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Images of Foreigners in Edo Period Maps and Prints Gonnami, Tsuneharu, 1940- 1998

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IMAGES OF FOREIGNERS IN ED0 PERIOD MAPS AND PRINTS* TsuneharuGonnami  University of British Columbia  I) Peoplesof the World A variety of interesting pictures of human figures representingpeoples of many countries of the world can be observedin someof the early world maps and maps of Japanproducedin the Edo period (1600-1868). The world-renowned BeansCollection1 of Edo mapshousedin the Special Collection Division, Main Library of the University of British Columbia (UBC), hassome such old maps . Since suchillustrations of various peopleswere rarely seenin mapsmadeeither before or after the Edo period, we could say that this was one of the unique characteristicsof Edo maps (Slides l-16)2. Edo maps did not consist simply of maps of Japan. Despite the ban on foreign intercourseduring the Edo period, the Tokugawa ShogunateGovernmentcould not totally suppressthe nation’s interest in the outside world, and various world mapswere produced, including the famous Bankoku S&zu (GeneralMap of the World ) of 1645. It hasimages of various peoplesof the world, is the first world map printed in Japan,and is now housedin the Kobe City Museum. UBC Library hasan identical 1645world map in its BeansCollection, but without the accompanyingillustrations of people. It hasalso a different edition complete with illustrations which was dated as being producedaround 1700 by Visiting ProfessorKazutaka Unno, Professor Emeritus of OsakaUniversity, and the leading authority on old mapsof Japan,during his research at UBC in 1985. (Slides l-2). According to ProfessorUnno’s examination, the abovetwo editions were basedon the world map producedby Matte0 Ricci (1552-1610),the early Jesuit missionary to China. The UBC version of 1700has attractive images of forty males and females of different peoplesof the world. This Jinbutsuzu(Pictures of the World’s People) was originally mounted together with the said world map, Bankoku S~ZU. In this interesting depiction of human figures, we seemany representative people from Africa, America, Asia, and Europe. Thesepictures demonstratewhat the artists consideredto be their distinguishing characteristics.They show us natural and cultural differences of basic human elements:physical features such as body, skin, face, hair style, along with gestures,costumeand everyday implements. (Slides 3-8). Images of thesedifferent peoplesoften appearedon world mapsof the early Edo period. The map specialist’sview is that theseillustrated mapswere basedon the “Great Ten ThousandCountries” map producedby Mateo Ricci and translatedinto Chinesein 1602. Ricci’s map of the world put China, the “Middle Kingdom,” in the centre. The Japaneseseemto have followed this Chinese model. At that time, Japanwas heavily indebted to Chinesecivilization, and the Japaneseview of the external world was basedupon a Chinesecosmological conception: China as the centreof civilization. Though limited in this way, both theseworld mapsand pictures of the peoplesof the world helped the Japaneseto grasprapidly-proliferating knowledge of the non-Asian world and to break down the image of the world previously held by the Japanese,a world made up of only China, India and other Asian countries.  * This paper is a revision of a presentationgiven at “Edo: Pastand Present,” a multi-disciplinary symposium held at the Asian Centre,the University of British Columbia, on April 4,1998. 5  Besidesprinted maps, maps of Japanand/or the world, which were painted on folding screens (byobu) seemto have had quite a vogue in Japanesehigh society during the latter part of the sixteenth and the early seventeenthcenturies. Sometwenty screenmapshave survived natural disastersand wars. Such screenmaps were generally painted in a number of colours on sixfold screenswith a gold background.They act as brilliant remindersof the glories of Momoyama and Early Ed0 paintings. The magnificent pair of suchtypical screenmapsentitled NansenbushfiDai Nihon Shbt6zu (Authorized Map of Great Japan) and Typus Orbis Terrarum (World Map) were producedin the early seventeenthcentury and are preservedin the NanbanMuseum at Osaka.This beautiful pair of maps showsvarious peoplesof the world in their traditional costumes,real or imaginary, surroundedwith gold panels. The margins of thesemaps depict the images of someforty couples representingthe world’s peoples. Looking at them in detail, we can find, for example, African, Dutch, English, and Russiancouples representingEurope, and Chinese,Japanese,Korean, Luzon, and Siamesecoupleswhich representAsia. There are even couplesfrom imaginary countries peopled by giants and dwarfs. (Slides 9-10). The BeansCollection’s Sekui Bankoku Nihon Yori Kaiia Risi.2& Jinbutsuzu (Map of the World Showing the Distancesof Various Countries from Japan,Their Names, and Inhabitants of Their Capitals), printed by woodblock c.1853, was loosely basedon the map of Matte0 Ricci, and in it, Japanis located at the centreof the world. We could say that this was a reaction againstthe Chineseconceptwhich placed China at the centreand evidenceof rising