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Tikopia Pitek, Emily 2018-10-25

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Poll: Religious Group (v6) Published on: 25 October 2018Date Range: 1905 CE - 1935 CERegion: Island of TikopiaRegion tags: Oceania, Melanesia, Solomon Islands,TikopiaIsland of Tikopia, Solomon Islands, ca. 1930.Specifically, the district of Ravenga.TikopiaData source: eHRAFSecondary sourceEntered by Emily Pitek, Human Relations Area Files* Data Source entry, prepared based on data sourced from an external project.* Secondary Source entry, prepared from a literature review by a Ph.D. RAEntry tags: Melanesia, Polynesia, Religion, Oceanic ReligionsThe Tikopia inhabit the island of Tikopia, which is a part of the Solomon Islands in Melanesia. Althoughgeographically the Tikopia are Melanesian, they are linguistically and culturally Polynesian (Firth andBeierle, 1995). The Tikopia are organized into four essentially autonomous clans, with each clan containingseveral lineages. The island is divided into two districts: Faea and Ravenga. Tikopian contact withChristianity began in 1858 with the arrival of the Melanesian Mission, which was part of the Church ofEngland abroad. The mission did not have a major influence until 1923, when Ariki Tafua (chief) convertedand the whole district of Faea followed, effectively converting half the island (Firth, 1970:308). This entryfocuses on the district of Ravenga circa 1930, which at the time predominantly followed traditional paganbeliefs and practices. This polytheistic religion centered on the spirits of deceased humans (including thoseof ancestors, the recently deceased, and deceased chiefs), as well as non-human gods and non-personalized spirits. An elaborate ritual calendar dictated when ceremonies were to be held. The clan chiefacted simultaneously as the priest, and was assisted by ritual elders. The Tikopia religious group iscoterminous with the society at large.Status of Participants:✓ Elite ✓ Religious Specialists ✓ Non-elite (common people, general populace)SourcesPrint sources for understanding this subject:Online sources for understanding this subject:Source 1: Divale, W. 2004. Codebook of Variables for the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample. World Cultures:The Journal of Cross-Cultural and Comparative Research.—Source 2: Murdock, G.P. & Wilson, S.F. (Jul., 1972). Settlement patterns and community organization:Cross-Cultural Codes 3. Ethnology, 11(3), 254-295.—Source 1 URL: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ot11-003—Source 1 Description: Firth, R. (1940). Work Of The Gods In Tikopia. Monographs On Social Anthropology.London, England: The London School of Economics and Political Science.—DOI: URL: https://religiondatabase.org/browse/627This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution 4.0 International license.Please see our Terms of Use here:https://religiondatabase.org/about/creditsPage 1 of 21© 2019 Database of Religious History.The University of British Columbia.For any questions contactproject.manager@religiondatabase.orgGeneral VariablesMembership/Group InteractionsAre other religious groups in cultural contact with target religion:Notes: "...a major conversion of Tikopia to Christianity took place in 1918 embracing the whole of Faeaand that the new faith has been advancing fairly steadily over the island until in 1952 there were onlyabout 200 pagans out of a population of about 1,750" (Firth, 1955:1). "The only external religious bodywhich has been effective so far in influencing the Tikopia towards Christianity has been the MelanesianMission, an organization formed in the middle of the nineteenth century as part of the Church ofEngland abroad" (Firth, 1970:305).Source 2 URL: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ot11-001—Source 2 Description: Firth, R. (1939). Primitive Polynesian Economy. London, England: George Routledge& Sons, Ltd.—Source 3 URL: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ot11-020—Source 3 Description: Firth, R. (1959). Social Change In Tikopia. New York, N.Y.: The Macmillan Company.—Source 1 URL: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ot11-000—Source 1 Description: Firth, R., & Beierle, J. (1995). Culture Summary: Tikopia. New Haven, Conn.: HRAF.—Source 2 URL: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ot11-026—Source 2 Description: Firth, R. (1970). Rank And Religion In Tikopia: A Study In Paganism And ConversionTo Christianity. Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press.—Source 3 URL: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ot11-018—Source 3 Description: Firth, R. (1955). Privilege Ceremonials In Tikopia: A Further Note. Oceania, 26, 1–13.—Source 1 URL: Retrieved from http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ot11-000—Source 1 Description: Firth, R., & Beierle, J. (1995). Culture Summary: Tikopia. New Haven, Conn.: HRAF.—Source 2 URL: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ot11-019—Source 2 Description: Firth, R. (1949). Authority And Public Opinion In Tikopia. Social Structure : StudiesPresented To A. R. Radcliffe-Brown. Oxford, England: Clarendon Press.