies uggest, in the history and art of the Edo period, a political and a cultural significance for the embassies both more pervasive and more enduring than has seemed until now to be the case. In the following, we can see many splendidly produced maps, prints, and paintings depicting each important stage along the route of the twelve Korean Embassies. 1) Map of Japan, c. 1700. (Slide 26) 2) Route Maps of two Korean Embassies, 1636 &z 1711. (Slides 27 & 28) 3) A Route Map of a Korean Embassy, 1763. (Slide 29) 4) Procession of a Korean Embassy, 1763. (Slide 30 ) 5) Arrival of Ships at Kaminoseki Port, 1821. (Slide 31) 6) Ships of a Korean Embassy painted on Folding Screens, 1719. (Slide 32) 7) Arrival of a Korean Embassy at the Yodo Castle, 18th century. (Slide 33) 8) Procession of a Korean Embassy, c.1636. (Slides 34 - 36) 9) The Highway for Korean Embassies 3, 1806. (Slides 37 - 39) In 1997, the Beans Collection acquired a fine reprint edition of this highway map as a gift from the Japan Foundation (see also p. 15). For details concerning this map, refer to footnote 2 on p. 16. 10) Kiyomidera Temple at Yui, 1748. (Slide 40) 11) Samples of brush writing by Korean Ambassador Am Cho (Gen Sho), 1748. (Slide 41) 12) Arrival of a Korean Embassy at Edo Castle, c.1630. (Slide 42) 11 13) Parade of a Korean Embassy in Edo, c. 1748. (Slide 43) The most widely known portrayal of a Korean Embassy in Japanese art is surely the remarkable painting Ch6senjin raid&u painted around 1748 by Hanegawa Tbei (fl. 1735-17X)), a pioneer in the use of Western-style perspective techniques. It is a magnificent depiction of an embassy’s passage through the main streets of Edo. With the walls of Edo Castle and a stylized Mt. Fuji in the background, the embassy’s procession comes straight oward the viewer between the twin rows of two-story buildings in the district of Nihonbashi Honcho 2-chome, the centre of downtown Edo. The ambassador, the Korean King’s representative to the Shbgun, riding in a roofed, opened-sided palanquin, occupies the centre of the field of vision, preceded by pennant-bearers, a drummer, and a giant flag displaying a fire-breathing dragon. The social and architectural detail of Hanegawa’s painting is remarkable. The crowd is portrayed as well-behaved and orderly. In this they are not only showing respect o foreigners, but obedience to the Tokugawa Bakufu’s ofuregaki (edicts) governing the behavior of those who viewed Korean Embassy processions. Conclusion: For most Japanese in the Edo period, peoples of foreign countries remained in the realm of fantasy, heard about but unseen. What is unseen, however, can be comprehended through illustrated and written materials. That was the reason why the Japanese people were fascinated by the pictures of different peoples of the world. Under the closed condition of the National Seclusion Policy (Sakoku), they grasped images of foreign peoples mostly through visual materials like maps, prints, and paintings. These pictures were worth for them at least a thousand words each (Hyukubun wu ikken ni shikuzu) ! Dutch traders single-handedly represented the West to the Japanese, and their presence at De&ma became a vehicle for introducing not only European products but also a knowledge of Western civilisation into Japan. These business and cultural interchanges conducted between the Dutch and the Japanese peoples at Nagasaki eventually developed into mutual recognition and understanding. Although not so often, occasionally apart of the Japanese people had an opportunity to observe foreigners directly, as Korean or Dutch Embassies made their way from ports of entry in Kyushu to their audiences with the Tokugawa