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Poll: Religious Group (v6) Published on: 02 January 2020Date Range: 1895 CE - 1929 CERegion: Jivaro of Ecuador and PeruRegion tags: South America, Ecuador, PeruJivaro of the Ecuadorian-Peruvian border area, ca.1920JivaroData source: eHRAFSecondary sourceEntered by Emily Pitek, Human Relations Area Files* Data Source entry, prepared based on data sourced from an external project.* Secondary Source entry, prepared from a literature review by a Ph.D. RAEntry tags: South American Religions, Religious GroupThe Jivaro reside in the foothills of the Andes, around the Ecuadorian-Peruvian border. At the time thisentry focuses on (1920) the Jivaro have had contact with outsiders for centuries but maintain political andcultural independence, while also resisting the conversion efforts of Catholic missionaries. The Jivaro live indispersed, autonomous groups. These groups are not large, village communities, rather, they arecomprised of a single extended family (led by a patriarch) that occupies a communal house. No formal,official political office is present. Older men and women who are knowledgeable, experienced, and possessmagical power, are called whuéa and oháha, respectively. These individual lead ceremonies at feasts, butare not full-time religious practitioners or powerful leaders. Whuéa are the physicians of the community,using sorcery and divination to cure illness. The Jivaro religion is animistic in nature: almost everythingpossesses a spirit, and no distinction is made between human souls and the souls inhabiting plants,animals, inanimate objects, and environmental features. There is a concept of reincarnation, with the soulchanging from one existence to another, but these beliefs are not linked to a formal system of thought oraspects of morality. The Jivaro have two words for describing spirits: wakáni (spirit of the deceased) andiguánchi (souls of people who were particularly feared or powerful during life, such as medicine-men andsorcerers). Also present are two deities known as Earth-mother Nungüi and her husband Shakaëma. Thesebeings are considered the mother and father of the Jivaro, and are associated with crops and cultivation.The Jivaro religion does not exist within a distinct sphere of life. Rather, it is bound up with the function ofsociety as a whole. Therefore, this entry considers the religious group to be coterminous with society itself.Status of Participants:✓ Religious Specialists ✓ Non-elite (common people, general populace)SourcesPrint sources for understanding this subject:Source 1: Divale, W. 2004. Codebook of Variables for the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample. World Cultures:The Journal of Cross-Cultural and Comparative Research.—Source 2: Murdock, G.P. & Wilson, S.F. (Jul., 1972). Settlement patterns and community organization:Cross-Cultural Codes 3. Ethnology, 11(3), 254-295.—Source 3: Tuden, A. & Marshall, C. (Oct., 1972). Political organization: Cross-cultural codes 4. Ethnology,11(4), 436-464.—DOI: URL: https://religiondatabase.org/browse/736This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution 4.0 International license.Please see our Terms of Use here:https://religiondatabase.org/about/creditsPage 1 of 20© 2021 Database of Religious History.The University of British Columbia.For any questions contactproject.manager@religiondatabase.orgOnline sources for understanding this subject:General VariablesMembership/Group InteractionsAre other religious groups in cultural contact with target religion:Notes: "Although the Jibaros have been in contact with the whites for many centuries, and althoughrepeated attempts have been made to ‘civilize’ them, they have been able to maintain both theirpolitical and their cultural independence up to the present time. Only in their material culture canEuropean influence be traced, although to a very limited extent. Their intellectual culture and theirsocial customs have remained unaltered. Thus, for instance, the custom of head-hunting, which hasmade the Jibaros especially famous, is still practised in its original form among most tribes, beingconnected with rites and ceremonies of exceptional interest. Similarly, in their religion they are, as faras I can see, quite unaffected by Christian ideas, notwithstanding the assiduous efforts of the Catholicmissionaries to convert them" (Karsten, 1935:3).Source 1: Murdock, G.P. (1967). Ethnographic Atlas. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press.—Source 1 URL: https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=sd09-001—Source 1 Description: Karsten, Rafael. 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And CultureOf The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru.” Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum.Helsingfors: Centraltryckeriet.—Source 2 URL: https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=sd09-013—Source 2 Description: Rivet, Paul. 1908. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And EthnographicResearch.” L’Anthropologie. Paris: Masson et Cie.—Source 3 URL: https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=sd09-000—Source 3 Description: Beierle, John. 2006. “Culture Summary: Jivaro.” New Haven, Conn.: HRAF.