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Yapese Pitek, Emily 2019-05-30

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Poll: Religious Group (v6) Published on: 30 May 2019Date Range: 1885 CE - 1910 CERegion: Yap Island, Federated States of MicronesiaRegion tags: Oceania, Micronesia, Micronesia(Federated State of)Yap Island, circa 1910YapeseData source: eHRAFSecondary sourceEntered by Emily Pitek, Human Relations Area Files* Data Source entry, prepared based on data sourced from an external project.* Secondary Source entry, prepared from a literature review by a Ph.D. RAEntry tags: Micronesia, Religious Group, Oceanic ReligionsThe Yapese are native to the island of Yap, which is now a part of the Federated States of Micronesia. TheYapese had contact with Europeans beginning in the early sixteenth century, but the island was notofficially colonized by Spain and Germany until 1885. Germany soon gained sovereignty over the island,and held power until 1914, at which time Japan took control. Yap Island was later occupied by the UnitedStates from 1944-1951, and the US Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands was formed. In 1979 the FederatedStates of Micronesia (including Yap Island) was established, and gained full independence in 1991. Thisentry focuses on Yap Island, around the time of 1910. Although Christian missionaries were present, theireffects were not very successful, and the Yap religion still consisted of native beliefs and practices. Thesenative beliefs included a present but otiose supreme being, and (more importantly) various spirits anddeities. Religious practitioners/specialists are present, and lead communal ceremonies. Religion is boundup with the functioning of society as a whole, so this entry considers the religious group to be coterminouswith the society at large.Status of Participants:✓ Elite ✓ Religious Specialists ✓ Non-elite (common people, general populace)SourcesPrint sources for understanding this subject:Online sources for understanding this subject:Source 1: Tuden, A. & Marshall, C. (Oct., 1972). Political organization: Cross-cultural codes 4. Ethnology,11(4), 436-464.—Source 2: Divale, W. 2004. Codebook of Variables for the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample. World Cultures:The Journal of Cross-Cultural and Comparative Research.—Source 1 URL: https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=or22-005—Source 1 Description: Senfft, A. (1903). Ethnographic Contributions Concerning The Caroline Islands OfYap. Doktor A. Petermann’S Mitteilungen Aus Justus Perthes' Geographischer Anstalt, 49, HRAF ms: 1–39[original: 49–60, 83–87 ].—DOI: URL: https://religiondatabase.org/browse/677This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution 4.0 International license.Please see our Terms of Use here:https://religiondatabase.org/about/creditsPage 1 of 17© 2019 Database of Religious History.The University of British Columbia.For any questions contactproject.manager@religiondatabase.orgGeneral VariablesMembership/Group InteractionsAre other religious groups in cultural contact with target religion:Notes: "Although this small island has been opened to intercourse with the outside world more thanany others of the island group of the Carolines, nevertheless one may maintain with an easyconscience that modern culture with its blessings has remained a hidden paradise for the inhabitantsof Jap [Yap]. The little people of Jap, in their views and customs, have essentially retained the old ones;any influence of European culture has bounced off without effect" (Walleser, 1913:2).Does the religious group have a general process/system for assigning religious affiliation:Notes: Aside from being born into a family lineage, there is no system for assigning religious affiliationSource 2 URL: https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=or22-013—Source 2 Description: Senfft, A. (1907). Legal Customs Of The Yap Natives. Globus, 91, HRAF ms: 1, 39leaves [original: 139–143, 149–153, 171–175 ].—Source 1 URL: https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=or22-006—Source 1 Description: Müller, W. (1917). Yap. Hamburgische Wissenschaftliche Stiftung, Ergebnisse DerSüdsee-Expedition 1908-1910, Ii. Hamburg: L. Friederichsen & Co.—Source 2 URL: https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=or22-021—Source 2 Description: Walleser, S. (1913). Religious Views And Customs Of The Inhabitants Of Yap(German South Seas). Anthropos, 8, HRAF ms: 1, 69 leaves [original: 607–629, 1044–1068 ].—Source 3 URL: https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=or22-002—Source 3 Description: Salesius, F. (1906). Carolines Island Yap. Berlin: Wilhelm Süsserot.