—Source 3 URL: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ot11-002—Source 3 Description: Firth, R. (1936). We, The Tikopia: A Sociological Study Of Kinship In PrimitivePolynesia. London, England: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd.—Source 1 URL: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=ot11-025—Source 1 Description: Firth, R. (1960). Succession To Chieftainship In Tikopia. Oceania, 30, 161–180.—Yes—Is the cultural contact accommodating/pluralistic:Notes: "Socially, relations between pagan and Christian were hardly interrupted, even takinginto account the intensification of district suspicion engendered by the conversions. DartYes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 2 of 21Does the religious group have a general process/system for assigning religious affiliation:Notes: Because the religious group is coterminous with the society at large, there is not a concept ofassigning religious affiliation other than being into specific lineages with corresponding deities.Does the religious group actively proselytize and recruit new members:Notes: The religious group is coterminous with the society itself; there is no concept of recruiting newmembers.Does the religion have official political supportNotes: "For the Tikopia head priests were not simply the representatives of the people in the religioussphere, they were also the leaders in economic and political affairs--they were the chiefs as well" (Firth,1970:34).matches, dance festivals, funerals and other social events saw commingling of Christian andpagan adherents. Moreover, the Christians still retained many elements of traditional Tikopiabelief and practice" (Firth, 1970:309).Is there violent conflict (within sample region):Notes: SCCS Variable 1654, Pacification, indicates that the Tikopia were pacified before the 25year ethnographic present (1915-1940), (Ember and Ember, 1992; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).No—Is there violent conflict (with groups outside the sample region):Notes: SCCS Variable 1654, Pacification, indicates that the Tikopia were pacified before the 25year ethnographic present (1915-1940), (Ember and Ember, 1992; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).No—No—No—Yes—Are the head of the polity and the head of the religion the same figure:Notes: "For the Tikopia head priests were not simply the representatives of the people in thereligious sphere, they were also the leaders in economic and political affairs--they were thechiefs as well" (Firth, 1970:34).Yes—Polity provides preferential economic treatment (e.g. tax, exemption)Notes: "What did the priest get from his role? His personal emoluments were few. He receivedno special gifts in his capacity as priest, nor did he get any special proportion of the offeringsmade to the gods. He simply took his share in the distribution as in non-ritual contexts" (Firth,No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 3 of 21Size and StructureNumber of adherents of religious group within sample region (estimated population,numerical):Notes: "In 1929 of the total population of about 1,300, only half was Christian (643 Christians against635 pagans by my census, with a few undefined)" (Firth, 1970:316).Number of adherents of religious group within sample region (% of sample regionpopulation, numerical):Notes: "In 1929 of the total population of about 1,300, only half was Christian (643 Christians against635 pagans by my census, with a few undefined)" (Firth, 1970:316).Are there recognized leaders in the religious group:Notes: "Tikopia ritual officiants, whether chiefs or elders, may be termed priests in so far as they werethe persons primarily responsible for the conduct of ritual, the major performers and the ministers inthe sacred places...The Tikopia priest not only served his gods; he also was believed to have theauthority to make the power of his gods available to his people. More specifically, he superintendedthe organization of religious performances; he undertook the critical ritual acts; he bore the burden ofritual responsibility, including certain physical abstinences; he acted as interpreter for his people'sneeds and intermediary between them and the gods" (Firth, 1970:32).1970:37).Estimated population, numeric: 635—Estimated population, percentage of sample region: 48—Yes—Is there a hierarchy among these leaders:Notes: "Structurally in social and political terms the Tikopia chiefs were autonomous and ofequal status. There was no paramount chief, no suzerain; no chief could command the actionsof another, he could only request" (Firth, 1970:49).No—Are leaders believed to possess supernatural powers or qualities:Notes: "All priests did not need the special quality or attribute of bodily sacredness--chiefs hadit by definition, but their elders did not. What the priest had to have was a knowledge of thereligious ideology and of the details of ritual performance. He also had to have the authority todecide when religious performances should take place, and with what resources" (Firth,1970:37). "The Tikopia chief, though he might be thought to be an occasional harbourer of thegod in his body, and might even speak of himself as the god for this period, was not a DivineKing in the full sense of the term. But he was in a sacramental