—Yes—Is there violent conflict (within sample region):Notes: SCCS Variable 1649, Frequency of Internal Warfare (resolved rating), has an original codeof 0, indicating no resolved rating. Additionally, SCCS Variable 1654, Pacification, indicates thatthe Jivaro were not pacified for all of part of the twenty-five-year time period. Source ofinformation: Ember and Ember, 1992; Retrieved from Divale, 2004.Field doesn't know—Is there violent conflict (with groups outside the sample region):Notes: SCCS Variable 1650, Frequency of External Warfare (resolved rating), has an originalcode of 0, indicating no resolved rating. Additionally, SCCS Variable 1654, Pacification, indicatesthat the Jivaro were not pacified for all of part of the twenty-five-year time period. Source ofinformation: Ember and Ember, 1992; Retrieved from Divale, 2004.Field doesn't know—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 2 of 20Does the religious group actively proselytize and recruit new members:Notes: No ethnographic evidence indicating the Jivaro would recruit new members.Does the religion have official political supportNotes: For the Jivaro, religion is not a distinct aspect of life. Rather, it is bound up with the functioningof society as a whole. Consequently, this entry considers the religious group to be coterminous with thesociety at large. In this sense, the religion is considered to have official political support.Is there a conception of apostasy in the religious group:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for a conception of apostasy among the Jivaro.Size and StructureNumber of adherents of religious group within sample region (estimated population,numerical):No—Yes—Are the priests paid by polity:Notes: There is no full-time religious practitioner, such as a priest.No—Is religious infrastructure paid for by the polity:Notes: According to Murdock and Wilson (1972; Column 6: Large or impressive structures),"there are no structures in the community that are appreciably larger or more impressive thanthe usual residential dwellings".No—Are the head of the polity and the head of the religion the same figure:Notes: There is neither a head of the polity (the socio-political unit is the family, led by apatriarch) nor head of the religion (within communities, medicine men use sorcery to functionas physicians, and elder men lead ceremonies, but neither of these individuals would beconsidered to be a full-time religious practitioner such as a shaman or priest).No—Are political officials equivalent to religious officials:Notes: According to SCCS Variable 1740, levels of political hierarchy, no formal political office ispresent among the Jivaro (Lang, 1998; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 3 of 20Notes: "Since some of the regions inhabited by the Jibaros are geographically unexplored and thedifferent tribes live very scattered, their total number is difficult to estimate. In our days they may wellnumber 10 to 15 thousand souls. We know however that the Jibaros were formerly far more numerousthan they are at present and that they are rapidly diminishing owing to contact with the whites andstill more owing to the wars of extermination which the different tribes are constantly waging uponeach other" (Karsten, 1935:1-2).Are there recognized leaders in the religious group:Notes: "The Jíbaro all have a series of ceremonies which are as yet little known, but the character ofwhich is almost always clearly religious. They are all regulated by personages incorrectly called priestsby the missionaries. To my knowledge there is no individual in Jíbaro society who corresponds to therole of priest in ours. I have already said that the [Jivaro] communicates directly with the iguanchi. Theso-called priest is an old man who, because of his great experience, is very well acquainted with thetraditions and customs of his ancestors, and whose role is limited to giving the concoction of tobaccoto be drunk, to direct the singing, dancing and details of the ceremonies, and to distribute the foodamong the participants. This function is by no means the privilege of certain families, and does notgive a special rank to those who exercise it. In exchange for his good services, the old man simplyreceives from the one who pays the expenses of the feast a triple ration of food, a dog, an itipi, ablowgun, and sometimes even an ax. An old woman called Ujaja plays an analogous role with regardto the women" (Rivet, 1908:241-242). Medicine men are also present, but are physicians ofcommunities, not priests (see Karsten, 1935:399-403).ScriptureDoes the religious group have scriptures:Scripture is a generic term used to designate revered texts that are considered particularly authoritativeand sacred relative to other texts. Strictly speaking, it refers to written texts, but there are also “oralscriptures” (e.g. the Vedas of India).Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of scriptures among the Jivaro.Architecture, GeographyIs monumental religious architecture present:Notes: According to Murdock and Wilson (1972; Column 6: Large or impressive structures), "there areno structures in the community that are appreciably larger or more impressive than the usualresidential dwellings".Are there different types of religious monumental architecture:Notes: According to Murdock and Wilson (1972; Column 6: Large or impressive structures), "there areEstimated population, numeric: 10000—No—No—No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 4 of 20no structures in the community that are appreciably larger or more impressive than the usualresidential dwellings".BeliefsBurial and AfterlifeIs a spirit-body distinction present:Answer “no” only if personhood (or consciousness) is extinguished with death of the physical body.Answering yes does not necessarily imply the existence of Cartesian mind/body dualism, merely thatsome element of personhood (or consciousness) survives the death of the body.Notes: "The Indians have two words for denoting a spirit or demon: wakáni and iguánchi. The wordwakáni may be translated into ‘soul’ or ‘shadow’. Human souls disembodied temporarily, for instancein dreams, or permanently in death, are called wakáni, as is also the shadow reflected in water or onthe ground, or in a mirror" (Karsten, 1935:372-373).Belief in afterlife:Notes: "Neither the Jibaros proper nor the Canelos Indians in their native state know of any specialresting-place for disembodied souls after death, though both tribes certainly have a firm belief in thecontinued existence of the soul after its separation from the body" (Karsten, 1935:455-456).Reincarnation in this world:Notes: "There appears to be no essential difference between the human souls and souls inhabitinganimals, plants, and inanimate objects; the latter too seem to be conceived simply as disembodiedhuman souls. Or more strictly speaking, the Jibaros know only one chief kind of spirit or soul whichinhabit men, animals, and inanimate objects of nature, or lead an entirely independent existence asevil demons, and which may occasionally exchange one form of existence for another. The Jibarosthus, like most other South American Indians, are familiar with the idea of the transmigration andreincarnation of souls, but this doctrine is not worked into a regular system of thought and is still lessassociated with moral ideas of any kind" (Karsten, 1935:372-373).Yes—Yes—Is the spatial location of the afterlife specified or described by the religious group:Notes: "During the first days and weeks after that separation the soul remains in theneighbourhood of its former material abode; hence food and drink is put out for it on the gravefor some time. But soon the soul definitively leaves all connection with the body and leads anindependent existence: it may transmigrate into earthly objects, into animals, plants, hills andhigh mountains, rivers, lakes, etc. The dark and dense forest is the favourite haunt of manydisembodied spirits, others soar towards the sky and become active in striking naturalphenomena, whereas others find no definite resting-place at all but hover about in the air andon the earth as evil demons" (Karsten, 1935:455-456).Yes—Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 5 of 20Are there special treatments for adherents' corpses:Notes: "The mode of burying, as I said, may vary. The Jibaros practise all modes of burial exceptcremation, but earth-burial and platform burial are those most common" (Karsten, 1935:456-458).In animal/plant form:Notes: "The Jibaros believe that the souls of dead women are particularly incarnated in the owl"(Karsten, 1935: 373-378). "During the first days and weeks after that separation the soulremains in the neighbourhood of its former material abode; hence food and drink is put out forit on the grave for some time. But soon the soul definitively leaves all connection with the bodyand leads an independent existence: it may transmigrate into earthly objects, into animals,plants, hills and high mountains, rivers, lakes, etc" (Karsten, 1935:455-456).Yes—Reincarnation linked to notion of life-transcending causality (e.g. karma):Notes: "The Jibaros thus, like most other South American Indians, are familiar with the idea ofthe transmigration and reincarnation of souls, but this doctrine is not worked into a regularsystem of thought and is still less associated with moral ideas of any kind" (Karsten, 1935:372-373).No—Yes—Cremation:Notes: "The mode of burying, as I said, may vary. The Jibaros practise all modes of burial exceptcremation, but earth-burial and platform burial are those most common" (Karsten, 1935:456-458).No—Mummification:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of mummification.No—Interment:Notes: "Ordinary earth burial is frequently resorted to when women and children die. Theburial place may be within the house or outside it, and it is curious that in the former case therest of the family members continue living there. A grave is for instance simply dug in a cornerof the house, or close to one of the walls, and the corpse is placed there in a lying posture,whereupon the grave is filled in and the ground levelled so that it resembles the rest of theearthen floor" (Karsten, 1935:459-460).Yes—Corpse is flexed (legs are bent or body is crouched):Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 6 of 20Are co-sacrifices present in tomb/burial:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of co-sacrifices in burials.Notes: "One custom, commonly practised, is that the dead Indian is placed in a sittingposture upon a kutánga, a small bench used by the Jibaros, and tied to one of thecentral pillars of the house, leaning his head upon his hands. He is not, however, left inthis way above the earth, but under it, a pit being dug in the ground close to the pillarsufficiently large to take the corpse in this sitting position. Thereupon the grave is filledin and the ground levelled, so that the food and manioc-beer, the lance, a basket, andsome other things which the deceased is supposed to need in the other world can beplaced there" (Karsten, 1935:456-458).Corpse is extended (lying flat on front or back):Notes: "Ordinary earth burial is frequently resorted to when women and children die.The burial place may be within the house or outside it, and it is curious that in theformer case the rest of the family members continue living there. A grave is forinstance simply dug in a corner of the house, or close to one of the walls, and thecorpse is placed there in a lying posture, whereupon the grave is filled in and theground levelled so that it resembles the rest of the earthen floor" (Karsten, 1935:459-460).Yes—Cannibalism:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of cannibalism.No—Feeding to animals:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of feeding corpses to animals.No—Other intensive (in terms of time or resources expended) treatment of corpse :Notes: "Still more common among the Jibaros is platform burial. In this case the corpse isgenerally placed in a sort of coffin consisting of a hollowed trunk, which is then closed bymeans of pieces of bark and vines. The coffin is then placed upon a frame on high poles in themiddle of the house. Naturally the house is abandoned as in the first case" (Karsten, 1935:459-460).Notes: "I have also heard of other modes of disposing of a dead family-father. Thus at RioZamora, I was told, a dead Jibaro man had been simply wrapped in a bast mat and tied to thedoor post of his house in a standing posture, with his face turned towards the interior of thehouse as if had been entering the same" (Karsten, 1935:459-460).Yes [specify]: platform burial—Yes [specify]: Against house—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 7 of 20Are grave goods present:Notes: "One custom, commonly practised, is that the dead Indian is placed in a sitting posture upon akutánga, a small bench used by the Jibaros, and tied to one of the central pillars of the house, leaninghis head upon his hands. He is not, however, left in this way above the earth, but under it, a pit beingdug in the ground close to the pillar sufficiently large to take the corpse in this sitting position.Thereupon the grave is filled in and the ground levelled, so that the food and manioc-beer, the lance, abasket, and some other things which the deceased is supposed to need in the other world can beplaced there" (Karsten, 1935:456-458).Are formal burials present:Notes: See questions below for more information regarding formal burial among the Jivaro.Yes—Personal effects:Yes—Valuable items:No—Yes—As cenotaphs:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of cenotaphs.No—Family tomb-crypt:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of family tomb-crypts.No—Domestic (individuals interred beneath house, or in areas used for normal domesticactivities):Notes: "Still more common among the Jibaros is platform burial. In this case the corpse isgenerally placed in a sort of coffin consisting of a hollowed trunk, which is then closed bymeans of pieces of bark and vines. The coffin is then placed upon a frame on high poles in themiddle of the house. Naturally the house is abandoned as in the first case...Ordinary earthburial is frequently resorted to when women and children die. The burial place may be withinthe house or outside it, and it is curious that in the former case the rest of the family memberscontinue living there. A grave is for instance simply dug in a corner of the house, or close to oneof the walls, and the corpse is placed there in a lying posture, whereupon the grave is filled inand the ground levelled so that it resembles the rest of the earthen floor" (Karsten, 1935:459-460).Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 8 of 20Supernatural BeingsAre supernatural beings present:Notes: "... the Jibaros believe in two higher deities, the Earth-mother Nungüi and her husbandShakaëma, revered as the mother and father of the whole Jibaro culture...But besides these, thereligious ideas and practices of the Jibaros have reference to supernatural beings of a lower order, tosouls, spirits and demons of which there are many different classes" (Karsten, 1935:371-373).Other formal burial type:Notes: "In other cases dead women are buried outside, at a short distance from the house. Aprimitive shelter of thatch is made, resting upon four poles, and the corpse is buried underthis" (Karsten, 1935:460).Yes [specify]: Outside near house—Yes—A supreme high god is present:Notes: "The Jibaros...have no notion of a Supreme Being and a Creator of the world...the Jibarosbelieve in two higher deities, the Earth-mother Nungüi and her husband Shakaëma, reveredas the mother and father of the whole Jibaro culture; but these deities have little in commonwith the Supreme Beings which are reported to exist among several other [indigenouspopulations] in different parts of the world" (Karsten, 1935:371-372).No—Previously human spirits are present:Notes: "The Indians have two words for denoting a spirit or demon: wakáni and iguánchi. Theword wakáni may be translated into ‘soul’ or ‘shadow’. Human souls disembodied temporarily,for instance in dreams, or permanently in death, are called wakáni, as is also the shadowreflected in water or on the ground, or in a mirror...The word wakáni however is also used in amore comprehensive sense, to signify a supernatural being in general. There are wakáni orsouls not only in men, but also in animals, in plants, in heavenly bodies, and in other objects ofnature. The whole air swarms with these spiritual beings appearing