—Yes—Is there violent conflict (within sample region):Notes: SCCS Variable 1649, Frequency of Internal Warfare (Resolved Rating), indicates thatinternal warfare seems to be between absent or rare, and occurring once every 3-10 years(original code 1.25). Additionally, SCCS Variable 1654, Pacification, indicates that there isambiguous or contradictory information. Source of information: Ember and Ember, 1992;Retrieved from Divale, 2004.No—Is there violent conflict (with groups outside the sample region):Notes: SCCS Variable 1650, Frequency of External Warfare (Resolved Rating), indicates thatexternal warfare seems to be absent or rare (original code 1). Additionally, SCCS Variable 1654,Pacification, indicates that there is ambiguous or contradictory information. Source ofinformation: Ember and Ember, 1992; Retrieved from Divale, 2004.No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 2 of 17among the Yapese.Size and StructureNumber of adherents of religious group within sample region (estimated population,numerical):Notes: "According to the official statistics of the Imperial Colonial Office, in 1902 there were 7,464persons, in 1903 only 7,156, and in 1911 there were only 6,187" (Müller, 1917:14).Are there recognized leaders in the religious group:Notes: "The most striking feature of the religious life on Yap is the lack of any kind of religious cult inthe true sense. Sacrifices are unknown, and therefore there are no actual priests. Those who are passedoff as such are only conjurers of spirits. They do not form a special caste, as has been maintained; eachone conjures his own spirits on Yap, but there are individual persons who have the reputation of beingable to exorcise even the most stubborn spirits, and they are the sorcerers καερ'□ξοχ□γ, to whom onegoes only in case of difficult problems, on important occasions, or if his own conjuration has proved tooweak" (Salesius, 1906:134). "There is no actual title for priest; he is usually called vatăliū, which refers toall those who are entitled to enter the taboo places. The high priest is usually called gainīnī, whoseprimary meaning is 'rain-sorcerer'; his assistant is called mătieg, a word which in Nimegil refers to afishing-sorcerer. The latter is, in a manner of speaking, the minister of the former. If a request is to bemade to the gainīnī, the wish is transmitted to him by the mătieg. Not even the local chief turns to himdirectly" (Müller, 1917:529, note: some accents omitted from native words).ScriptureDoes the religious group have scriptures:Scripture is a generic term used to designate revered texts that are considered particularly authoritativeand sacred relative to other texts. Strictly speaking, it refers to written texts, but there are also “oralscriptures” (e.g. the Vedas of India).Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of scripture among the Yapese.Architecture, GeographyIs monumental religious architecture present:Notes: "Accordingly, temples, too, are unknown, and likewise rites of common worship; not evenimages of deities exist" (Salesius, 1906:134).Are there specific sites dedicated to sacred practice or considered sacred:Estimated population, numeric: 6187—I don't know—No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 3 of 17Notes: "Two places bear the name talíu [sacred]: the burial places (talíu ko yám'), and the groves inwhich the national kan are worshiped (talíu ko kān)" (Walleser, 1913:29).BeliefsBurial and AfterlifeIs a spirit-body distinction present:Answer “no” only if personhood (or consciousness) is extinguished with death of the physical body.Answering yes does not necessarily imply the existence of Cartesian mind/body dualism, merely thatsome element of personhood (or consciousness) survives the death of the body.Notes: "At death the soul (ya'ai), this invisible human form, separates from the body and becomes akān (spirit)" (Walleser, 1913:7).Belief in afterlife:Notes: "After the separation has been accomplished, the soul still remains in the vicinity of the body.Not until the body has decayed does it have the lightness necessary in order to be able to floatheavenward" (Walleser, 1913:8).Yes—Are sacred site oriented to environmental features:"Environmental features" refers to features in the landscape, mountains, rivers, cardinal directionsetc...Notes: "The talíu ko kān, which are to be discussed here, are overgrown groves that lie outsidethe villages, in part on the tēd (uninhabited interior) in a little valley gorge..." (Walleser, 1913:29).Yes—Yes—Spirit-mind is conceived of as non-material, ontologically distinct from body:Notes: "Concerning the views of the Jap man with regard to the nature of the soul (ya'ál), in hiseyes the latter is an invisible body dwelling within the visible body and with the exact shape ofthe latter. The soul is a faithful image of the body" (Walleser, 1913:6).Yes—Yes—Is the spatial location of the afterlife specified or described by the religious group:Notes: "The Jap man imagines heaven...very realistically. He thinks of it as constituted exactlylike his beloved Jap. Of course, he