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Chukchee Pitek, Emily 2019-04-12

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Poll: Religious Group (v6) Published on: 12 April 2019Date Range: 1885 CE - 1910 CERegion: Reindeer division of the Chukchee,Northeastern RussiaRegion tags: Europe, Eastern Europe, RussiaReindeer division of the Chukchee, NortheasternRussia (Kolyma district, Kamchatka, Anadyr, and theChukchee Peninsula) ca. 1900ChukcheeData source: eHRAFSecondary sourceEntered by Emily Pitek, Human Relations Area Files* Data Source entry, prepared based on data sourced from an external project.* Secondary Source entry, prepared from a literature review by a Ph.D. RAEntry tags: Circumpolar Religions, ReligionThe Chukchee are indigenous to what is now known as the Chukota Autonomous Okrug of Russia(established 1930), the Lower Kolyma District of the Yakut Republic, and the northern Koryak AutonomousOkrug. The Chukchee are divided into two economic-cultural groups: the nomadic reindeer herders, andthe sedentary coastal-dwellers. This entry focuses on the reindeer division of the Chukchee around thetime of 1900, and considers the Chukchee religious group to be coterminous with the society at large.Religious beliefs were bound up with the functioning of society as a whole; religious ceremonies, forexample, overlap with subsistence, economic, and social activities. The religious beliefs center onshamanism. Shamans serve to communicate with spirits, perform divining rituals, produce incantations,lead ceremonies, and act as healers. A variety of supernatural beings are present.Status of Participants:✓ Elite ✓ Religious Specialists ✓ Non-elite (common people, general populace)SourcesPrint sources for understanding this subject:Online sources for understanding this subject:Source 1: Divale, W. 2004. Codebook of Variables for the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample. World Cultures:The Journal of Cross-Cultural and Comparative Research.—Source 2: Murdock, G.P. & Wilson, S.F. (Jul., 1972). Settlement patterns and community organization:Cross-Cultural Codes 3. Ethnology, 11(3), 254-295.—Source 3: Tuden, A. & Marshall, C. (Oct., 1972). Political organization: Cross-cultural codes 4. Ethnology,11(4), 436-464.—Source 1: Murdock, G.P. (1967). Ethnographic Atlas. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press.—Source 1 URL: https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ry02-001—Source 1 Description: Bogoraz-Tan, W., Vladimir Germanovich (Bogoras. (1904, 1907, 1909). Chukchee:—DOI: URL: https://religiondatabase.org/browse/675This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution 4.0 International license.Please see our Terms of Use here:https://religiondatabase.org/about/creditsPage 1 of 16© 2019 Database of Religious History.The University of British Columbia.For any questions contactproject.manager@religiondatabase.orgGeneral VariablesMembership/Group InteractionsAre other religious groups in cultural contact with target religion:Notes: "Intercourse with the Chukchee, renewed in 1789, was carried on the whole time with muchcircumspection, and no new attempt was made to conquer the Chukchee by force. The borderdivisions of the tribe have gradually submitted to Russian influence. The bulk of the Chukcheeterritory, however, up to the present time, remains practically exempt from any trace of Russianization;and there are many camps and villages where a Russian face has never been seen, nor a word of theRussian language heard" (Bogoras, 1909:15).Does the religious group have a general process/system for assigning religious affiliation:Notes: Because the religious group is coterminous with the society at large, there is no process forassigning religious affiliation aside from being born into a particular lineage.Does the religious group actively proselytize and recruit new members:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the recruitment of new members.Material Culture [Part 1, 1904], Religion [Part 2, 1907], Social Organization [Part 3, 1909]. Memoirs. Leiden:E. J. Brill, Ltd. ; G. E. Stechert and Co.Source 2 URL: https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ry02-000—Source 2 Description: Zhornitskaya, M., & Wanner, V. (1996). Culture Summary: Chukchee. New Haven,Conn.: HRAF.