Japanesenationalism. There are imagesof representativesfrom twelve nations on the map, eachaccompaniedby a short description of the people and their country along with its distancefrom Japan. Besidesreal foreigners such as Americans, French, Russians,Chinese,Koreans,Vietnamese and East Indians, there are severalfanciful alien peoplessuch as Giants, Dwarves, Cyclops, and, at the north pole, a “Land of the Night People”. The steamshipsheading to Japanfrom America seemto be US Commodore Matthew Perry’s Black Ships of 1853,from which we canjudge with relative accuracy that this map was producedaround the time of Perry’svisit to Japan. Many “Pictures of Black Ships” were createdand cameinto vogue at that time in Japanas natural productsof the people’s curiosity and wonder. When Admiral Perry’s squadronarrived in 1853, the production of black ship pictures reachedits peak. Perry’s ships drove deepinto Edo Bay like a daggerat the throat of Japan. They threatenedthe shorewith their clearly lethal cannons,and this eventually forced open the closed door of Edo Japan. The Kingdome of China, an atlas leaf, 1626, by the famous cartographer,John Speed,has three images of Chinese,Japaneseand Pegupeoples.(Slide 11). An interesting feature of thesefigures is that they look like Westerners. In Westerners’eyes,Japanesewere depicted like them, but to Japaneseeyes,suchWestern appearanceslooked strangeand foreign. In the early depictions of the Japanesepeople by Western artists, the face was not at all like a Japaneseface, but this was how the Japaneseseemedto them through their foreign eyes. In a book leaf, 1719,entitled “Reception of the Holland Ambassadorto Japan”by Henri A. Chatelain, Japanesewere painted like Chinese,a variation of the Westerner’svision of East Asians. (Slide 12) It was almost impossible for Western artists at that time to look for more details and to seethe difference in appearancebetweenChineseand Japanesebecauseof their lack of contact with EastAsians in their own countries. A map titled Japan&Corea, 1851,also includes minute pictures of human figures, which supposedlyshow Japaneseand Korean peoples. (Slide 13) During the early Edo period the Japanesebeganto develop their own navigational charts. They also had accessto Dutch charts. Maritime chartssignedby the Dutch cartographerCornelius Doedtz (1555 1623), apparently drawn at Edam, Holland, probably came into Japanesehandsafter 6  the wreck in Bungo Province (presentOita Prefecture)in 1600of the Dutch ship De Liefde on which William Adams (1564-1620), the British seamanfrom Kent, England, was the masterpilot. These charts,now in the National Museum at Ueno, Tokyo, apparently camefrom the Tokugawa Archives in 1868. When Ieyasu Tokugawa (1542-1616), the first Tokugawa Shogun, grantedan audienceto Adams in 1600 and askedhim how he had come to Japan,the latter might have shown the Shogunthis kind of “chart of the whole world.” It was at this time that the whole composition of the globe including Africa, America, Europe and Oceaniaenteredinto the Japanesevision. Later Adams servedthe Tokugawa ShogunateGovernmentby teaching geometry,navigation, shipbuilding and other Western sciences. (Slide 14) Among the old books in the BeansCollection is one entitled Kunkai ibun (OverseasNews ) written in 1807 by Gentaku Otsuki (1757- 1827),a prominent doctor of Dutch medicine in Edo. This book hasa map of a deformed world printed by woodblock in red, blue, and yellow colours, which includes an interesting drawing of an Inuit hunter with a spearand two others on a kayak on the Arctic Ocean. (Slides 15: a & b) It is amazing that information on the Inuit had already reached Japanby the early nineteenthcentury, when there was no direct communication betweenJapanand the Arctic. From this image of Icemen, it is rather difficult for urbanizedpeople to imagine that they are hunting sealsand other Arctic animals not only for their daily practical usebut also for the ritual purposesof their spirit and culture. However, it made much sensefor the people in this icelandic areato survivein the severenatural environment with an animistic appreciationfor the gifts of Nature. This tradition of the Inuit people has now becomewidely known here in Canada. As a result of looking at the above-mentionedillustrated mapsand prints, the Japanesepeople in the Edo period greatly enhancedtheir knowledge and imagesof various peoplesand the geography of the globe. This was a whole new world opening up for them. II) Dutch Traders The most significant achievementof the Tokugawa Government(1600-1868) is consideredto be the establishmentof domestic peaceand relatively stablesocial order for about 270 years. This was done by closing almost all Japan’sports except Nagasaki to the Western world and by adopting a national seclusion policy (Sakoku) from 1639to 1868in order to legitimize and strengthenthe Tokugawa Shogunate’sauthority. Under this Sakoku policy, only Nagasaki was open to Dutch and Chinesetrading ships; shipsfrom other countries were not allowed. The one exception was the trade with Korea through Tsushima Island. Through the foreign traders, overseasnews was brought into Japanby word of mouth and/or by documents. The information delivered by the Chineseor Korean merchantswas