can scarcely imagine anything better. An island washed allaround by the sea, which generously fills the fish requirements of the inhabitants of heaven,who go out fishing in canoes and rafts—that is the land of the blessed. This island is coveredwith all kinds of strange trees and shrubs. But the fruit trees familiar to the Jap man are notYes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 4 of 17Reincarnation in this world:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of reincarnation.Are there special treatments for adherents' corpses:Notes: "When a common person dies, he is taken out of the house and buried after a few hours in thegreatest possible haste by the nearest male relatives, after the women have held a brief lamentationfor the dead" (Müller, 1917:447).lacking either, as well as great fields of taro, do'óg, and dˇal. According to legend, most of thesecrops were transplanted from heaven to earth" (Walleser, 1913:9).Afterlife in vaguely defined “above” space:Notes: (Walleser, 1913:8)Yes—No—Yes—Cremation:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of cremation. Corpses are buried (Müller,1917:447).No—Mummification:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of mummification. Corpses are buried(Müller, 1917:447).No—Interment:Notes: "The grave is very shallow, often laid out only half a meter deep, and, after the loweringof the corpse, is filled with earth and covered with many stones, so that the site is somewhatmounded above the surface of the ground. The corpse is buried in either a lying or a sittingposition, according to the wishes of the relatives. In the latter case, the arms are twistedaround the knees, which are drawn up close to the body. The head is bent so far forward thatthe chin touches the chest" (Born, 1903b:1).Yes—Corpse is flexed (legs are bent or body is crouched):Notes: Born, 1903b:1Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 5 of 17Are co-sacrifices present in tomb/burial:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of co-sacrifices in tomb/burial.Are grave goods present:Notes: "On the day of burial just before the body is carried away, four pieces of shell money are placedon the chest. Two of these are buried with the body; the corpse-bearers take the other two aspayment" (Müller, 1917:451).Corpse is extended (lying flat on front or back):Notes: Born, 1903b:1Yes—Corpse is upright (where body is interred in standing position):No—Cannibalism:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of cannibalism. Corpses are buried (Müller,1917:447).No—Exposure to elements (e.g. air drying):Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of exposing corpses to the elements.Corpses are buried (Müller, 1917:447).No—Feeding to animals:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of feeding corpses to animals. Corpses areburied (Müller, 1917:447).No—Secondary burial:Notes: SCCS Variable 1850, Secondary Bone/Body Treatment (original scale), indicates thatsecondary bone/body treatment is absent (Schroeder, 2001; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).No—No—Yes—Valuable items:Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 6 of 17Are formal burials present:Notes: "The bier is carried by four to eight men from the family of the deceased to the burial place,which usually lies in barren mountain country, far from the dwelling places. The grave is very shallow,often laid out only half a meter deep, and, after the lowering of the corpse, is filled with earth andcovered with many stones, so that the site is somewhat mounded above the surface of the ground.The corpse is buried in either a lying or a sitting position, according to the wishes of the relatives. In thelatter case, the arms are twisted around the knees, which are drawn up close to the body. The head isbent so far forward that the chin touches the chest. After the interment, which takes place silently, therelatives return to their village and must now stay for the next nine days in a house especially built andset aside for this, which they may not leave. After this time they can again return to the house ofmourning, but must spend another nine days in seclusion there. Only after this time do they againtake up their ordinary lives. The period of seclusion varies somewhat, in that every individualcommunity here has its particular customs and usages" (Born, 1903b:1).Supernatural BeingsAre supernatural beings present:Notes: A supreme high god is present, as well as the spirits of humans, and non-human supernaturalbeings. See questions below for more details.Other grave goods:Notes: "In Gāgil the deceased is buried with his hand-basket, but in Nimegil, according to aletter from Fr. Paulinus, it is hung up in the yard. To bury a ripe coconut and a drinking nutwith the body as traveling provisions, besides the shell money, which Fr. Irenäus, op. cit.,observed, is not generally customary. A sprouting nut is usually placed at the head end of thecompleted grave mound" (Müller, 1917:454).Yes—Yes—In cemetery:Notes: "They [the deceased] therefore lie together in cemeteries as far as possible from thevillages of the free, in the most remote places on the grassy steppe covering the inland hills..."