—Yes—Is there violent conflict (within sample region):Notes: SCCS Variable 1649, Frequency of Internal Warfare (resolved rating), indicates thatinternal warfare seems to occur between almost constantly and at any time of the year, andevery year but usually only during a particular season (original code 4.5). Source of information:Ember and Ember, 1992; Retrieved from Divale, 2004.Yes—Is there violent conflict (with groups outside the sample region):Notes: SCCS Variable 1650, Frequency of External Warfare (resolved rating), originally coded as1.25, which is between "external warfare seems to be absent or rare" (original code 1), and"external warfare seems to occur once every three to ten years (original code 2). Source ofinformation: Ember and Ember, 1992; Retrieved from Divale, 2004.Yes—No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 2 of 16Does the religion have official political supportNotes: The Chukchee religious beliefs and activities are tied up with the functioning of societies atlarge; the religious group is coterminous with the society at large. (e.g., religious ceremonies overlapwith other aspects of life such as games, reindeer herding, and hunting) Therefore, the religion can beconsidered to have official political support.Size and StructureNumber of adherents of religious group within sample region (estimated population,numerical):Notes: "The whole number of reindeer camps amounts to about 650, with a population of 7500-9000,rather more than less" (Bogoras, 1909:27).Are there recognized leaders in the religious group:Notes: "The basic and most important function of the shaman was healing. With the help of atambourine and singing, the shaman made contact with protective spirits and with the spirits of theancestors, and at the same time he exerted an influence over the psyche of those present. Theshaman participated in almost all festivals and ceremonies when shamanistic séances wereorganized" (Zhornitskaya and Wanner, 1996).Yes—Is religious infrastructure paid for by the polity:No—Are the head of the polity and the head of the religion the same figure:Notes: No formal political office is present (SCCS Variable, 1740, Levels of political hierarchy;Lang, 1998; Retrieved from Divale, 2004)No—Are political officials equivalent to religious officials:Notes: No formal political office is present (SCCS Variable, 1740, Levels of political hierarchy;Lang, 1998; Retrieved from Divale, 2004)No—Polity legal code is roughly coterminous with religious code:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of legal code.No—Estimated population, numeric: 8000—Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 3 of 16Is there a hierarchy among these leaders:Notes: No ethnographic evidence suggesting that there is a hierarchy among Chukcheeshamans.No—Are leaders believed to possess supernatural powers or qualities:Notes: Shamans can communicate with spirits, serve as diviners, and produce incantations(see Bogoras, 1909:430, 441).Yes—Powers are acquired by individual deeds carried out in past lives:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of reincarnation.No—Powers are acquired by individual deeds carried out in the current life:Notes: "Most of the shamans I knew claimed to have had no teachers, but to haveacquired their art by their own individual efforts. I am not aware of a single instance ofthe transfer of shamanistic power in the whole domain of Chukchee folklore" (Bogoras,1909:425).Yes—Powers are inherited:No—Powers are culturally transmitted from another human (e.g. teacher):Notes: "Most of the shamans I knew claimed to have had no teachers, but to haveacquired their art by their own individual efforts. I am not aware of a single instance ofthe transfer of shamanistic power in the whole domain of Chukchee folklore" (Bogoras,1909:425).No—Powers are associated with leadership office they assume:Yes—Are religious leaders chosen:Notes: Individuals become shamans after experiencing a shamanistic call, which can take theform of an inner voice or call from the spirits, or various omens such as meeting certainanimals or finding a stone or shell of peculiar form (see Bogoras, 1909:418-419).No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 4 of 16ScriptureDoes the religious group have scriptures:Scripture is a generic term used to designate revered texts that are considered particularly authoritativeand sacred relative to other texts. Strictly speaking, it refers to written texts, but there are also “oralscriptures” (e.g. the Vedas of India).Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of scriptures among the Chukchee.Architecture, GeographyIs monumental religious architecture present:Notes: "There are no structures in the community that are appreciably larger or more impressive thanthe usual residential dwellings" (Murdock and Wilson, 1972, column 6; note, identical to SCCS Variable66).Are there different types of religious monumental architecture:Notes: "There are no structures in the community that are appreciably larger or more impressive thanthe usual residential dwellings" (Murdock and Wilson, 1972, column 6; note, identical to SCCS Variable66).Are pilgrimages present:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of pilgrimages.BeliefsBurial and AfterlifeIs a spirit-body distinction present:Answer “no” only if personhood (or consciousness) is extinguished with death of the physical body.Answering yes does not necessarily imply the existence of Cartesian mind/body dualism, merely thatsome element of personhood (or consciousness) survives the death of the body.Notes: Ethnographic information on the Chukchee's beliefs in the afterlife provides evidence for thepresence of a spirit-body distinction. "The Aurora Borealis is chiefly the place of abode for those who diea sudden or violent death. The whitish spots are the people who died from contagious diseases; thered spots are those stabbed with a knife; the dark spots are those strangled by the ‘spirits’ of nervousdiseases; the changeable rays are deceased people running about and playing ball with a walrus-headwhich is alive...Another way for the dead to ascend to heaven is to follow the smoke of their funeralNo—No—No—No—Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 5 of 16pyre" (Bogoras, 1909:334). "Deceased women who have no husbands go to a world of their own. Theylive there, catching reindeer with nooses and nets as they come to cross Pebbly River. Their world issituated in the lower portion of the sky, and it is much less important than the first upper world"(Bogoras, 1909:335).Belief in afterlife:Notes: "There are several places where the deceased abide. They lead a life similar to that on earth.They are often confounded with the Upper People, or with the Lower People of the undergroundworld" (Bogoras, 1909:333-334).Reincarnation in this world:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of a belief in reincarnations.Are there special treatments for adherents' corpses:Notes: "For this the Chukchee generally have two methods,--either by burning the body on a funeralYes—Is the spatial location of the afterlife specified or described by the religious group:Notes: "The Aurora Borealis is chiefly the place of abode for those who die a sudden or violentdeath. The whitish spots are the people who died from contagious diseases; the red spots arethose stabbed with a knife; the dark spots are those strangled by the ‘spirits’ of nervousdiseases; the changeable rays are deceased people running about and playing ball with awalrus-head which is alive...Another way for the dead to ascend to heaven is to follow thesmoke of their funeral pyre" (Bogoras, 1909:334). "Deceased women who have no husbands goto a world of their own. They live there, catching reindeer with nooses and nets as they come tocross Pebbly River. Their world is situated in the lower portion of the sky, and it is much lessimportant than the first upper world" (Bogoras, 1909:335).Yes—Afterlife in vaguely defined “above” space:Notes: "While some of the dead are in these upper worlds, the usual place of abode forthe deceased is underground. Their country is very extensive, and full of intricate pathswhich puzzle new-comers" (Bogoras, 1909:335).Yes—Afterlife in vaguely defined “below” space:Notes: "While some of the dead are in these upper worlds, the usual place of abode forthe deceased is underground. Their country is very extensive, and full of intricate pathswhich puzzle new-comers" (Bogoras, 1909:335).Yes—No—Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 6 of 16pyre, or by carrying it away and leaving it, on the ground in the wilderness. Most of the Maritimepeople and of the reindeer-breeders of the Chukchee Peninsula use, of course, the second method;while the villages lying close to large accumulations of driftwood--as, for instance, those on Cape Erriand also those of the reindeer-breeders of the Anui and Anadyr--both burn and expose their corpses.Each family, however, uses one and the same method from generation to generation" (Bogoras,1909:522-523).Cremation:Notes: "Another way for the dead to ascend to heaven is to follow the smoke of their funeralpyre. This is given as a reason for burning dead bodies" (Bogoras, 1909:334).Yes—Mummification:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of mummification.No—Interment:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of internment.No—Cannibalism:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of cannibalism.No—Exposure to elements (e.g. air drying):Notes: "For this the Chukchee generally have two methods,--either by burning the body on afuneral pyre, or by carrying it away and leaving it, on the ground in the wilderness. Most of theMaritime people and of the reindeer-breeders of the Chukchee Peninsula use, of course, thesecond method; while