limited to conditions in Far Easterncountries. In contrast, the Head of the Dutch Trading House (or Factory) at Deshima (later in the 19th century known as “Dejima”) usedto report the most up-to-dateWesternnews to the Shogunatein order to foster a good commercial relationships with Japan. This kind of world news was called Oranda Fiisetsugaki (Dutch Reports or News). William Adams was befriended by Ieyasu Tokugawa, the first Shogun,who employed him not only asan expert in the Westernsciencesbut also as an adviserconcerning international trade. It was mainly due to his efforts that the Dutch East India company was invited to trade with Japan. Adams thus becamea man of influence and renown, and was rewarded by the Shogunwith a large estateincluding some80 servantsat Miura Penninsulaat the mouth of Tokyo Bay. His Japanese name,Anjin Miura (Pilot ofMiura), camefrom this penninsulaon which his manor was located. He often travelled through Japanon official business. His adventurouslife hasbeen the subject of severalbooks, most popularly JamesClavell’s Shogun (1976) and its video version of the TV ,_ drama series.  7 __ ~---  ___-  Japanesehistorianscall this most peaceful and culturally mature period in the long history of Japan,“Pax Tokugawana.” The only loophole in the Sakoku policy was the tiny Dutch merchant community at Deshima in Nagasaki,and through it Westernculture and sciencewas introduced to Japanduring the Edo period. Deshima was a small, artificial island (130 acres:4,000 tsubo) constructedin the 1630sin NagasakiHa&our by the Tokugawa Governmentin order to establisha trading postfor the Dutch EastIndia Company (VereenigdeNederlandscheOostIndische Compagnie=VOC), in other words, the Dutch Factory or Dutch Trading House (Oranda Shokan). This was the only place in Japanwhere Dutch trading missions were allowed to reside and do businesswith the Japanesemerchantsduring the Edo period. On the small island of Deshima there were aboutforty buildings. Ten to thirteen officers (Kapitans, Surgeons,Warehousekeepers,and clerks) lived on the island with their cooks and servants.The term of office of the Kapitan was for one year. Intercoursebetweenthe Dutch and the ordinary Japanese,except the merchantsof each,was generally prohibited, but both gradually cameto exchangewith eachother culturally in Nagasaki.The towns-peopleof Nagasakishowed no hostile sign of disgust or fear, but rather expressedfriendship by facial and hand gestureswhen they happenedto encounterDutch and Chinesetradersin the streetsof Nagasaki. Nagasaki possessedan international atmosphereof trade and culture. The northern part of the island had a wharf, where cargo was unloaded, storedin warehouses,and then put up for sale. Dutch vesselsarrived in Japanalmost every year. A total of 700 trading shipscameto Nagasaki during the 260 years of Japan’sseclusion. Export items were gold, silver, copper,lacquer ware, pottery and porcelain. Among the imported items were raw silk, wool and cotton textiles, medicine, incense,lead, mercury, watchesand clocks. Later, books on warfare, medicine, and other scienceswere increasingly imported. In particular, instrumentsof vision suchas prisms, lensesand mirrors, microscopesand telescopes,and also fantastic viewing devicessuchas kaleidoscopeand peepbox(Karakuribako) acceleratedthe voguemovementof the “Red-hair craze” (fantasizedimages of Westerners)envisionedby the Edo people. Further, guns,ammunition, scientific instruments,and even steamshipswere imported. Japan’sremarkable progressafter the Edo era would havehardly beenpossiblehad shenot assimilatedtheseEuropeancultural and scientific elementsbrought by the Dutch merchants. Japan’sforeign relations were also maintained, though on a small scale,through De&ma. This island fell under thejurisdiction of the office of the NagasakiMagistrate (NagasakiBugyo), and entry and departurefrom it was strictly supervisedby the Bugy8. Despite suchsevererestrictions, Japanesegained acessto the numerousEuropeanbooks and writings the Dutch brought to Deshima. Even the Shogunrelied on Dutch Reports(Orudiz Filsetsuguki),regularly brought by Dutch Traders of Deshima, to keep abreastof eventsin the Westernworld. The overseasnews was translatedby interpreters(OrandaTsuji) and forwarded to the Shogunateby the commissionersof the NagasakiBugy8. The Asian Library at UBC has a comprehensivereprint of sucha Dutch Report published in 1977under the title of Oratifiisetsugaki sht2sei(See Ref. 5). It is composedof the original Dutch documentsas well asJapanesetranslations. According to it, the first Fusetsugakiwas dated 1641 and the last one 1858. The oldest extant Fusetsugakidates from 1644. The OrandaFbetsuguki allowed the Shogunateto get information about movementsof South EuropeanCatholic peoples(Nanbanjin), such as the Portugueseand Spanish,who were banished and forbidden to return to Japan,becausethey were eagerto reopenChristian missions which had beenclosedby Bakufu’s edict (ofuregaki). Dutch tradersfully complied with the purposeof the Fusetsugaki,i.e., the desire of the Shogunateto get recent news from Europe. Reporting to the Shogunatewas acceptedaspart of the job in the Dutch Factory, and the contentsof the reports rangedfrom Christian missions