role. Even in modern times theTikopia chief has been regarded as a sacred chief. While his secular functions are importantand his personality is clearly recognized as human, he is believed to be permanently endowedYes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 4 of 21ScriptureDoes the religious group have scriptures:Scripture is a generic term used to designate revered texts that are considered particularly authoritativeand sacred relative to other texts. Strictly speaking, it refers to written texts, but there are also “oralscriptures” (e.g. the Vedas of India).with the mystical quality of tapu" (Firth, 1970:43).Powers are culturally transmitted from another human (e.g. teacher):Notes: "Since election to chieftainship was never guaranteed in advance, no greateducation for the office usually took place. But the eldest son of a chief, as a putativeheir, was ordinarily given some instruction by his father: (Firth, 1970:46).No—Powers are associated with leadership office they assume:Notes: "...the mystical quality of tapu with which a chief was endowed came to him inthe very act of his creation as chief" (Firth, 1970:38).Yes—Are religious leaders chosen:Notes: "In Tikopia succession to chieftainship is generational, restricted to males, andhereditary. It normally takes place only on the death of the incumbent; there is no rotation ofoffice and no recognized provision for retirement" (Firth, 1960:161).Notes: "He had to be created chief by a specific act of elevation, and accepted by popular will--at least nominally; he was an elected leader with responsibilities to the people, and not simplya god-given monarch with divine mandate to rule as he wished" (Firth, 1970:35).No—Yes—Are leaders considered fallible:I don't know—Are close followers or disciples of a religious leader required to obediently andunquestionably accept the leader's pronouncements on all matters:Notes: "For the Tikopia head priests were not simply the representatives of the people in thereligious sphere, they were also the leaders in economic and political affairs--they were thechiefs as well. Hence any challenge to the authority of such a head priest in the religioussphere would have been a challenge to his political power and might have had repercussionsthroughout the whole Tikopia social order" (Firth, 1970:34).Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 5 of 21Notes: Written language was not present among the Tikopia at the time this entry focuses on.Mythology plays an important role in the transmission of stories and beliefs, but is not similar to an"oral scripture".Architecture, GeographyIs monumental religious architecture present:Notes: According to Murdock and Wilson (1972, column 6) "the most impressive structure (or type ofstructure) is a temple, church, commemorative monument, or other essentially religious or ceremonialedifice" (note, equivalent to SCCS variable 66).No—Yes—In the average settlement, what percentage of area is taken up by all religiousmonuments:Notes: Insufficient informationI don't know—Size of largest single religious monument, square meters:Notes: Insufficient informationI don't know—Height of largest single religious monument, meters:Notes: Insufficient informationI don't know—Size of average monument, square meters:Notes: Insufficient informationI don't know—Height of average monument, meters:Notes: Insufficient informationI don't know—In the largest settlement, what percentage of area is taken up by all religiousmonuments:Notes: Insufficient informationI don't know—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 6 of 21Are there different types of religious monumental architecture:Notes: See questions below for information on different types of religious monumental architecture.Is iconography present:Notes: "Tikopia religion was not highly iconographic" (Firth, 1970:120).Are there specific sites dedicated to sacred practice or considered sacred:Notes: "...the island peak Reani (1,200 feet high) formed an alighting-point for gods on their way fromheaven--naturally, since to the Tikopia it projected so far into the sky" (Firth, 1970:90).Are pilgrimages present:Yes—Temples:Notes: "This large building, known by the name of Kafika, is extremely sacred and is theceremonial heart of the clan, erected by their ancestors in the time when men were as godsand gods were as men. Each clan has its temple of this type, lofty buildings bearing the clanname, sheltering the sacred adzes and other ritual objects, and serving as the scene for mostesoterio rites" (Firth, 1940:33).Yes—Mass gathering point [plazas, courtyard, square. Places permanently demarcatedusing visible objects or structures]:Notes: "The term noforanga refers generally to a dwelling place or home, but from its verbalnofo, sit down, refers more specifically to an actual seating place. Applied to spirits the termmeant ordinarily either their dwelling, in the sky or under the sea, or their localization at someritual site. The immaterial noforanga are described in chapter 5. The material noforanga withwhich spirits were identified were normally stones set in the ground in marae. A marae inTikopia was an open area where ritual of importance was regularly performed...These stonenoforanga in a marae were slabs