the villages lying close to large accumulations of driftwood--as, forinstance, those on Cape Erri and also those of the reindeer-breeders of the Anui and Anadyr--both burn and expose their corpses. Each family, however, uses one and the same methodfrom generation to generation" (Bogoras, 1909:522-523).Yes—Feeding to animals:Notes: The bodies of the deceased are either cremated or left outside in the wilderness(Bogoras, 1909:522-523). It does not appear that bodies are left outside with the primaryintention of them being fed to animals, but presumably, animals will feed on the corpse.I don't know—Secondary burial:Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 7 of 16Are co-sacrifices present in tomb/burial:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of co-sacrifices.Are grave goods present:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of grave goods.Are formal burials present:Notes: Among the Chukchee, the deceased are cremated or exposed to the elements. No formalburials take place.Supernatural BeingsAre supernatural beings present:Notes: Various types of supernatural beings are present among the Chukchee. See questions below formore information.Notes: SCCS Variable 1850, Secondary Bone/Body Treatment: Original Scale, indicates thatamong the Chukchee, secondary bone/body treatment is absent (Schroeder, 2001; Retrievedfrom Divale, 2004).No—Re-treatment of corpse:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of re-treatment of corpses.No—No—No—No—Yes—A supreme high god is present:Notes: SCCS Variable 238, Religion: High Gods [Note, identical to Ethnographic Atlas column34], indicates that a high god is present and active in human affairs, but not specificallysupportive of human morality (Murdock, 1962-1971; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).Yes—The supreme high god is fused with the monarch (king=high god):Notes: No monarch is present among the Chukchee.No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 8 of 16The monarch is seen as a manifestation or emanation of the high god:Notes: No monarch is present among the Chukchee.No—Previously human spirits are present:Notes: "Another important seeming contradiction refers to the influence which the deceasedmay have on the good or bad fortune of living human beings. One line of native thought isinclined to consider the deceased as benevolent protectors of their descendants. Some detailsin the arrangement of the household charm-string.... show elements of a real cult of ancestors"(Bogoras, 1909:336).Yes—Human spirits can be seen:I don't know—Human spirits have deliberate causal efficacy in the world:I don't know—Human spirits have indirect causal efficacy in the world:I don't know—Human spirits exhibit positive emotion:Notes: "As has been said before, deceased persons are regarded by the Chukchee asworking in a two fold capacity, --that of benevolent protectors and assistants, and thatof dangerous beings, very near to the ke'let [JMR: harmful spirits], who, even when theymean well, may cause only harm to the living" (Bogoras, 1909:516).Yes—Human spirits exhibit negative emotion:Notes: "As has been said before, deceased persons are regarded by the Chukchee asworking in a two fold capacity, --that of benevolent protectors and assistants, and thatof dangerous beings, very near to the ke'let [JMR: harmful spirits], who, even when theymean well, may cause only harm to the living" (Bogoras, 1909:516).Yes—Human spirits communicate with the living:I don't know—Non-human supernatural beings are present:Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 9 of 16Notes: "Various classes of animals and trees also have their ‘masters,’ who live in the forest withthem. Each species of tree has a separate ‘master.’ The birch alone has none, and for thatreason, men handle it without precaution, as ‘their equal.’ The latter conception is clearlyconnected with the yearly expeditions of the Reindeer Chukchee into the woods to procurebirch, of which they make their sledges, the shafts of spears, etc. Each species of wild animal--fox, wolf, reindeer--has a ‘master’ of its own. The Chukchee often call all these ‘masters’ simply‘spirits’ (ke'let). This latter term is specially applied to spirits of a harmful kind, of which I shalltreat farther on in this chapter; but the Chukchee apply it also to the ‘masters,’ implying thatthese ‘spirits’ are harmless" (Bogoras, 1909:285-286). "The ke'let [JMR: evil spirits] proper maybe divided into three classes more or less distinct, though often merging into one another. Thefirst class consists of evil spirits who walk about invisibly, bringing disease and death, andpreying on human souls and bodies. The second category is made