(Müller, 1917:447).Yes—Domestic (individuals interred beneath house, or in areas used for normal domesticactivities):Notes: Müller (1917:447) emphasizes that the Yapese wish to be as far away from the dead aspossible, so it is extremely unlikely that individuals would be interred beneath the house.No—Yes—A supreme high god is present:Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 7 of 17Notes: The Yapese's "...sacred doctrine clings firmly to a supreme being that in and of itself isbenevolent but disinterested; in other words, a kind of deism" (Salesius, 1906:131).Yes—The supreme high god is fused with the monarch (king=high god):Notes: The Yapese do not have a monarchy.No—The monarch is seen as a manifestation or emanation of the high god:Notes: The Yapese do not have a monarchy.No—The supreme high god has knowledge of this world:Notes: The supreme high god is described as otiose and disinterested in humanity (seeSalesius, 1906:131). It is not clear whether the supreme high god has knowledge of thisworld or not.I don't know—The supreme high god has deliberate causal efficacy in the world:I don't know—The supreme high god has indirect causal efficacy in the world:I don't know—The supreme high god exhibits positive emotion:I don't know—The supreme high god exhibits negative emotion:I don't know—The supreme high god communicates with the living:Notes: Because the supreme high god is described as disinterested in humanity (seeSalesius, 1906:131), it can be assumed that this being does not communicate with theliving.No—Previously human spirits are present:Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 8 of 17Notes: After death, the souls of the deceased remain near the body, but eventually ascend toheaven (see Walleser, 1913:8). Previously human spirits occasionally come to earth, but they arenot described in substantial detail. "The souls of the departed sometimes return to the place oftheir pilgrimage on earth and stay invisibly in the house, or they appear in the form of a mouseor a starling (gopelū). A soul that has returned is called ăgi. A pious man gives the agi of hisancestors a few morsels from his meal every day, at which time he addresses them with a fewmurmured words" (Müller, 1917:524, note: some accents omitted from native words).Human spirits can be seen:I don't know—Human spirits can be physically felt:I don't know—Previously human spirits have knowledge of this world:I don't know—Human spirits have deliberate causal efficacy in the world:I don't know—Human spirits have indirect causal efficacy in the world:I don't know—Human spirits have memory of life:Notes: "No uniform view prevails as to what changes happen to the soul because of itsviolent separation from the body. Some think that the soul loses clear thought andbecomes similar to an idiot or mad person. They thus without further ado apply to thedeparted soul what they observe in the dying. Others believe that the spirit (an'í)comes to life again after death. It is a general opinion that the spirit does not gain in itscapabilities after death. The mental ability of each soul corresponds exactly to what itpossessed in life. Thus the spirit of the undeveloped human being, the child, remainsundeveloped after death as well" (Walleser, 1913:8).Field doesn't know—Human spirits exhibit positive emotion:I don't know—Human spirits exhibit negative emotion:I don't know—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 9 of 17Human spirits communicate with the living:I don't know—Non-human supernatural beings are present:Notes: "Interfering in the fate of human beings, there are first the many lower deities or spiritswho are viewed by the Yapese as partly good, partly evil. Such deities are legion. Lug, forinstance, is the god of illness and death; Lug-e-Ling, the god of the seafarer; Kan-e-Pai, the godof the dance; Wagadamang, the god of war; Madai, the god of the ocean; D'rra, the god ofthunder and earthquakes. Every village and valley, every brook and hill, every path and bushhas its genius loci. Thunder and lightning, storm and wind, sun and rain, war and festivities,good and bad harvests, good fortune and misfortune, in short, all the major and minor eventsin nature and life have their particular spirit-originator" (Salesius, 1906:131).Yes—These supernatural beings can be physically felt:I don't know—Non-human supernatural beings have deliberate causal efficacy in the world:Notes: "It is forbidden to cut wood in these groves [the sacred groves]. The kān [spirit]inflicts severe punishment if there is any violation of this...Similarly, the