in different shapes,especially as animals, but as a rule they can be seen only by those intoxicated by natéma orother intoxicating drinks. There appears to be no essential difference between the humansouls and souls inhabiting animals, plants, and inanimate objects; the latter too seem to beconceived simply as disembodied human souls. Or more strictly speaking, the Jibaros knowonly one chief kind of spirit or soul which inhabit men, animals, and inanimate objects ofnature, or lead an entirely independent existence as evil demons, and which may occasionallyexchange one form of existence for another" (Karsten, 1935:372-373).Yes—Human spirits can be seen:I don't know—Human spirits can be physically felt:Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 9 of 20I don't know—Human spirits have deliberate causal efficacy in the world:Notes: "It is thought that the spirits of the deceased (wakáni) like to visit their survivingrelatives even after they have moved to another house, and in case their cult has beenneglected they may punish them by sending disease, by killing the swine or the hensor the dogs, or by robbing small children" (Karsten, 1935:463-464).Yes—Human spirits can reward:Notes: "Although the dead are as a rule resentful, they may on the other handreward such relatives as know their duties towards them by bestowing all sortsof material blessings upon them" (Karsten, 1935:464-465).Yes—Human spirits can punish:Notes: "It is thought that the spirits of the deceased (wakáni) like to visit theirsurviving relatives even after they have moved to another house, and in casetheir cult has been neglected they may punish them by sending disease, bykilling the swine or the hens or the dogs, or by robbing small children" (Karsten,1935:463-464).Yes—Human spirits exhibit negative emotion:Notes: "The revengeful ghost [enemy killed in battle], who takes no rest, follows hisslayer everywhere, always looking for an opportunity to kill or harm him, and the latterbelieves that he meets him especially in dreams. Generally the wakáni meets him inthe shape of an Indian armed with a lance, with which he is continually trying to killhim. But the spirit also appears to him in other shapes..." (Karsten, 1935:307-309).Yes—Human spirits possess hunger:Notes: See Karsten, 1935:463-464.Yes—Human spirits communicate with the living:Notes: "The soul of the murdered Indian requires that his relatives shall avenge hisdeath. The errant spirit, which gets no rest, visits his sons, his brothers, his father, indreams, and weeping conjures them not to let the slayer escape but to wreakvengeance upon him for the life he has taken" (Karsten, 1935:271-272).Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 10 of 20In dreams:Notes: "The soul of the murdered Indian requires that his relatives shall avengehis death. The errant spirit, which gets no rest, visits his sons, his brothers, hisfather, in dreams, and weeping conjures them not to let the slayer escape butto wreak vengeance upon him for the life he has taken" (Karsten, 1935:271-272).Yes—Only through monarch:Notes: A monarch is not present among the Jivaro.No—Non-human supernatural beings are present:Notes: "The Jibaros...have no notion of a Supreme Being and a Creator of the world...the Jibarosbelieve in two higher deities, the Earth-mother Nungüi and her husband Shakaëma, reveredas the mother and father of the whole Jibaro culture; but these deities have little in commonwith the Supreme Beings which are reported to exist among several other [indigenouspopulations] in different parts of the world" (Karsten, 1935:371-372).Yes—These supernatural beings can be seen:I don't know—These supernatural beings can be physically felt:I don't know—Non-human supernatural beings have deliberate causal efficacy in the world:I don't know—These supernatural beings have indirect causal efficacy in the world:Notes: "Nungüi noa, the mythical Jibaro woman, created all fruits in the beginning andstill reigns over them. In the different plant spirits—those which, like the manioc, thebeans and the earth-nuts, are of the female sex—there is something of her own spirit;she alone, therefore, is able to give an abundant crop to the women cultivating them.On the other hand, for such garden plants as are supposed to be of the male sex—as forinstance the banana and the maize—the Jibaro men who have to cultivate theseplants appeal to the mythical husband of Nungüi, Shakaëma, who presides over themand influences their growth and fertility" (Karsten, 1925:378-381).Yes—These supernatural beings possess hunger:I don't know—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 11 of 20Mixed human-divine beings are present:Notes: "Although all wakáni—especially the wakáni of dead persons—awaken uncanny feelingsin the Indians and are therefore always more or less feared, yet some of them are believed tobe more evil-disposed to mankind than the rest. The most evil and most powerful of the spiritsare called iguánchi. All iguánchi are wakáni, but all wakáni are not necessarily iguánchi. Thesouls of persons who have been particularly feared in life, especially the souls of medicine-menand sorcerers, are believed to be changed into iguánchi after death. The souls of enemies killedin war also figure among this dangerous class of demons. The iguánchi however appear inmany different shapes" (Karsten, 1935:372-373).Yes—These mixed human-divine beings can be seen:Notes: "Sometimes they appear in shadowy