of volcanic rock usually, of natural shape, several feet high, setup on end in the ground. Each represented an atua , occasionally more than one" (Firth,1970:120).Yes—No—Yes—Are sacred site oriented to environmental features:"Environmental features" refers to features in the landscape, mountains, rivers, cardinal directionsetc...Notes: (Firth, 1970:90)Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 7 of 21Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of pilgrimages.BeliefsBurial and AfterlifeIs a spirit-body distinction present:Answer “no” only if personhood (or consciousness) is extinguished with death of the physical body.Answering yes does not necessarily imply the existence of Cartesian mind/body dualism, merely thatsome element of personhood (or consciousness) survives the death of the body.Notes: "Each living person, and in general any other living thing, was thought to have an invisiblecounterpart detachable from the physical body in some circumstances, and with some limitedmobility of its own. This spirit counterpart or soul was known as the ora or mauri...So--‘when a man diesand his body has been laid low, his mauri has risen up (floated away)’; ‘we wail over what is simply thehusk (body), the ora has gone, has gone among the spirits’..." (Firth, 1970:64).Belief in afterlife:Notes: "Traditional conceptions of the afterlife were vague, but had a notion of a series of Heavens ondifferent levels or in different wind-points, each controlled by a major god. There was also an image ofa Rubbish Pool, into which could be thrown the souls of those who had consistently misbehaved onearth. Life in the afterworld followed much the same pattern as on earth, but with dancing as themain activity" (Firth and Beierle, 1995).No—Yes—Spirit-mind is conceived of as non-material, ontologically distinct from body:Notes: "The Tikopia then conventionally conceived of the soul as an immaterial animatingprinciple, separable from the body and to some extent antithetic to it, figuratively andphysically, as in dreams or after death" (Firth, 1970:65).Yes—Yes—Is the spatial location of the afterlife specified or described by the religious group:Notes: Firth and Beierle, 1995Yes—Afterlife in vaguely defined “above” space:Notes: "Traditional conceptions of the afterlife were vague, but had a notion of a seriesof Heavens on different levels or in different wind-points, each controlled by a majorgod. There was also an image of a Rubbish Pool, into which could be thrown the soulsof those who had consistently misbehaved on earth. Life in the afterworld followedmuch the same pattern as on earth, but with dancing as the main activity" (Firth andYes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 8 of 21Reincarnation in this world:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of reincarnation.Are there special treatments for adherents' corpses:Notes: "For five days after burial the body lies in the ground, mourned by its relatives, who also engagein a heavy series of exchange of valuables. On the fifth day, piles of bark cloth are set out in the housenear the grave, food is brought in baskets and offerings made; it is then that the ancestors of the deadperson are believed to come down from their abode, take up, not the corpse, but its ora , its spiritualcounterpart, and one shouldering the food, another the valuables--in essence alone, of course--andanother bearing the dead man before him on his hands, move off in procession to Rangi, the spirit-world" (Firth, 1967:27)Beierle, 1995).No—Yes—Cremation:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of cremation.No—Mummification:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of mummification.No—Interment:Notes: "It is the custom of these natives--even of practically all the Christians--to bury their deadeither within the dwelling-house or beneath the eaves just outside. The body, wrapped in matsand bark-cloth, is interred six feet or so beneath the surface of the soil" (Firth, 1936:77).Yes—Corpse is flexed (legs are bent or body is crouched):Notes: Not specified-insufficient information.I don't know—Corpse is extended (lying flat on front or back):Notes: Not specified-insufficient information.I don't know—Corpse is upright (where body is interred in standing position)::Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 9 of 21Are co-sacrifices present in tomb/burial:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of co-sacrifices in burials.Are grave goods present:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of grave goods. Food is placed on the gravetemporarily, but then consumed by funeral attendees.Are formal burials present:Notes: "A death is an occasion for great mourning. Tikopia funeral ceremonies continue after burial ofthe body with periodic wailing and massive exchanges of food and other goods between the kingroups concerned" (Firth and Beierle, 1995). See questions below for additional details.Notes: Not specified-insufficient information.I don't know—Cannibalism:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of cannibalism.No—Exposure to elements (e.g. air drying):Notes: No ethnographic evidence for exposing corpses to the elements.No—Feeding to animals:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for