up of blood-thirsty cannibalswho lived, or still live, somewhere on the distant shores, and always fight against the Chukcheewarriors. The third class includes the ‘spirits’ that come at the call of the shamans, and helpthem in their magic and medical practices" (Bogoras, 1909:291-292).Non-human supernatural beings have deliberate causal efficacy in the world:Notes: "The shamanistic ‘spirits’ are very ill tempered, especially toward the shamanwith whom they are connected. If he does not carry out implicitly all the suggestionsthey make about his dress, mode of living, and the details of ceremonials, they becomeangry and chastise him, or punish him otherwise. If he continues to disobey, they killhim. If the ‘spirits’ are displeased with any of the listeners at a ceremony, they usuallytake vengeance on the shaman. For this reason, outsiders must be very quiet, andcareful not to pry into the work of the ‘spirits'" (Bogoras, 1909:302).Yes—These supernatural beings can punish:Notes: (Bogoras, 1909:302).Yes—These supernatural beings have indirect causal efficacy in the world:Notes: "Pi cvu'cin is a special ‘owner’ of wild reindeer and of all land-game. He lives indeep ravines, and stays near the forest-border. From there he sends reindeer-herds tothe hunters; but when he is angered he withholds the supply. He is especially strict indemanding the performance of all ancient customs and sacrifices connected with thehunt, and resents every slight neglect of them. He is represented as very small, notlarger than a man's finger, and his footprints on the snow are like those of a mouse"(Bogoras, 1909:286-287).Yes—These supernatural beings exhibit positive emotion:Notes: "Supernatural beings which are benevolent in nature are called ‘beings’(va'IrgIt)" (Bogorad, 1909:303).Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 10 of 16Supernatural MonitoringIs supernatural monitoring present:This refers to surveillance by supernatural beings of humans’ behaviour and/or thought particularly as itrelates to social norms or potential norm violations.Notes: "The shamanistic ‘spirits’ are very ill tempered, especially toward the shaman with whom theyare connected. If he does not carry out implicitly all the suggestions they make about his dress, modeof living, and the details of ceremonials, they become angry and chastise him, or punish himotherwise. If he continues to disobey, they kill him. If the ‘spirits’ are displeased with any of the listenersat a ceremony, they usually take vengeance on the shaman. For this reason, outsiders must be veryquiet, and careful not to pry into the work of the ‘spirits'" (Bogoras, 1909:302). Aside from theseshamanistic spirits, it does not appear that other supernatural beings are concerned with the affairs ofhumanity. Therefore, little ethnographic information concerning supernatural monitoring is available.These supernatural beings exhibit negative emotion:Notes: "The ke'let [JMR: evil spirits] proper may be divided into three classes more orless distinct, though often merging into one another. The first class consists of evilspirits who walk about invisibly, bringing disease and death, and preying on humansouls and bodies. The second category is made up of blood-thirsty cannibals who lived,or still live, somewhere on the distant shores, and always fight against the Chukcheewarriors" (Bogoras, 1909:291-292).Yes—Does the religious group possess a variety of supernatural beings:Notes: Previously human spirits are present among the Chukchee, as well as various types ofnon-human supernatural beings (see questions above).Yes—Yes—Supernatural beings care about proper ritual observance:Notes: "The shamanistic ‘spirits’ are very ill tempered, especially toward the shaman withwhom they are connected. If he does not carry out implicitly all the suggestions they makeabout his dress, mode of living, and the details of ceremonials, they become angry andchastise him, or punish him otherwise. If he continues to disobey, they kill him. If the ‘spirits’ aredispleased with any of the listeners at a ceremony, they usually take vengeance on theshaman. For this reason, outsiders must be very quiet, and careful not to pry into the work ofthe ‘spirits'" (Bogoras, 1909:302).Yes—Supernatural beings care about performance of rituals:Notes: "The shamanistic ‘spirits’ are very ill tempered, especially toward the shaman withwhom they are connected. If he does not carry out implicitly all the suggestions they makeabout his dress, mode of living, and the details of ceremonials, they become angry andYes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 11 of 16Do supernatural beings mete out punishment:Notes: Shamanistic spirits mete out punishment (Bogoras, 