human-like forms, or as living Indianswearing beautiful feather ornaments and painted red in the face. Mostly, however thedemons assume the shape of different animal beings, of quadrupeds, birds, reptiles,and even insects" (Karsten, 1935:372-373).Yes—These mixed human-divine beings can be physically felt:I don't know—These mixed human-divine beings have deliberate causal efficacy in the world:I don't know—These mixed human-divine beings have indirect causal efficacy in the world:Notes: "Earthquakes (urkai) are caused by powerful iguánchi in the earth, who areshaking their bodies" (Karsten, 1935:381-382).Yes—These mixed human-divine beings exhibit positive emotion:I don't know—These mixed human-divine beings exhibit negative emotion:Notes: "There is no clear line of demarcation between good and evil spirits. Most of theiguanchi are certainly conceived of as evil or malignant, but a man who knows how todeal with them and to influence them in the right way—in the first place, of course, themedicine-man—may not only be able to resist and vanquish them, but even to makethem his ‘friends’ and allies" (Karsten, 1935:430-431).Yes—These mixed human-divine beings possess hunger:Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 12 of 20Notes: See Karsten, 1935:463-464.Yes—Mixed human-divine beings communicate with the living:Notes: "The iguánchi even attacks sick persons while they lie in their beds at home. Thedemon then appears to the patient especially in a dream, speaking to him and singinga song in seductive strains in order to entice his soul to follow him to his mysterioushabitation in the wood" (Karsten, 1935:383-385).Yes—In waking, everyday life:I don't know—In dreams:Notes: "The iguánchi even attacks sick persons while they lie in their beds athome. The demon then appears to the patient especially in a dream, speakingto him and singing a song in seductive strains in order to entice his soul tofollow him to his mysterious habitation in the wood" (Karsten, 1935:383-385).Yes—Only through monarch:Notes: Monarchs are not present among the Jivaro.No—Other form of communication with living:Notes: "The tunduí [signal drum] of the Jibaro Indians is not merely a signallinginstrument in the ordinary sense of the word, but its greatest significance isreligious: it is a means of communicating with the spiritual world...the drumamong other things is closely associated with the spirit (iguańchi) whichappears in the shape of the great water boa or anaconda, and that the drumitself is supposed to be a representation of the great serpent" (Karsten,1935:110-111).Yes [specify]: Drums—Does the religious group possess a variety of supernatural beings:Notes: "... the Jibaros believe in two higher deities, the Earth-mother Nungüi and her husbandShakaëma, revered as the mother and father of the whole Jibaro culture...But besides these,the religious ideas and practices of the Jibaros have reference to supernatural beings of alower order, to souls, spirits and demons of which there are many different classes" (Karsten,1935:371-373).Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 13 of 20Supernatural MonitoringIs supernatural monitoring present:This refers to surveillance by supernatural beings of humans’ behaviour and/or thought particularly as itrelates to social norms or potential norm violations.Notes: Insufficient ethnographic details.Do supernatural beings mete out punishment:Notes: The spirits of the dead (wakáni) are described as capable of supernatural punishment. Limiteddetails are available. "It is thought that the spirits of the deceased (wakáni) like to visit their survivingrelatives even after they have moved to another house, and in case their cult has been neglected theymay punish them by sending disease, by killing the swine or the hens or the dogs, or by robbing smallchildren" (Karsten, 1935:463-464).Organized by kinship based on a family model:Notes: There does not appear to be any clear organization of Jivaro supernaturalbeings.No—Organized hierarchically:Notes: There does not appear to be any clear organization of Jivaro supernaturalbeings.No—I don't know—Yes—Is the cause or agent of supernatural punishment known:Yes—Done only by high god:Notes: No high god is present among the Jivaro.No—Done by many supernatural beings:Notes: The spirits of the dead (wakáni) are described as capable of supernaturalpunishment.Yes—Done through impersonal cause-effect principle:No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 14 of 20Do supernatural beings bestow rewards:Notes: One example of supernatural reward is present in ethnographic materials, but this example isnot elaborated on. "Although the dead are as a rule resentful, they may on the other hand reward suchrelatives as know their duties towards them by bestowing all sorts of material blessings upon them"(Karsten, 1935:464-465).Messianism/EschatologyAre messianic beliefs present:Is the reason for supernatural punishment known:Notes: The spirits of the dead (wakáni) are described as meting out supernatural punishmentwhen neglected by living relatives.Yes—Done to enforce religious ritual-devotional adherence:Notes: "It is thought that the spirits of the deceased (wakáni) like to visit their survivingrelatives even after they have moved to another house, and in case their cult has beenneglected they may punish them by sending disease, by killing the swine or the hensor the dogs, or by robbing small children" (Karsten, 1935:463-464).Yes—Supernatural