feeding corpses to animals.No—Secondary burial:Notes: SCCS Variable 1850, Secondary bone/body treatment; original scale, indicates that"secondary contact with the body or bones of the deceased does not occur" (Schroeder, 2001;Retrieved from Divale, 2004).No—No—No—Yes—In cemetery:Notes: "Even with the coming of Christianity there are few cases of churchyard burial, andNo—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 10 of 21Supernatural BeingsAre supernatural beings present:Notes: "The pagan Tikopia conceptual universe was divided into two major spheres--the visibleconcrete sphere, including the domain of living things; and the invisible, immaterial sphere, that ofspirits...To the latter category belonged the spirits of dead people, and other spirits which may becalled extra-human, since they never belonged to living human beings, as well as a set of invisiblecounterparts or supplements to the visible islands, mountains and other topographical and socialfeatures" (Firth, 1970:64).cemeteries as such have hardly begun to exist" (Firth, 1936:77).Domestic (individuals interred beneath house, or in areas used for normal domesticactivities):Notes: "It is the custom of these natives--even of practically all the Christians--to bury their deadeither within the dwelling-house or beneath the eaves just outside. The body, wrapped in matsand bark-cloth, is interred six feet or so beneath the surface of the soil" (Firth, 1936:77).Yes—Yes—A supreme high god is present:Notes: "In Tikopia there was no unified god concept, no single atua who encapsulated allothers. The Tikopia pantheon was definitely polytheistic" (Firth, 1970:85).No—Previously human spirits are present:Notes: "Spirits of dead Tikopia in general were regarded as leading a relatively orderedexistence, quiet and for the most part anonymous. Once the funeral rites had been performedit was imagined that the soul of the dead person had been safely conveyed to its future home,and only in special circumstances would appear again to its kin in the living world, or wouldneed to be called upon for ritual purposes" (Firth, 1970:74).Yes—Human spirits have indirect causal efficacy in the world:Notes: "The placing of the putu [food offering] on the grave was not simply a courteousgesture to the spirit of the dead in order to satisfy the reminiscent aesthetic taste ofthe bereaved. It was believed that if the taro and other food was not brought in from adead man's orchard and gardens for the putu and other funeral preparations, then hewould interpret this neglect as an effort of his sons or other kin to hide the food fromhim. His spirit would take shape as a swamp rail, a rat or other predatory creature andcome to eat out the whole cultivation" (Firth, 1970:249).Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 11 of 21Human spirits communicate with the living:Yes—In dreams:Notes: "The spirit of a dead person, usually that of a kinsman, might appear in adream or through a spirit medium, in either neutral or morally active phase.Spirits of the dead were thought in this way to give information about theirdeath abroad, to make demands upon their kin, or simply to participate inadventures of the living in sleep" (Firth, 1970:74).Yes—Only through specialists:Notes: "The spirit of a dead person, usually that of a kinsman, might appear in adream or through a spirit medium, in either neutral or morally active phase.Spirits of the dead were thought in this way to give information about theirdeath abroad, to make demands upon their kin, or simply to participate inadventures of the living in sleep" (Firth, 1970:74).No—Communicate with living through other means:Notes: "when the dead person had held office as chief or ritual elder; in thiscase his spirit (always male) was summoned in the kava rites of his successor"(Firth, 1970:74).Yes [specify]: Through rituals—Non-human supernatural beings are present:Notes: "...supernatural beings of olden times who had never been human beings, as opposed tothe more recent spirits of dead men" (Firth, 1970:67).Yes—These supernatural beings can be seen:Notes: "The Tikopia conception of such atua was then of a set of immaterial entities,individualized but not identified personally, normally invisible but capable ofmaterializing visibly briefly on occasion and then fading again into the void" (Firth,1970:73).No—Non-human supernatural beings have deliberate causal efficacy in the world:Notes: "They [the major spirits, or gods] had control of followers, and of major spheresor enterprises; they came and went at their own will; they could be terrible in anger;they dispensed benefits and punishments; their decisions, though conceived asYes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 12 of 21arbitrary, could be swayed by appeals to their sympathy..." (Firth, 1970:90).These supernatural beings have indirect causal efficacy in the world:Notes: "Each major deity had his heaven or set of heavens located at a major windpoint or eye of the wind--the Tikopia equivalent of our compass point; from this, it wasbelieved, he controlled the weather. So, wind, rain, storm clouds, lightning from a givendirection were interpreted as manifestations of anger or benignity of specific gods"(Firth, 