to the latest information from Europe and SouthAsia. Whenevera new Factory Head(Kapitan) arrived at Nagasaki,he would make a trip to Edo in order to pay his respectsto the Shogun. The trip was made once a year at the beginning, but it was changedto 8  --  -  once in every four years after 1790. It took about six weeks by the normal transport, boat and palanquin. Prominent Kapitans such as Engelbert Kaempfer (1651-1716), Carl P. Thunberg (1743-1822), and Phillip. F. von Siebold (17%-1866), played important roles in introducing Dutch Learning (Rangaku) to Japanand JapaneseStudiesto Europe as well. Through Deshima, the Japanese learned of Westernculture aswell as science& technology. The Dutch languagewas avidly studied first, then, as translatorsbecamecompetent,works on Western scienceand technology like medicine, astronomy, cartography,navigation, shipbuilding, and manufacturing of firearms and other equipment such as clocks, telescopes,and glassware.The development of Rangaku eventually blazed a path for Japan’smodernization in the latter half of the 19th century. Many of theseDutch factory headsand medical doctors, after returning to their mother countries(the Netherlands,Germany, Sweden)wrote numerousbooks on Japanand contributed to the establishmentof JapanStudiesin the West. Thus, as we have seen, Deshima played an important role not only in commercial and diplomatic contactsbut also in the broaderfield of cultural and sientilic interaction betweenJapanand the West. The following are mapsand prints depicting various scenesof professionaland private activities of the Dutch tradersat Deshima: 1) Map of Nagasaki dated 1680held by the British Library, London. This map was originally brought back to the Netherlandsby the former managerof De&ma, Dr. Engelbert Kaempfer. It shows ships in Nagasaki Ha&our with figures of foreigners representingChinese,Dutch, French, and Mongolians along with one other individual of unknown origin. There is also a table of distancesbetweenJapanand various countries,including the Netherlands. (Slide 16) 2) Sceneof Tamanoura district, Nagasaki, 1862. (Slide 17) 3) SeaRoute Map from Karatsu in S.W. Kyushu to Nagasaki, Mid-17th century. (Slide 18) 4) Birds-Eye View of Deshima, 1798. (Slide 19) 5) Arrival of a Dutch Ship at Nagasaki,Mid-19th century. (Slide 20) 6) Arrival of a Dutch Ship at Deshima, 1850. (Slide 21) 7) Weighing of Commodities, Mid-19th century. (Slide 22) 8) Daily Life of Deshima, c. 1699. (Slide 23) 9) Chineseand Dutch Residencesat De&ma, c. 1699. (Slide 23) 10) The Dutch Kapitan Blomhoffs Family, 1817. (Slide 24) 11) A Banquet at the Dutch Residence,Mid-19th century. (Slide 25) Interior of the Residenceat Deshima, Nagasaki (Nagasaki Deshima Kannai no Zu ) (Banquet) by Kawahara Keiga. Colour on paper. Tokyo Univ. of Art and Music, Art Museum. This is a famous realistic sketch by Keiga of a banquet given at the 9  Kapitan’s house. Five Dutch men and two Japaneseofficials are seatedor standing around the circular table set with bottles and Westerndishes. They are accompanied in their revelry by two Japanesecourtesans.Through the window at the center, one can seethe bay and some anchoredships. III) Korean Embassies(ChosenTsBshinshi) Hideyoshi Toyotomi’s invasions (1592-1598) of Korea and Ming China causeda great transformation of the political situation of EastAsian countries. Ming’s intervention againstJapanin order to rescueKorea eventually exhaustedits great energy so that Nurhachi (1559-1626), who later becamethe first Manchurian Emperor of the Ching Dynasty, successfullyaccumulatedmilitary power in northeasternChina. War-tom Korea, which was acutely aware of this geo-political situation, soughtneighbourly relations with Japanfor its own security. At the sametime, Japanherself wanted to resolve the international problem of its diplomatic isolation in EastAsia causedby Toyotomi’s military expedition. In the post-Toyotomi period after 1598, in order to restoreand develop a peaceful relationship betweenJapanand Korea, Ieyasu Tokugawa, the first Shogunof the Tokugawa Government(Bakufu), made a requestin 1599 to the King of the Yi Dynasty in Korea to senda good-will ambassadorialmission to Edo. In response,the court of the Yi Dynasty in Seoul sentKorean Embassiesto the Tokugawa Bakufu twelve times between 1607 and 1811. The first envoy, accompaniedby 467 attendants,came to Edo (now Tokyo) in 1607to congratulateHidetada Tokugawa, who had becomethe secondShGgun in 1605. Eleven more delegationswere sent,usually for auspiciousoccasionssuchas the successionof a new Shogun; the last was in 1811.Their trip took about three to five months from Seoul to Edo by seaand land transport utilizing ship, horse and palanquin. The journey took sucha long time becauseof the various receptionsand cultural exchanges with local lords who were required by the Shogunto offer hospitality on his behalf. Although state-to-staterelations were restoredby the 1607Korean Embassyto Edo, no equivalent JapaneseEmbassywas ever sentto Seoul, exceptfor an intelligence mission dispatchedby the Shogunto investigate the first Manchu invasion of Korea (1627), and to offer military assistance,which was declined by the Korean King. The Korean Government never requestedan embassyfrom