ordinary mortalis forbidden to set foot in one of these groves. Anyone who acts contrary to this order iskilled by the kān, it is said. A Jap man who is thoroughly acquainted with theregulations pertaining to this matter will never scoop his water supply from a brookthat during the rainy season flows down the slope of a mountain on which a talíu lies.He will not even wash in it, for even on this account one may expect punishment fromthe kān" (Walleser, 1913:29).Yes—These supernatural beings can punish:Notes: Walleser, 1913:29Yes—These supernatural beings have indirect causal efficacy in the world:Notes: "Now for each of these seven kān [spirits] a successor was appointed, who istámero˚n ni ga' (priest of sacrifices) at the talíu [sacred place]. They accept theofferings that the people bring for those earlier kān. The latter (the kān), however, givethe fruit trees (gálowog) and increase the fish in the sea. But they also give the stormand the rain and the drought and misinipíg [sicknesses]" (Walleser, 1913:24).Yes—These supernatural beings exhibit negative emotion:Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 10 of 17Supernatural MonitoringIs supernatural monitoring present:This refers to surveillance by supernatural beings of humans’ behaviour and/or thought particularly as itrelates to social norms or potential norm violations.Notes: Mischievous kān spirits are described as causing supernatural punishment (see Walleser,1913:12, 26), but not in regards to social norms or norm violations. See questions below for more detailon supernatural punishment.Do supernatural beings mete out punishment:Notes: See questions below for more information on supernatural punishment.Notes: "The native does not know any spirits which are only favorably disposed towardhuman beings. In his opinion, not a single kān is to be trusted completely. Even thebest of them are extremely presumptuous; they would rather take than give"(Walleser, 1913:13).These supernatural beings possess hunger:I don't know—Does the religious group possess a variety of supernatural beings:Notes: "The heavenly spirits, which have already been mentioned, are divided into differentclasses by the various persons who are better informed in this obscure area. To by far the mostpeople, however, this classification is unknown, which is not surprising in view of the generaldisinterest in matters pertaining to heaven...The Jap man pays more attention to the spiritswho do mischief on earth. Individual groups of them bear names according to their principalabodes" (Walleser, 1913:54).Yes—Other organization for pantheon:Notes: "Individual groups of [earthly spirits] bear names according to their principalabodes. Thus, the spirits of the ocean depths are named madai. Mârilá˚n is the nameof the spirits who dwell in the trees and in the bush; ma˚ner˚nér, those who live in theearth; kān e tēd, those who wander around the uninhabited interior of the country; kāne wináu, those who do their mischief in the villages. Then there are special kān for war,the dance, etc. If one wanted to enumerate the names of all the many spiritsmentioned in the legends, there would be no end" (Walleser, 1913:54).Yes [specify]: By abode—No—Yes—Is the cause or agent of supernatural punishment known:Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 11 of 17Notes: Kān spirits are described as the agents of supernatural punishment. See questionsbelow for more details.Yes—Done only by high god:Notes: The Yapese high god is present but otiose, and not described as the agent ofsupernatural punishment. The Yapese's "...sacred doctrine clings firmly to a supremebeing that in and of itself is benevolent but disinterested; in other words, a kind ofdeism" (Salesius, 1906:131).No—Done by many supernatural beings:Notes: "If one kills an animal in which a kān actually dwells or which is really a kān, oneat the same time also kills the kān concerned. Punishment for such an act, however, isnot lacking. An illness or some misfortune, if not death, overtakes the perpetrator"(Walleser, 1913:12).Yes—Done through impersonal cause-effect principle:Notes: "When the festive month appointed for one of these kān arrives, then thepeople in the affiliated villages may not work, and they are forbidden to give anythingto people from another village. If, however, someone does give something to peoplefrom another village (which is designated as towowó'), misfortune will come upon himin the course of the following year" (Walleser, 1913:26).Yes—Is the reason for supernatural punishment known:Yes—Other [specify]Notes: "It is forbidden to cut wood in these [sacred] groves. The kān inflicts severepunishment if there is any violation of this" (Walleser, 1913:29).Notes: "If one kills an animal in which a kān actually dwells or which is really a kān, oneat the same time also kills the kān concerned. Punishment for such an act, however, isnot