1970:89).Yes—These supernatural beings possess/exhibit some other feature:Notes: "...these unnamed, non-personalized spirits...represented forces of ill luck,sickness, accident against which remedial action of a ritual kind could be taken, afteridentification of them by the ritual agents responsible for the therapeutic processes"(Firth, 1970:71).Yes [specify]: Forces of back luck, illness, and accidents—Does the religious group possess a variety of supernatural beings:Notes: "The pagan Tikopia conceptual universe was divided into two major spheres--the visibleconcrete sphere, including the domain of living things; and the invisible, immaterial sphere,that of spirits...To the latter category belonged the spirits of dead people, and other spiritswhich may be called extra-human, since they never belonged to living human beings, as wellas a set of invisible counterparts or supplements to the visible islands, mountains and othertopographical and social features" (Firth, 1970:64).Yes—Organized by kinship based on a family model:Notes: "The Tikopia had discrepant versions of [how to categorize the gods], eachcorrelated for the most part with the particular social interests involved. But whoeverwere the specific major gods involved, one theme ran through most of these originaccounts--spontaneous generation of an original pair and generation of other majorgods from them or from their offspring. In most accounts the original pair were theAtua i Raropuka and the Atua Fafine, the Female Deity of Kafika, who were discoveredtogether, exercising the traditional craft roles of plaiting sinnet and beating bark-clothrespectively, when the land of Tikopia was pulled up from the bottom of the sea. To thisaccount, which has clear parallels with other Polynesian origin tales, were extensions"(Firth, 1970:85).Yes—Power of beings is domain specific:Notes: "In understanding the Tikopia pantheon it is important to know how therelations of these gods to one another were conceptualized. Were they merely randomor were there any organizing principles or categories employed by the Tikopia toYes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 13 of 21Supernatural MonitoringIs supernatural monitoring present:This refers to surveillance by supernatural beings of humans’ behaviour and/or thought particularly as itrelates to social norms or potential norm violations.Notes: "But in such spheres the spirits were largely non-moral. They were not concerned with thegoodness or badness in the doings of men towards one another. Theft, adultery, evasion of obligation,cursing, physical violence, greed, anger, jealousy between men had as such no interest for them. Theywould interfere on behalf of the men with whom they were affiliated if invoked, but did so withoutreference to the merits of the case as a whole...The atua were not endowed then with any very generalmoral sensibilities, and they were not represented as the moral guardians of Tikopia society. What theywere conceived as having was a moral attitude towards the behaviour of people of their own socialgroup towards themselves" (Firth, 1970:110).Do supernatural beings mete out punishment:Notes: See questions below for more specific details regarding supernatural punishment.reduce the crowd to manageable proportions? From this point of view, and consideringthat the gods were conceived as never having been human, the question of theirputative origin is relevant. The Tikopia had discrepant versions of this, each correlatedfor the most part with the particular social interests involved" (Firth, 1970:85).No—Yes—Is the cause or agent of supernatural punishment known:Notes: Ethnographic evidence provides examples of several types of supernatural beings asthe agents of punishment. (for examples, see Firth, 1970:24)Yes—Done only by high god:Notes: "In Tikopia there was no unified god concept, no single atua who encapsulatedall others. The Tikopia pantheon was definitely polytheistic" (Firth, 1970:85).No—Done by many supernatural beings:Notes: Ethnographic evidence provides examples of several types of supernaturalbeings as the agents of punishment. (for examples, see Firth, 1970:24)Yes—Is the reason for supernatural punishment known:Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 14 of 21Notes: "In the traditional scheme the gods were not associated with morality in any veryspecific way. In Tikopia eyes they did give a general sanction for right behaviour, but this wasrather in the direction of protecting the interests of their own worshippers than promotingbroad moral maxims as such. Even the cardinal offence of killing people would not necessarilywithdraw from a man the favour of his gods unless by his killing he upset the balance ofrelationship between man and the gods. Theft and other anti-social behaviour could bepunished, in Tikopia belief, by the gods, but primarily because specific rights had beeninfringed. The gods who punished a man were normally not his own , but those of someoneelse whom he had offended" (Firth, 1970:370).Done to enforce religious ritual-devotional adherence:Notes: "If the periodic acts of worship and offering to the spirits were not performed,then the spirits were believed to visit the offenders with punishment, by illness or