the Shogun,and the Tokugawa Government never sought to sendone. Historians argue that this was due to the perceived superior cultural statusof Korea versusthe perceivedstrongermilitary power of Japan. Despite thesedifferent political perceptionsof self-imagesof Japanand Korea, the relationship betweenthe two countries during the Edo period hasbeenhistorically characterisedas basedon “Zenrin yQk6” (goodwill and neighbourliness). The Korean visits had a special significance for Japanduring this period of the national seclusionpolicy. Such splendid paradeswere too rare and spectacularto escapepublic enthusiasmor artistic notice. All along the route from Tsushima Island to Edo, rich and poor, courtier, samurai, and commoner, competed--andpaid dearly--for the bestvantage point from which to watch the passageof an embassy. Among thesecrowds of spectators along the route of the Korean Embassy from Kyushu to Edo, dozensof artists also stood taking in the sight inorder to record it in paintings and woodblock prints. Over one hundred suchpaintings, prints, and illustrated pamphletsdepicting the exotic processionof the Korean Embassiesthrough Japanare known to survive. Artists and printmakers, adopting the viewpoints of curiosity-seekers,vividly recordedvarious stagesof a Korean Embassy’sprogressthrough Japan,from first landfall in Tsushima, to passageby ship through the Inland Sea(Setonaikai) and riverboat up the Yodo River, thenceoverland 10  through Kyoto (the home of the Emperor), and along the highways to Edo (the Shogunate’scapital) by horseand palanquin. Members of eachembassymet officially only with the Japaneseelite and intellectuals--almostexclusively samurailords and Buddhist priests--for cultural exchange.Thesedepictions constitutenot only important works of art but also valuable historical and literary sources. Calligraphy and classicalChinesepoetry written and createdby AmbassadorAm Cho (Gen Sho) in 1748at Kiyomidera Temple at Yui, which was one of fifty-three stations on the Tokaido Highway, are good examples. These superbexamplesof brush writing result from this master calligrapher’spersonal touch and the poemsreflect the excellenceof his literary imagination and creativity. (Slides 40-41) In addition to professionalartists and governmenthigh officials, the Japanesecommoners integratedKorean Embassiesinto their experience,painting commemorativescrolls of their processions,enshrining them in Buddhist temples and Shinto halls in the form of Ema, pictorial votive offerings, and assumingroles masqueradingasKorean Embassiesin their annual festivals. Korean Embassiesbecamepart of the fabric of national consciousness, helping ordinary people articulate the nature of their world and their own place in it. This clearly showsthat Korean Embassiesto Edo capturedthe popular imagination of the Japanesein the Edo period. Such representationsof Korean Embassiessuggest,in the history and art of the Edo period, a political and a cultural significance for the embassies both more pervasiveand more enduring than has seemeduntil now to be the case. In the following, we can seemany splendidly producedmaps,prints, and paintings depicting eachimportant stagealong the route of the twelve Korean Embassies. 1) Map of Japan,c. 1700. (Slide 26) 2) Route Maps of two Korean Embassies,1636 &z1711. (Slides 27 & 28) 3) A Route Map of a Korean Embassy, 1763. (Slide 29) 4) Processionof a Korean Embassy, 1763. (Slide 30 ) 5) Arrival of Ships at Kaminoseki Port, 1821. (Slide 31) 6) Ships of a Korean Embassypainted on Folding Screens,1719. (Slide 32) 7) Arrival of a Korean Embassyat the Yodo Castle, 18th century. (Slide 33) 8) Processionof a Korean Embassy, c.1636. (Slides 34 - 36) 9) The Highway for Korean Embassies3, 1806. (Slides 37 - 39) In 1997, the BeansCollection acquired a fine reprint edition of this highway map as a gift from the JapanFoundation (seealso p. 15). For details concerning this map, refer to footnote 2 on p. 16. 10) Kiyomidera Temple at Yui, 1748. (Slide 40) 11) Samplesof brush writing by Korean AmbassadorAm Cho (Gen Sho), 1748. (Slide 41) 12) Arrival of a Korean Embassyat Edo Castle, c.1630. (Slide 42)  11  13) Paradeof a Korean Embassyin Edo, c. 1748. (Slide 43) The most widely known portrayal of a Korean Embassyin Japaneseart is surely the remarkable painting Ch6senjinraid&u painted around 1748by HanegawaTbei (fl. 1735-17X)), a pioneer in the use of Western-styleperspectivetechniques. It is a magnificent depiction of an embassy’spassagethrough the main streetsof Edo. With the walls of Edo Castle and a stylized Mt. Fuji in the background, the embassy’s processioncomes straight toward the viewer between the twin rows of two-story buildings in the district of Nihonbashi Honcho 2-chome, the centre of downtown Edo. The ambassador,the Korean King’s representativeto the Shbgun, riding in a roofed, opened-sidedpalanquin, occupiesthe centre of the field of vision, precededby pennant-bearers,a drummer, and a giant flag displaying a fire-breathing dragon. The social and architectural detail of Hanegawa’spainting is remarkable.The crowd is portrayed as well-behaved and orderly. In this they are not only showing respectto foreigners, but obedienceto the Tokugawa Bakufu’s ofuregaki (edicts) governing the behavior of those who viewed Korean Embassyprocessions. Conclusion: For most Japanesein the Edo period, peoplesof foreign countriesremained in the realm of fantasy, heard about but unseen. What is unseen,however, can be comprehendedthrough illustrated and written materials. That was the reasonwhy the Japanesepeople were fascinated by the pictures of different peoplesof the world. Under the closed condition of the National SeclusionPolicy (Sakoku), they graspedimages of foreign peoplesmostly through visual materials like maps, prints, and paintings. Thesepictures were worth for them at least a thousandwords each(Hyukubun wu ikken ni shikuzu) ! Dutch traders single-handedlyrepresentedthe West to the Japanese,and their presenceat De&ma becamea vehicle for introducing not only Europeanproductsbut also a knowledge of Westerncivilisation into Japan. Thesebusinessand cultural interchangesconducted betweenthe Dutch and the Japanesepeoplesat Nagasaki eventually developedinto mutual recognition and understanding. Although not so often, occasionally a part of the Japanesepeople had an opportunity to observeforeigners directly, as Korean or Dutch Embassiesmade their way from ports of entry in Kyushu to their audienceswith the Tokugawa Shogunsin Edo. These occasions played very important roles both for Japanesehigh officials and common people. Officials learnedthe arts of cultural and political exchangewith their counterparts.Townspeople saw live representativesof foreigners and cameto acknowledgethe reality of global diversity. Foreign Embassiesto Edo, and Korean Embassiesin particular, were rare eventsin the Tokugawa Government’spolitical cycle.The Korean visits had a specialpolitical significance for Japan,becauseKorea was the only foreign country with which Japan maintained a diplomatic relationship during the period of national seclusion. The three caseswe have mentionedwere the most significant examplesof cultural, economic, and political interaction of Japanwith Europe on the one hand, and EastAsia on the other, in the Edo period. My attempt to assessthe significance of the imagesof foreigners as perceivedby the Japanesepeople in the Edo period was not confined only to the above-mentioned exchangesin material culture, but also further extendedto the identity of the Japanese as they beganto learn about a new world and tried to establishtheir place in it. Information about this larger.world played a more central role for the Japaneseas they gained a realistic perspectiveon their domesticand international so&-political situation. The greatcultural shock which Edo people felt when seeingimagesfrom foreign countries like Perry’sBlack 12  Shipsbecamean important motivation for them to questiontheir ideasand valuesand their conceptof the outside world asthey formed a vision of their future in a new international order. The combination of thesenew and revised images of foreigners with growing international pressurewas also an important historical factor which helped the Japaneseto carry out the swift modernization of their country after the Meiji Restorationin 1868. Persnective: With the abovetheme: Images of Foreignersin Edo Period Mans and Prints, broader and more in-depth researchwould be possible in suchfields as Cartography, Fine Arts, Geography,History, Literature, and East-Westrelations. As a Japaneselibrarian, who has to tackle arduousdaily library duties that include everything from book-selectionand collection managementto referenceservices, I havelittle time to sparefor doing comprehensiveresearch, although I would like to do more. If newer studiesby academic researchersrelating to this subjectcome out in this field of Japanesestudies,either at or outside UBC, I shall be very pleased.  NOTES 1) The BeansCollection of Edo Mans: A collection of early Japanesemaps, producedmostly by woodblocks (many in color), during the Fdo period (1600-1868). It was purchasedby the UBC Library Special Collections Division in 1%5 from its original owner, Mr. George H. Beans,Presidentof the Philadephia SeedCompany. Mr. Beansstartedcollecting old Japanesemapsin the early 193Os,but decided to disposeof his whole collection of Edo mapsin the early 196Os, when Japaneseantique mapswere becoming scarceand expensivein the world map market. Fortunately, UBC Library was able to acquire this magnificent collection with the financial support of the Friends of the Library, UBC. The detailed description of the transfer of the Beans’collection to UBC appearedin Imugo Mundi (v. 18, 1964, p. 90), announcingthat “it is the [University’s] intention to continue to developit along the lines originally set out” by Mr. Beansin the introduciton to his List of JapaneseMaps of the TokugawuEra in 3 volumes (Jenkintown, Pennsylvania:Tall Tree Library Press,19511963). To comply with this guideline, the BeansCollection hasconstantly beenenhancedsince then. In 1986the Japaneseold-map collection previously owned by Mr. GeorgeBOM in Honolulu, Hawaii, was addedto it. During the last five yearsfrom 1992 to 1997,UBC Library acquired 20 titles in 79 volumes of Gokuidc?bunken nobe ezu (Detailed mapsof five major highways of Japan: lm 1868),compiled by Kota Kodama, and published by Bijutsu Shuppansha,Tokyo, beginning