1909:302). It does not appear that othersupernatural beings are involved with supernatural punishment. Therefore, little ethnographicinformation concerning supernatural punishment is available.Do supernatural beings bestow rewards:chastise him, or punish him otherwise. If he continues to disobey, they kill him. If the ‘spirits’ aredispleased with any of the listeners at a ceremony, they usually take vengeance on theshaman. For this reason, outsiders must be very quiet, and careful not to pry into the work ofthe ‘spirits'" (Bogoras, 1909:302).Yes—Is the reason for supernatural punishment known:Notes: See questions below for more information on the reasons for supernatural punishment.Yes—Done to enforce religious ritual-devotional adherence:Notes: "The shamanistic ‘spirits’ are very ill tempered, especially toward the shamanwith whom they are connected. If he does not carry out implicitly all the suggestionsthey make about his dress, mode of living, and the details of ceremonials, they becomeangry and chastise him, or punish him otherwise. If he continues to disobey, they killhim. If the ‘spirits’ are displeased with any of the listeners at a ceremony, they usuallytake vengeance on the shaman. For this reason, outsiders must be very quiet, andcareful not to pry into the work of the ‘spirits'" (Bogoras, 1909:302).Yes—Supernatural punishments are meted out in the afterlife:Notes: No ethnographic evidence supporting the presence of supernatural punishment in theafterlife.No—Supernatural punishments are meted out in this lifetime:Notes: Supernatural punishment occurs in this life, but is not described in detail. "Theshamanistic ‘spirits’ are very ill tempered, especially toward the shaman with whom they areconnected. If he does not carry out implicitly all the suggestions they make about his dress,mode of living, and the details of ceremonials, they become angry and chastise him, or punishhim otherwise. If he continues to disobey, they kill him. If the ‘spirits’ are displeased with any ofthe listeners at a ceremony, they usually take vengeance on the shaman. For this reason,outsiders must be very quiet, and careful not to pry into the work of the ‘spirits'" (Bogoras,1909:302).Yes—I don't know—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 12 of 16Messianism/EschatologyAre messianic beliefs present:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of messianic beliefs.Is an eschatology present:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of a belief in an eschatology.PracticesMembership Costs and PracticesDoes membership in this religious group require castration:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of required castration.Does membership in this religious group require forgone food opportunities (taboos ondesired foods):Notes: "There are several restrictions connected with animal food. The Reindeer Chukchee abstainfrom the meat of the wolverene and black bear, of all the species of Canis, and of most birds of prey.The large owl of the tundra ( Strix nyctea ) and its large eggs are eaten. Milt of reindeer is supposed tocause the impotency of men and the flabby breasts of women, and is tabooed for young people ofboth sexes. The same taboo exists concerning the tongue and the gastrocnemius muscle of thesacrificed fawn" (Bogoras, 1909:196).Does membership in this religious group require permanent scarring or painful bodilyalterations:Notes: No ethnographic evidence indicating the presence of required permanent scarring or painfulbodily alterations.Does membership in this religious group require painful physical positions or transitorypainful wounds:Notes: No ethnographic evidence indicating that painful physical positions or transitory painfulwounds are required.Does membership in this religious group require sacrifice of adults:No—No—No—Yes—No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 13 of 16"Adults" here referring to an emic or indigenous category; if that category is different from the popularWestern definition of a human who is 18-years-old or older and who is legally responsible for his/heractions, then please specify that difference in the Comments/Sources: box below.Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require sacrifice of children:"Children" here referring to an emic or indigenous category; if that category is different from the popularWestern definition, please specify that different in the Comments/Sources: box below.Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require self-sacrifice (suicide):Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require participation in small-scale rituals (private,household):Notes: "Each family.... has its peculiar groups of images and ceremonials, characterized by specialdetails, and differing from those used by neighboring families. These differences develop continuallyunder orders received from shamans, or directly from spirits through dreams. In this way, even thechief ceremonials of the year come to be observed somewhat differently by neighboring camps andby different families in the same villages" (Bogoras, 1909:338).Does membership in this religious group require participation in large-scale rituals:I.e. involving two or more households; includes large-scale “ceremonies” and “festivals.”Notes: Communal ceremonies are held for the slaughtering of reindeer, but participation does notappear to be mandatory (see Bogoras, 1909:370-380). It appears that most ceremonies are held at thefamily-level.Society and InstitutionsLevels of Social ComplexityThe society to which the religious group belongs is best characterized as (please chooseone):Notes: The Chukchee have no levels of jurisdictional hierarchy beyond the local community, which isreflective of autonomous bands and villages (Ethnographic Atlas column 33, Murdock, 1967; retrievedfrom Divale, 2004). Additionally, according to Murdock and Wilson (1972; Column 10: Descent) "descentNo—No—No—I don't know—No—A band—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 14 of 16is bilateral, i.e., ancestor-oriented descent groups are absent, and kinsmen are aggregated only byconsanguineal and/or affinal ties between individuals, as in personal kindreds or kiths." Further, TheChukchee have agamous communities without localized clans or any marked tendency toward eitherlocal exogamy or local endogamy; patrilineal and matrilineal kin groups and exogamy are bothabsent. Source of information: Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock, 1967), Columns 19, 20, 22.EducationDoes the religious group provide formal education to its adherents:Notes: Insufficient evidenceBureaucracyDo the group’s adherents interact with a formal bureaucracy within their group:Notes: The Chukchee have no levels of jurisdictional hierarchy beyond the local community, which isreflective of autonomous bands and villages (Ethnographic Atlas column 33, Murdock, 1967; retrievedfrom Divale, 2004).Public WorksDoes the religious group in question provide public food storage:Notes: SCCS Variable 20, Food Storage, indicates that food is stored in individual households (Murdockand Morrow, 1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).Is public food storage provided to the group’s adherents by an institution(s) other than thereligious group in question:Notes: SCCS Variable 20, Food Storage, indicates that food is stored in individual households (Murdockand Morrow, 1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).Does the religious group in question provide transportation infrastructure:Notes: SCCS Variable 14, Routes of Land Transport, indicates that among the Chukchee, routes of landtransport included unimproved trails (Murdock and Morrow, 1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).TaxationDoes the religious group in question levy taxes or tithes:I don't know—No—No—No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 15 of 16Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of taxation.EnforcementDoes the religious group in question provide an institutionalized police force:Notes: "Police functions are not specialized or institutionalized at any level of political integration, themaintenance of law and order being left exclusively to informal mechanisms of social control, toprivate retaliation, or to sorcery" (Column 10: Police; Tuden and Marshall, 1972).Does the religious group in question provide institutionalized judges:Notes: "Supreme judicial authority is lacking at any level above that of the local community" (Column9: Judiciary; Tuden and Marshall, 1972).Food ProductionDoes the religious group in question provide food for themselves:Notes: The Chukchee rely primarily on animal husbandry, with hunting and fishing providingadditional sources of subsistence. Source of information: Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock, 1962-1971),retrieved from Divale, 2004; Variables 203-207, 232.No—No—No—Yes—Please characterize the forms/level of food production [choose all that apply]:Notes: The Chukchee rely primarily on animal husbandry, with hunting and fishing providingadditional sources of subsistence. Source of information: Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock, 1962-1971), retrieved from Divale, 2004; Variables 203-207, 232.Hunting (including marine animals)—Fishing—Pastoralism—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 16 of 16

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