lacking. An illness or some misfortune, if not death, overtakes the perpetrator"(Walleser, 1913:12).Yes—Yes—Supernatural punishments are meted out in the afterlife:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for supernatural punishment occurring in the afterlife.I don't know—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 12 of 17Do supernatural beings bestow rewards:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for supernatural beings bestowing rewards.Further, Walleser (1913:9) indicates that "the Jap man transfers the dead to heaven...withoutany distinction as to whether good or bad."Supernatural punishments are meted out in this lifetime:Notes: See questions below for more details on supernatural punishment in this lifetime.Yes—Supernatural punishments in this life are highly emphasized by the religiousgroup:Notes: Supernatural punishment is not described in great detail in the ethnographicrecord, and does not appear to be a major concern for the Yapese throughout daily life.No—Punishment in this life consists of crop failure or bad weather:I don't know—Punishment in this life consists of mild sensory displeasure:I don't know—Punishment in this life consists of extreme sensory displeasure:I don't know—Punishment in this life consists of sickness or illness:Notes: "If one kills an animal in which a kān actually dwells or which is really a kān, oneat the same time also kills the kān concerned. Punishment for such an act, however, isnot lacking. An illness or some misfortune, if not death, overtakes the perpetrator"(Walleser, 1913:12).Yes—Other [specify]Notes: "If one kills an animal in which a kān actually dwells or which is really a kān, oneat the same time also kills the kān concerned. Punishment for such an act, however, isnot lacking. An illness or some misfortune, if not death, overtakes the perpetrator"(Walleser, 1913:12).Yes—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 13 of 17Messianism/EschatologyAre messianic beliefs present:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of messianic beliefs.Is an eschatology present:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of an eschatology.PracticesMembership Costs and PracticesDoes membership in this religious group require castration:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of required castration.Does membership in this religious group require fasting:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of required fasting.Does membership in this religious group require forgone food opportunities (taboos ondesired foods):Notes: "Certain foods are forbidden for certain persons or communities for a time or always, that is, aredeclared 'taboo' for them (Salesius, 1906:137).Does membership in this religious group require painful physical positions or transitorypainful wounds:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of required painful physical positions or transitorypainful wounds.Does membership in this religious group require sacrifice of adults:"Adults" here referring to an emic or indigenous category; if that category is different from the popularWestern definition of a human who is 18-years-old or older and who is legally responsible for his/heractions, then please specify that difference in the Comments/Sources: box below.Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.No—No—No—No—Yes—No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 14 of 17Does membership in this religious group require sacrifice of children:"Children" here referring to an emic or indigenous category; if that category is different from the popularWestern definition, please specify that different in the Comments/Sources: box below.Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require self-sacrifice (suicide):Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require participation in large-scale rituals:I.e. involving two or more households; includes large-scale “ceremonies” and “festivals.”Notes: "A religious festival is called mădānom. (This name has come to be used also for our Sunday.) Agathering at which food is distributed, but is to be consumed in the clubhouse or in the dwelling onlyafter the gathering breaks up, is called togūmog. The togūmog so predominantly takes place with apronounced reference to religion that I am inclined to regard this as its true and original meaning"(Müller, 1917:528, note: some accents omitted from native words).Society and InstitutionsLevels of Social ComplexityThe society to which the religious group belongs is best characterized as (please chooseone):Notes: "Politically, Yap is divided into larger districts, which are under a chief, and into separate villages,which are under a village chief. In addition, there is the special position of the chief of Gatschapar, whois at the same time the suzerain of a large number of islands lying to the east of Yap, and finally thereis a twofold