punishments are meted out in the afterlife:I don't know—Supernatural punishments are meted out in this lifetime:Yes—Supernatural punishments in this life are highly emphasized by the religiousgroup:I don't know—Punishment in this life consists of sickness or illness:Notes: "It is thought that the spirits of the deceased (wakáni) like to visit their survivingrelatives even after they have moved to another house, and in case their cult has beenneglected they may punish them by sending disease, by killing the swine or the hensor the dogs, or by robbing small children" (Karsten, 1935:463-464).Yes—I don't know—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 15 of 20Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of messianic beliefs.Is an eschatology present:Notes: No ethnographic evidence indicating the presence of an eschatology.PracticesMembership Costs and PracticesDoes membership in this religious group require celibacy (full sexual abstinence):Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of required celibacy.Does membership in this religious group require castration:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of required castration.Does membership in this religious group require fasting:Notes: "A peculiarity of the Jibaros, which is of great psychological interest, is the idea that when aperson makes an object which is considered of special importance he must fast or restrict his diet insome way lest the work turn out badly...The [Jivaro] are of opinion that their own physical condition atthe time when the object is being made will in some mysterious way be reflected in and exertinfluence upon the quality of that object which will turn out good or bad accordingly" (Karsten,1935:108).Does membership in this religious group require forgone food opportunities (taboos ondesired foods):Notes: "As a general rule it may be stated that the Indians shun all animal beings as food the flesh ofwhich is directly harmful or of which they have superstitious ideas of some kind. For this reason forinstance venomous reptiles and other kinds of snakes, beasts and birds of prey, vultures, and mostnocturnal birds are regarded as unfit for food" (Karsten, 1935:116-119).Does membership in this religious group require permanent scarring or painful bodilyalterations:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of required permanent scarring or painful bodilyalterations.No—No—No—Yes—Yes—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 16 of 20Does membership in this religious group require sacrifice of adults:"Adults" here referring to an emic or indigenous category; if that category is different from the popularWestern definition of a human who is 18-years-old or older and who is legally responsible for his/heractions, then please specify that difference in the Comments/Sources: box below.Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require sacrifice of children:"Children" here referring to an emic or indigenous category; if that category is different from the popularWestern definition, please specify that different in the Comments/Sources: box below.Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require self-sacrifice (suicide):Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require participation in large-scale rituals:I.e. involving two or more households; includes large-scale “ceremonies” and “festivals.”Notes: "The five great feasts of the Jibaros, as has appeared from my previous statements, are the ‘feastof the children’ (Uchiáuka), the ‘feast of the young men (Kusúpani), the ‘feast of the women’ (Noatsangu), the ‘victory-feast’ (Einsupani), and the ‘feast of the dogs’ (Yawápani)" (Karsten, 1935:429-430).No—No—No—Yes—Are there orthopraxy checks:Orthopraxy checks are mechanisms used to ensure that rituals are performed in a standardizedway, e.g. through the supervisory prominence of a professionalized priesthood or other system ofgovernance, appeal to texts detailing the proper procedure, etc.Notes: "With a similar mysterious power the...whuéa and the...oháha are endowed. As a[whuéa] or conductor of the ceremonies at the feast, as stated before, only an old warrior canofficiate who himself has killed at least one enemy and celebrated a victory-feast. His insight,experience, valour, and other prominent military qualities acquired during a long life, andespecially the magical power he has acquired by slaying his enemies, seems to be conceivedalmost as a physical reality, and his powers can, like that of the victor, in a certain degree betransferred to other people. It is for this reason that he always holds the hand of the victor atthe most important ceremonies, the idea being that the action in question will thus have moreemphasis and importance. The same holds good of the [oháha], through whose cooperation allactions performed by the women, and particularly by the wife and daughter of the victor,secure the tone and stress necessary" (Karsten, 1935:365-368).Yes—Is there use of intoxicants:Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 17 of 20Society and InstitutionsLevels of Social ComplexityThe society to which the religious group belongs is best characterized as (please chooseone):Notes: The Jivaro have no political authority beyond the local community, which is reflective ofautonomous bands and villages (Ethnographic Atlas column 33, Murdock, 1967; retrieved from Divale,2004). Additionally, the Jivaro have agamous communities (without localized clans or any markedtendency toward either local exogamy or local endogamy), and lack either patrilineal or matrilineal kingroups. Source of information: Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock, 1967), Columns 19, 20, 22. "From thestatements I have previously made as to the distribution of the Jibaro tribes it appears that their socialorganization is loose. In fact, the whole people is split up into a great number of tribes which in theirturn are sub-divided into smaller clans or septs comprising a few families closely related to oneanother by blood. These sub-tribes do not form village communities; each family inhabits its own bigcommunal house (héa), but these are not situated close to one another, they lie scattered here andthere in the virgin forest. Generally one has to march for one or several hours to arrive at the nexthouse. Each Jibaro house forms in fact a separate and independent social, political, and economic unitwith its own household, its own plantations in the vicinity of the house, and its own ruler or chief, theoldest family father who, at any rate in time of peace, is not controlled by anybody" (Karsten, 1935:183-184). "Each Jivaria or community is autonomous, although alliances between several Jivarias in adistrict may take place, but mostly for the purposes of warfare. There is a tendency for severalcommunities to be related to each other by blood and affinal kinship ties because of the rule of localexogamy, which requires that a man marry a woman from a village other than his own. There is,therefore, a more or less natural grouping of contiguous communities into a loose tribe, butcooperation among them is almost entirely limited to collaboration in feuds or in head-huntingagainst more distant and unrelated communities" (Beierle, 2006).BureaucracyDo the group’s adherents interact with a formal bureaucracy within their group:Notes: See question on levels of social complexity, above. Additionally, "Since there exists no society inthe strict sense of the word apart from the family, it is natural that social classes, distinctions betweenrich and poor, etc, are also non-existent, like the distinction between rulers and ruled. If we may speakof a ‘government’, it is a purely patriarchal one, the head of the family and the owner of the housebeing at the same time the ‘chief’ of this small community, theoretically even with absolute power"(Karsten, 1935:251).Notes: "...we have seen what an important part tobacco water plays for instance at the ‘feast ofthe women’, when it is supposed to communicate to the married women a wonderful powerand ability for their various domestic occupations. The two narcotics known under the namesof natéma and maikoa have also frequently been mentioned in connection with Indiandivination..." (Karsten, 1935:432-436).Yes—A tribe—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 18 of 20Public WorksDoes the religious group in question provide public food storage:Notes: SCCS Variable 20, Food Storage, indicates that no food storage is present among the Jivaro(Murdock and Morrow, 1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).Does the religious group in question provide transportation infrastructure:Notes: SCCS Variable 14, Routes of Land Transport, indicate that unimproved trails are used among theJivaro (Murdock and Morrow, 1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004). It can be assumed thattransportation infrastructure is not present.Is transportation infrastructure provided for the group’s adherents by an institution(s) otherthan the religious group in question:Notes: SCCS Variable 14, Routes of Land Transport, indicate that unimproved trails are used among theJivaro (Murdock and Morrow, 1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004). It can be assumed thattransportation infrastructure is not present.EnforcementDoes the religious group in question provide an institutionalized police force:Notes: According to Tuden and Marshall (1972; column 10: Police), "police functions are not specializedor institutionalized at any level of political integration, the maintenance of law and order being leftexclusively to informal mechanisms of social control, to private retaliation, or to sorcery".Does the religious group in question provide institutionalized judges:Notes: According to Tuden and Marshall (1972; Column 9: Judiciary), "supreme judicial authority islacking at any level above that of the local community".Food ProductionDoes the religious group in question provide food for themselves:Notes: The Jivaro rely predominantly on extensive/shifting agriculture for subsistence. Huntingsupplements the diet. Source of information from Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock, 1962-1971), retrievedfrom Divale, 2004; Variables 203-207, 232.No—No—No—No—No—Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 19 of 20Please characterize the forms/level of food production [choose all that apply]:Notes: The Jivaro rely predominantly on extensive/shifting agriculture for subsistence. Huntingsupplements the diet. Source of information from Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock, 1962-1971),retrieved from Divale, 2004; Variables 203-207, 232.Hunting (including marine animals)—Small-scale agriculture / horticultural gardens or orchards—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2021 Page 20 of 20

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