Shoguns in Edo. These occasions played very important roles both for Japanese high officials and common people. Officials learned the arts of cultural and political exchange with their counterparts. Townspeople saw live representatives of foreigners and came to acknowledge the reality of global diversity. Foreign Embassies to Edo, and Korean Embassies in particular, were rare events in the Tokugawa Government’s political cycle.The Korean visits had a special political significance for Japan, because Korea was the only foreign country with which Japan maintained adiplomatic relationship during the period of national seclusion. The three cases we have mentioned were the most significant examples of cultural, economic, and political interaction of Japan with Europe on the one hand, and East Asia on the other, in the Edo period. My attempt to assess the significance of the images of foreigners as perceived by the Japanese people in the Edo period was not confined only to the above-mentioned exchanges in material culture, but also further extended to the identity of the Japanese as they began to learn about a new world and tried to establish their place in it. Information about his larger. world played a more central role for the Japanese as they gained a realistic perspective on their domestic and international so&-political situation. The great cultural shock which Edo people felt when seeing images from foreign countries like Perry’s Black 12 Ships became an important motivation for them to question their ideas and values and their concept of the outside world as they formed a vision of their future in a new international order. The combination of these new and revised images of foreigners with growing international pressure was also an important historical factor which helped the Japanese to carry out the swift modernization of their country after the Meiji Restoration in 1868. Persnective: With the above theme: Images of Foreigners in Edo Period Mans and Prints, broader and more in-depth research would be possible in such fields as Cartography, Fine Arts, Geography, History, Literature, and East-West relations. As a Japanese librarian, who has to tackle arduous daily library duties that include everything from book-selection and collection management toreference services, I have little time to spare for doing comprehensive r search, although I would like to do more. If newer studies by academic researchers elating to this subject come out in this field of Japanese studies, either at or outside UBC, I shall be very pleased. NOTES 1) The Beans Collection of Edo Mans: A collection of early Japanese maps, produced mostly by woodblocks (many in color), during the Fdo period (1600-1868). It was purchased by the UBC Library Special Collections Division in 1%5 from its original owner, Mr. George H. Beans, President of the Philadephia Seed Company. Mr. Beans started collecting old Japanese maps in the early 193Os, but decided to dispose of his whole collection of Edo maps in the early 196Os, when Japanese antique maps were becoming scarce and expensive in the world map market. Fortunately, UBC Library was able to acquire this magnificent collection with the financial support of the Friends of the Library, UBC. The detailed description of the transfer of the Beans’ collection to UBC appeared in Imugo Mundi (v. 18, 1964, p. 90), announcing that “it is the [University’s] intention to continue to develop it along the lines originally set out” by Mr. Beans in the introduciton to his List of Japanese Maps of the Tokugawu Era in 3 volumes (Jenkintown, Pennsylvania: Tall Tree Library Press, 1951- 1963). To comply with this guideline, the Beans