association of villages, which was in force only in time of war...These [districts of the chiefs]are completely independent of one another and have no supreme chief uniting them, although theyvary in rank and political influence" (Salesius, 1906:86). The Yapese have one level of jurisdictionalhierarchy beyond the local community, which is indicative of a chiefdom (Ethnographic Atlas column33 [note: equivalent to SCCS variable 237], Murdock, 1967; retrieved from Divale, 2004).EducationDoes the religious group provide formal education to its adherents:Notes: No ethnographic evidence indicating the presence of formal education among the Yapese.Is formal education available to the group’s adherents through an institution(s) other thanNo—No—Yes—A chiefdom—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 15 of 17the religious group:Notes: There is ethnographic evidence for the presence of a mission school on the island of Yap (Müller,1917:ii), but insufficient descriptions of who this education is available to, and at what cost (if any).Public WorksDoes the religious group in question provide public food storage:Notes: SCCS Variable 20, Food Storage, indicates that no food storage is present (Murdock and Morrow,1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).Is public food storage provided to the group’s adherents by an institution(s) other than thereligious group in question:Notes: SCCS Variable 20, Food Storage, indicates that no food storage is present (Murdock and Morrow,1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).Does the religious group in question provide transportation infrastructure:Notes: SCCS Variable 14, Routes of Land Transport, indicates that among the Yapese, routes of landtransport included unimproved trails (Murdock and Morrow, 1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004). Basedoff this information, it can be assumed that transportation infrastructure is not present.Is transportation infrastructure provided for the group’s adherents by an institution(s) otherthan the religious group in question:Notes: SCCS Variable 14, Routes of Land Transport, indicates that among the Yapese, routes of landtransport included unimproved trails (Murdock and Morrow, 1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004). Basedoff this information, it can be assumed that transportation infrastructure is not present.TaxationDoes the religious group in question levy taxes or tithes:Notes: "The state [region] does not raise taxes regularly; on occasions when common expenses arise,for example, during festivals, the individual communities contribute jar, fä, and food. But that veryseldom occurs, because the state as such hardly ever appears, but only the state head, inasmuch as“L'état c'est moi” is appropriate for him. But he is entitled to receive from his subjects tribute from theircatches of fish, field produce, and the like, and he has the right of pre-emption over gau and tortoises"(Senfft, 1907:34).I don't know—No—No—No—No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 16 of 17EnforcementDoes the religious group in question provide an institutionalized police force:Notes: "Police functions are not specialized or institutionalized at any level of political integration, themaintenance of law and order being left exclusively to informal mechanisms of social control, toprivate retaliation, or to sorcery" (Column 10: Police; Tuden and Marshall, 1972).Written LanguageDoes the religious group in question possess its own distinct written language:Notes: "...the Yapese cannot read or write, apart from those natives who have acquired this ability inthe mission school..." (Snefft, 1903:30).Is a non-religion-specific written language available to the group’s adherents through aninstitution(s) other than the religious group in question:Notes: "...the Yapese cannot read or write, apart from those natives who have acquired this ability inthe mission school..." (Snefft, 1903:30).Food ProductionDoes the religious group in question provide food for themselves:Notes: The Yapese rely primarily on agriculture (horticulture) for subsistence, with a secondarydependence on fishing. Animal husbandry supplements the diet. Source of information: EthnographicAtlas (Murdock, 1962-1971), retrieved from Divale, 2004; Variables 203-207, 232.No—No—Yes—Yes—Please characterize the forms/level of food production [choose all that apply]:Notes: The Yapese rely primarily on agriculture (horticulture) for subsistence, with a secondarydependence on fishing. Animal husbandry supplements the diet. Source of information:Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock, 1962-1971), retrieved from Divale, 2004; Variables 203-207, 232.Fishing—Pastoralism—Small-scale agriculture / horticultural gardens or orchards—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 17 of 17

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