in 1977 (expectedto be completed in 25 titles, 103 volumes, in the coming few years), with continuing assistanceunder The Japan Foundation Library SupportProgram. This excellent reproduction seriesof the historical cartographycollection originally producedin the Edo period hasgreatly enhancedthe UBC collection of old maps of Japan.This seriesincludes Ch&enjiruB mitori ezu in 2 volumes, each with a supplement,published in 1997(refer to Footnote3: MeasuredMap of the Highway for Korean Embassieson page 16). This rare antique Japanesemap collection containsabout 920 titles of sheetmaps,screen and scroll maps,fukanzu (bird’s-eye view landscapes),plus many “atlases,” geographies 13  etc. This is one of the largest collections of Edo mapsin existenceoutside Japan,and the quality of the maps makesit one of the best collections of this kind in the world. The subject and holdings statistics of the collection as of April 1998 are asfollows: Areas/Subject  Titles  Areas/Subject  Japan 50 Travel 29 Palaces& shrines 9 Ed0 &parts 67 Provinces, districts & islands *460 Yokohama Other Cities 537 Castles 3 Historical 8 Current Events 11  Noted Places China & partds World Asia & parts Europe & parts Africa Near East North America & parts South America Miscellaneous Total:  Titles 10 19 2 54 4 5 9 9 16 *920  *Approximate figure. **For further details of the BeansCollection, refer to “300 Years of JapaneseTourism: A Look at the Collection of Edo Maps in the University of British Columbia Library” by FrancesM. Woodward inWAML Information , Vol. 24, No. 3, 1993. pp. 161-174. 2) Slides were shown at the Symposium and referencesto them are included in the text. SeeSupplement on pp. 18 - 21. These slides are kept by the symposium organizer, Prof. JoshuaMostow of the Department of Asian Studies,UBC. 3) Ch&en_iindGmitori ezu (MeasuredMan of the Highway for Korean Embassies): In terms of styles of maps, this is a strip map, which is similar to those compiled by the American or CanadianAutomobile Association at the requestof their members. This was hand-drawn in colour by an unknown artist. This is the 1997reproduction edition of the map originally producedin approximately 1789-1801. The reproduction map is on the scale of [ca. 1:12O,OOO] and is folded into a slipcase,41 x 17 x 3 cm. There are two main volumes of maps,eachsupplementedwith a volume of explanatory text. Each main volume is composedof a number of section mapspastedtogether and folded, the length of maps varying between twenty-four folds for vol. 1 with a total measurementof 41 x 408 cm and twenty-two folds for vol. 2 with a total measurementof 41 x 374 cm. This style of map is called “Orihon” or accordion-folded. Like many other similar route maps, this map includes highways, rivers, bridges, temples and houseswith a directional symbol. The first volume showsthe highway from Busshoji-mura (presently a part of Hikone City) to Osada-mura(presently a part of Omi-Ha&man City), the seconddepicts the road from Nishinosho-mura (a part of Omi-Ha&man) to Yukiai-mura (a part of Yasu Town). The total distanceof Ch&enjind3 was 40 km. This highway was also called Jorakzd? (the Road of the Shogun),becausethe ShBguntravelled on it as well, when he was going up to Kyoto, the capital of Japanat that time, to have an audiencewith the Emperor. REFERENCES 1) Akioka, Takejiro. Nihon chizu shi. Tokyo: Kawade ShobB, 1955. 2) Cortazzi, Hugh. Isles of gold: antique maps of Japan. New York Jz Tokyo: 14  .  Weatherhill, 1983. 3) Himeno, Junichi. Kaigai j6h8 to Kyiishii, Deshima, Seinan yiihan. Fukuoka: KyQshODaigaku Shuppankai, 1996. 4) pz9take, Tetsuya and Hasegawa,Koji . Chizu to bunka. Tokyo: Chijin ShobG, . 5) Iwao, Seiichi. OrandQfisetsugaki shtisei. Tokyo: Nichiran Gakkai, 1977-1979. 2 vols. 6)  Kang, Etsuko Hae-jin. Diplomacy and ideology in Japanese-Koreanrelations:from thefifteenth to the eighteenth centrury. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Press, 1997.  7) Kokuritsu Minzokugaku Hakubutsukan. lbunka e no munuzushi:Duiei Hakubutsukun to Kokuritsu Minzokugaku Hakubutsukanno korekushonkara: Images of Other Cultures: Re-viewing ethnographic collections of the British Museumand the National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka. Osaka: NHK Sfibisu Senti, 1997. 8)  Nagasaki-&i Deshima Shiseki Seibi Shingikai. Deshima zu, so no keikun to hensen. Nagasaki: Nagasaki-&i, 1987.  9) Nagatani, Keizo and Edgington, David W. ed. Japanand the West:theperception gap . Hants, England: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 1998. 10) Nakao, Hiroshi. Ch&en tstishinshi no kiseki. Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1993. 11) Oda, Takeo. Chizu no rekishi. Nihon hen. Tokyo: Kodansha, 1974. 12) CIg;?, Tomio. Rangaku to Nihon bunka. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, . 13) &s&i, Gent&u. Kankai ibun. 1807. 10 ~01s. 14) Shin, Ki-su. Ch&en tsfishinshi ezu shfisei. Tokyo: Kiidansha, 1985. 15) -__-----__---_Chasentsiishinshi Brat’,260-nen no heiwa to yak6 Tokyo: Rod8 Keizaisha, 1993. 16) Screech,Timon. Takayama, Hiroshi tr. 6 Edo ijin &ai. Tokyo: Maruzen Kabushiki Kaisha, 1995. 17) -------------- The WesternScientific Gazeand Popular Imagery in Lute Edo Japan: the lens within the heart. Cambridge: Cambride University Press,1996. 