Collection has constantly been enhanced since then. In 1986 the Japanese old-map collection previously owned by Mr. George BOM in Honolulu, Hawaii, was added to it. During the last five years from 1992 to 1997, UBC Library acquired 20 titles in 79 volumes of Gokuidc? bunken nobe ezu (Detailed maps of five major highways of Japan: lm 1868), compiled by Kota Kodama, and published by Bijutsu Shuppansha, Tokyo, beginning in 1977 (expected to be completed in 25 titles, 103 volumes, in the coming few years), with continuing assistance under The Japan Foundation Library Support Program. This excellent reproduction series of the historical cartography collection originally produced in the Edo period has greatly enhanced the UBC collection of old maps of Japan. This series includes Ch&enjiruB mitori ezu in 2 volumes, each with a supplement, published in 1997 (refer to Footnote 3: Measured Map of the Highway for Korean Embassies on page 16). This rare antique Japanese map collection contains about 920 titles of sheet maps, screen and scroll maps,fukanzu (bird’s-eye view landscapes), plus many “atlases,” geographies 13 etc. This is one of the largest collections of Edo maps in existence outside Japan, and the quality of the maps makes it one of the best collections of this kind in the world. The subject and holdings statistics of the collection as of April 1998 are as follows: Areas/Subject Titles Areas/Subject Titles Japan 50 Noted Places 10 Travel 29 China & partds 19 Palaces & shrines 9 World Ed0 &parts 67 Asia & parts 2 Provinces, districts & islands *460 54 Yokohama Europe & parts Africa 4 Other Cities 537 Near East 5 Castles 3 9 Historical North America & parts 8 South America 9 Current Events 11 Miscellaneous 16 Total: *920 *Approximate figure. **For further details of the Beans Collection, refer to “300 Years of Japanese Tourism: A Look at the Collection of Edo Maps in the University of British Columbia Library” by Frances M. Woodward inWAML Information , Vol. 24, No. 3, 1993. pp. 161-174. 2) Slides were shown at the Symposium and references to them are included in the text. See Supplement on pp. 18 - 21. These slides are kept by the symposium organizer, Prof. Joshua Mostow of the Department of Asian Studies, UBC. 3) Ch&en_iindG mitori ezu (Measured Man of the Highway for Korean Embassies): In terms of styles of maps, this is a strip map, which is similar to those compiled by the American or Canadian Automobile Association at the request of their members. This was hand-drawn in colour by an unknown artist. This is the 1997 reproduction edition of the map originally produced in approximately 1789- 1801. The reproduction map is on the scale of [ca. 1: 12O,OOO] and is folded into a slipcase, 41 x 17 x 3 cm. There are two main volumes of maps, each supplemented with a volume of explanatory text. Each main volume is composed of a number of section maps pasted together and folded, the length of maps varying between twenty-four folds for vol. 1 with a total measurement of41 x 408 cm and twenty-two folds for vol. 2 with a total measurement of41 x 374 cm. This style of map is called “Orihon” or accordion-folded. Like many other similar route maps, this map includes highways, rivers, bridges, temples and houses with a directional symbol. The first volume shows the highway from Busshoji-mura (presently a part of Hikone City) to Osada-mura (presently apart of Omi-Ha&man City), the second epicts the road from Nishinosho-mura (  part of Omi-Ha&man) to Yukiai-mura (a part of Yasu Town). The total distance of Ch&enjind3 was 40 km. This highway was also called Jorakzd? (the Road of the Shogun), because the ShBgun travelled on it as well, when he was going up to Kyoto, the capital of Japan at that time, to have an audience with the Emperor. REFERENCES 1) Akioka, Takejiro. Nihon chizu shi. Tokyo: Kawade ShobB, 1955. 2) Cortazzi, Hugh. Isles of gold: antique maps of Japan. New York Jz Tokyo: 14 . Weatherhill, 1983. 3) Himeno, Junichi. Kaigai j6h8 to Kyiishii, Deshima, Seinan yiihan. Fukuoka: KyQshO Daigaku Shuppankai, 1996. 4) 5) pz9take, Tetsuya and Hasegawa, Koji . Chizu to bunka. Tokyo: Chijin ShobG, . Iwao, Seiichi. OrandQfisetsugaki shtisei. Tokyo: Nichiran Gakkai, 1977-1979. 2 vols. 6) Kang, Etsuko Hae-jin. Diplomacy and ideology in Japanese-Korean relations:from thefifteenth to the eighteenth centrury. Macmillan Press, 1997. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: 7) Kokuritsu Minzokugaku Hakubutsukan. lbunka e no munuzushi: Duiei 8) 9) Hakubutsukun to Kokuritsu Minzokugaku Hakubutsukan o korekushon kara: Images of Other Cultures: Re-viewing ethnographic collections of the British Museum and the National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka. Osaka: NHK Sfibisu Senti, 1997. Nagasaki-&i Deshima Shiseki Seibi Shingikai. Deshima zu, so no keikun to hensen. Nagasaki: Nagasaki-&i, 1987. Nagatani, Keizo and Edgington, David W. ed. Japan and the West: the perception gap . Hants, England: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 1998. 10) Nakao, Hiroshi. Ch&en tstishinshi no kiseki. Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1993. 11) Oda, Takeo. Chizu no rekishi. Nihon hen. Tokyo: Kodansha, 1974. 12) CIg;?, Tomio. Rangaku to Nihon bunka. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, . 13) &s&i, Gent&u. Kankai ibun. 1807. 10 ~01s. 14) Shin, Ki-su. Ch&en tsfishinshi ezu shfisei. Tokyo: Kiidansha, 1985. 15) -__-----__---_ Chasen tsiishinshi Brat’, 260-nen o heiwa to yak6 Tokyo: Rod8 Keizaisha, 1993. 16) Screech, Timon. Takayama, Hiroshi tr. 6 Edo ijin &ai. Tokyo: Maruzen Kabushiki Kaisha, 1995. 17) -------------- The Western Scientific Gaze and Popular Imagery in Lute Edo Japan: the lens within the heart. Cambridge: Cambride University Press, 1996. 18) Taikei Chbsen tsiishinshi: zenrin to yiik8 no kiroku. Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1993- 1996. 8 ~01s. 19) Taish6 Daigaku Bungakubu Kokusai Bunka Gakka, “Ibunka no Deai to Imeji” Kenkyfikai. Ibunka no deai to imgji: Taish8 Daigaku Bungakubu Kokusai Bunka G&u @e&j kenkyfi. Tokyo: Taishij Daigaku Gakujutsu Kenkya Josei Iinkai, 1996. 20) Toby, Ronald P. “Carnival of the Aliens: Korean Embassies in Edo-Peiod Art and 15 , Popular Culture.” Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 41, No. 4, 1986, pp. 415 - 454. 2 1) ------------------ State and diplomacy in early modem Japan: Asia in the development of the Tokugawa Bakuju. Palo Alto: Stanford University, 1984. 22) Tsuruta, Kinya ed. The Walls Within: Images of Westerners inJapan and Images of the Japanese Abroad. Vancouver, B.C.: The Universiy of British Columbia, 1988. 23) Ueda, Masaaki. Ch&en tsfishinshi, zenrin to yNz6 IU) minori. Shoten, 1995. Tokyo: &a&i 24) UMO, Kazutaka. Chizu no shiwa. Tokyo: YOshod8 Shuppan, 1985. SUPPLEMENT - A List of Colour Slides - 1) Bankoku sbzu (General Map of the World). Call No: 0200 17002 S5. Beans Collection. 2) Bankoku S~ZU: Jinbutsuzu (Pictures of Peoples of the World). G3200 17002 S5. Beans Collection. 3) Detail: English, Russian, Dutch , and African couples 4) Detail: French, Giants, and Dwarves couples 5) Detail: Chinese and Japanese couples 6) Detail: Luzon and Siam couples 7) Detail: a Dutchman 8) Detail: South Americans 9)Nunsenbushii dui Nihon sh6t6zu (Authorized Map of Great Japan and the World), Early 17th century, in Isles of Gold: Antique Maps of Japan by Hugh Cortazzi, plate 32, p 98. GA1241 C67 1983. Asian Library. 