18) Taikei Chbsentsiishinshi: zenrin to yiik8 no kiroku. Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 19931996. 8 ~01s. 19) Taish6 Daigaku Bungakubu Kokusai Bunka Gakka, “Ibunka no Deai to Imeji” Kenkyfikai. Ibunka no deai to imgji: Taish8 Daigaku Bungakubu Kokusai Bunka G&u @e&j kenkyfi. Tokyo: Taishij Daigaku Gakujutsu Kenkya Josei Iinkai, 1996. 20) Toby, Ronald P. “Carnival of the Aliens: Korean Embassiesin Edo-Peiod Art and 15  ,  Popular Culture.” MonumentaNipponica, Vol. 41, No. 4, 1986, pp. 415 - 454. 2 1) ------------------ Stateand diplomacy in early modem Japan: Asia in the developmentof the Tokugawa Bakuju. Palo Alto: Stanford University, 1984. 22) Tsuruta, Kinya ed. The Walls Within: Images of Westernersin Japan and Images of the JapaneseAbroad. Vancouver, B.C.: The Universiy of British Columbia, 1988. 23) Ueda, Masaaki. Ch&en tsfishinshi, zenrin to yNz6 IU) minori. Tokyo: &a&i Shoten, 1995. 24)  UMO,  Kazutaka. Chizu no shiwa. Tokyo: YOshod8Shuppan, 1985. SUPPLEMENT - A List of Colour Slides -  1) Bankoku sbzu (General Map of the World). Call No: 0200 17002S5. BeansCollection. 2) Bankoku S~ZU:Jinbutsuzu (Pictures of Peoplesof the World). G3200 17002S5. BeansCollection. 3) Detail: English, Russian,Dutch , and African couples 4) Detail: French, Giants, and Dwarves couples 5) Detail: Chinese and Japanesecouples 6) Detail: Luzon and Siam couples 7) Detail: a Dutchman 8) Detail: SouthAmericans 9)Nunsenbushiidui Nihon sh6t6zu (Authorized Map of Great Japanand the World), Early 17th century, in Isles of Gold: Antique Maps of Japan by Hugh Cortazzi, plate 32, p 98. GA1241 C67 1983. Asian Library. 10) Typus Orbis Terrarum (Map of the World), Early 17th century, Ibidem, plate 33, p. 98. 11) The Kingdome of China, 1626, Ibidem, plate 29, pp. 94-95. 12) Receptionof the HollandAmbassador to Japan., 1719, Ibidem. plate 74. pp.144145. 13) Japan&Corea, 1851, Ibidem, plate 90, p.1 62. 14) William Adams in the East Zdies. Book leaf, 1707. Ibidem. plate 79. P.152. 15) Kunkai ibun (Overseas News) by Gentaku &s&i, BeansCollection. a) World Map in vol. 1, pp. 8-9. 16  10 ~01s. DS808 08 1807.  b) Inuit Hunters in vol. 2, pp.12- 13. 16) Map of Nagasaki showing ships and Deshima with figures of five foreigners, 1680, in Isle of Gold: Antique Maps of Japan, PI. 50, p. 122. GA1241 C67 1983. Asian Library. 17) Hizen Nagasaki Tamanourapkei no zu (Sceneof Tamanoura district, Nagasaki, Hizen Province), 1862, in Deshima zu: sono keikun to hensen, plate 37, p. 3 1. DS 897 N2% D453 1987. Asian Library. 18) D6chtIzu (SeaRoute Map from Karatsu to Nagasaki), Mid- 17th century, Ibidem, plate 77, p. 66. 19) Deshimazu : Decima at Nagasaki., 1798, Ibidem, plate 137, p. 121. 20) Ransennyfik6 no zu (Arrival of a Dutch Ship at Nagasaki), Mid- 19th century, Ibidem, plate 222-a, p. 221. 2 1) Nagasaki Deshimu ransennyiitsu zu. (Arrival of a Dutch Ship at Deshima), c.1850, Ibidem, plate 3 1, p. 28. 22) ShGhinkeiryS no zu (Weighing of Commodities), Mid-19th centrury, Ibidem, plate 223-c, p. 225. 23) Nagasaki T&-Rankanzu (Chineseand Dutch Residencesat Deshima), c. 1699, Ibidem, plate 209, p. 204. 24) Kapitan Buromuhofu kuzoku zu (The Dutch Kapitan Blomhoff s Family), 1817, Ibidem, plate 219. 25) Deshimu rankun l@en zu (A Banquet at the Dutch Residence), Mid- 19th century. Ibidem, plate 230, p. 23 1. 26) Nihon yozu (Map of Japan)in Ch&en Tsiishinshi ezu shiisei, c. 1700, plate 22, p.68. DS 849 KS C46 1986. Asian Library. 27) Kartei lInendo Ch6senTsiishinshi k&o.zu (A Route Map of the Korean Embassy Processionin Kanei 13 = 1636from Seoul to Edo), in Taikei ChasenTsiishinshi, Vol. 2, pp. 174-175. DS 849 K8T28 1993. Asian Library. 28) Shbtoku-do Chasen Tsfishinshi kc%ozu(A Route Map of the Korean Embassyin Shotoku-do = 171l), Ibidem, Vol. 4, p. 170. 29) Ch6senjin raich&dfi t&i ez,u(A Route Map of a Korean Embassy), 1763, Ibidem, Vol. 7, pp. 52-53. 30) Chasen Tsiishinshi gy&etsu zu (Processionof a Korean Embassy), 1763, Ibidem, Vol. 7, pp. 36-37. 3 1) Kuminoseki nyiik6 zu (Arrival of Ships at Kaminoseki Port ), 1821, Ibidem, Vol. 7, pp. 89. 32) Chasen Tsiishinshi gozasenbyabu (Folding Screensof the Ship of a Korean Embassy), 1719, Ibidem, Vol. 5, pp. 22-23. 17  33) Ch&en Tsiishinshi, Heireishi Yodoj8 chukuraizu (Arrival of a Korean Embassy at the Yodo Castle), 18th century, Ibidem, Vol. 6, p. 39. 34) ChasenTstishinshi gyfiretsu zukun ( Picture S&roll of a Processionof a Korean Embassy), c.1636, Ibidem, Vol. 2, p. 7. 35) Ibidem, Vol. 2, p. 10. 36) Rakuchii rakugai zu (Folding Screensof the Scenes Inside and Outtside of the City of Kyoto), 17th century, Ibidem, Vol. 4, p. 30. 37) Chljsenjindlj mitori ezu (the Highway for Korean Embassies),1806, Ibidem, Vol. 1, pp. 56-57. 38) Ibidem, Vol. 1, p. 58. 39) Ibidem, Vol. 1, p. 59 40) Yui (Yui on the Tokaido Highway), 1748, Ibidem, Vol. 8, p. 42. 41) Cho Am [She Gen 1 gacho (Calligraphies by Korean AmbassadorAm Cho [Gen Sho]), 1748, Ibidem, Vol. 7, p. 60. 42) Edo-zu by6bu (Folding Screensof the Scenesof Edo), c.1630, Ibidem, Vol. 1, p.50. 43) CMsenjin ruichazu (Paradeof a Korean Embassyin Edo by Tbei Hanegawa), c. 1748, in Ch&en Tsiishinshi ezu shiisei, pp. 52-53. DS 849 K8 0% 1986.  

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