10) Typus Orbis Terrarum (Map of the World), Early 17th century, Ibidem, plate 33, p. 98. 11) The Kingdome of China, 1626, Ibidem, plate 29, pp. 94-95. 12) Reception of the HollandAmbassador to Japan., 1719, Ibidem. plate 74. pp.144145. 13) Japan&Corea, 1851, Ibidem, plate 90, p.1 62. 14) William Adams in the East Zdies. Book leaf, 1707. Ibidem. plate 79. P.152. 15) Kunkai ibun (Overseas News) by Gentaku &s&i, 10 ~01s. DS808 08 1807. Beans Collection. a) World Map in vol. 1, pp. 8-9. 16 b) Inuit Hunters in vol. 2, pp.12- 13. 16) Map of Nagasaki showing ships and Deshima with figures of five foreigners, 1680, in Isle of Gold: Antique Maps of Japan, PI. 50, p. 122. GA1241 C67 1983. Asian Library. 17) Hizen Nagasaki Tamanourapkei no zu (Scene of Tamanoura district, Nagasaki, Hizen Province), 1862, in Deshima zu: sono keikun to hensen, plate 37, p. 3 1. DS 897 N2% D453 1987. Asian Library. 18) D6chtIzu (Sea Route Map from Karatsu to Nagasaki), Mid- 17th century, Ibidem, plate 77, p. 66. 19) Deshima zu : Decima at Nagasaki., 1798, Ibidem, plate 137, p. 121. 20) Ransen nyfik6 no zu (Arrival of a Dutch Ship at Nagasaki), Mid- 19th century, Ibidem, plate 222-a, p. 221. 2 1) Nagasaki Deshimu ransen nyiitsu zu. (Arrival of a Dutch Ship at Deshima), c.1850, Ibidem, plate 3 1, p. 28. 22) ShGhin keiryS no zu (Weighing of Commodities), Mid-19th centrury, Ibidem, plate 223-c, p. 225. 23) Nagasaki T&-Rankan zu (Chinese and Dutch Residences at Deshima), c. 1699, Ibidem, plate 209, p. 204. 24) Kapitan Buromuhofu kuzoku zu (The Dutch Kapitan Blomhoff s Family), 1817, Ibidem, plate 219. 25) Deshimu rankun l@en zu (A Banquet at the Dutch Residence), Mid- 19th century. Ibidem, plate 230, p. 23 1. 26) Nihon yozu (Map of Japan) in Ch&en Tsiishinshi ezu shiisei, c. 1700, plate 22, p.68. DS 849 KS C46 1986. Asian Library. 27) Kartei lInendo Ch6sen Tsiishinshi k&o.zu (A Route Map of the Korean Embassy Procession in Kanei 13 = 1636 from Seoul to Edo), in Taikei Chasen Tsiishinshi, Vol. 2, pp. 174-175. DS 849 K8T28 1993. Asian Library. 28) Shbtoku-do Chasen Tsfishinshi kc%ozu (A Route Map of the Korean Embassy in Shotoku-do = 171 l), Ibidem, Vol. 4, p. 170. 29) Ch6senjin raich&dfi t&i ez,u (A Route Map of a Korean Embassy), 1763, Ibidem, Vol. 7, pp. 52-53. 30) Chasen Tsiishinshi gy&etsu zu (Procession of a Korean Embassy), 1763, Ibidem, Vol. 7, pp. 36-37. 3 1) Kuminoseki nyiik6 zu (Arrival of Ships at Kaminoseki Port ), 1821, Ibidem, Vol. 7, pp. 89. 32) Chasen Tsiishinshi gozasen byabu (Folding Screens of the Ship of a Korean Embassy), 1719, Ibidem, Vol. 5, pp. 22-23. 17 33) Ch&en Tsiishinshi, Heireishi Yodoj8 chukuraizu (Arrival of a Korean Embassy at the Yodo Castle), 18th century, Ibidem, Vol. 6, p. 39. 34) Chasen Tstishinshi gyfiretsu zukun ( Picture S&roll of a Procession of a Korean Embassy), c.1636, Ibidem, Vol. 2, p. 7. 35) Ibidem, Vol. 2, p. 10. 36) Rakuchii rakugai zu (Folding Screens of the Scenes Inside and Outtside of the City of Kyoto), 17th century, Ibidem, Vol. 4, p. 30. 37) Chljsenjindlj mitori ezu (the Highway for Korean Embassies), 1806, Ibidem, Vol. 1, pp. 56-57. 38) Ibidem, Vol. 1, p. 58. 39) Ibidem, Vol. 1, p. 59 40) Yui (Yui on the Tokaido Highway), 1748, Ibidem, Vol. 8, p. 42. 41) Cho Am [She Gen 1 gacho (Calligraphies by Korean Ambassador Am Cho [Gen Sho]), 1748, Ibidem, Vol. 7, p. 60. 42) Edo-zu by6bu (Folding Screens of the Scenes of Edo), c.1630, Ibidem, Vol. 1, p.50. 43) CMsenjin ruichazu (Parade of a Korean Embassy in Edo by Tbei Hanegawa ), c. 1748, in Ch&en Tsiishinshi ezu shiisei, pp. 52-53. DS 849 K8 0% 1986.


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