bywithholding from them economic benefits" (Firth, 1970:111).Yes—Supernatural punishments are meted out in the afterlife:Notes: "There was also a notion, perhaps, of punishment after death (Tikopia Ritual and Belief ,1967, p. 344)" (Firth, 1970:111).Yes—Supernatural punishments are meted out in this lifetime:Notes: ...failure to perform religious rites, or inaccuracy in their performance, represented abreach with tradition which gods or ancestors might visit with punishment in the form offailure of crops or illness of participants or other members of the officiant's kin group" (Firth,1970:24).Yes—Punishment in this life consists of crop failure or bad weather:Notes: "It was believed that if the taro and other food was not brought in from a deadman's orchard and gardens for the putu and other funeral preparations, then he wouldinterpret this neglect as an effort of his sons or other kin to hide the food from him. Hisspirit would take shape as a swamp rail, a rat or other predatory creature and come toeat out the whole cultivation" (Firth, 1970:249).Yes—Punishment in this life consists of sickness or illness:Notes: "If the periodic acts of worship and offering to the spirits were not performed,then the spirits were believed to visit the offenders with punishment, by illness or bywithholding from them economic benefits" (Firth, 1970:111).Yes—Other [specify]Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 15 of 21Do supernatural beings bestow rewards:Notes: Insufficient ethnographic evidence.Messianism/EschatologyAre messianic beliefs present:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of messianic beliefs.Is an eschatology present:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of an eschatology.Norms and Moral RealismAre general social norms prescribed by the religious group:Notes: Because the religious group is coterminous with the society at large, the religious group issubject to the general social norms prescribed by the Tikopia. For a discussion of norms and moralityamong the Tikopia, see Firth, 1970:24, 110.PracticesMembership Costs and PracticesDoes membership in this religious group require celibacy (full sexual abstinence):Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the requirement of celibacy.Does membership in this religious group require castration:Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the requirement of castration.Notes: "If the periodic acts of worship and offering to the spirits were not performed,then the spirits were believed to visit the offenders with punishment, by illness or bywithholding from them economic benefits" (Firth, 1970:111).Yes—I don't know—No—No—Yes—No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 16 of 21Does membership in this religious group require fasting:Notes: The only ethnographic evidence for the presence of fasting is done voluntarily by priests beforea major rite (Firth, 1970:62).Does membership in this religious group require forgone food opportunities (taboos ondesired foods):Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the requirement of food taboos.Does membership in this religious group require sacrifice of adults:"Adults" here referring to an emic or indigenous category; if that category is different from the popularWestern definition of a human who is 18-years-old or older and who is legally responsible for his/heractions, then please specify that difference in the Comments/Sources: box below.Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require sacrifice of children:"Children" here referring to an emic or indigenous category; if that category is different from the popularWestern definition, please specify that different in the Comments/Sources: box below.Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require self-sacrifice (suicide):Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of human sacrifice.Does membership in this religious group require sacrifice of property/valuable items:Notes: Ethnographic evidence of sacrificial items include food and drinks, as well as bark cloth.Does membership in this religious group require participation in large-scale rituals:I.e. involving two or more households; includes large-scale “ceremonies” and “festivals.”Notes: While it is not explicitly stated that participation in rituals is required, ethnographic evidencedescribes the rituals as "a series of obligations" that are "essential to maintain the fertility of crops andsuccess in fishing, as well as the general welfare of the island as a whole" (Firth, 1940:1).No—No—No—No—No—No—Yes—Are there orthodoxy checks:Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 17 of 21Society and InstitutionsLevels of Social ComplexityThe society to which the religious group belongs is best characterized as (please chooseone):Notes: The Tikopia have one level of jurisdictional hierarchy beyond the local community, which isindicative of a petty chiefdom (Ethnographic Atlas column 33, Murdock, 1967; retrieved from Divale,2004).EducationDoes the religious group provide formal education to its adherents:Notes: "Since election to chieftainship was never guaranteed in advance, no great education for theoffice usually took place. But the eldest son of a chief, as a putative heir, was ordinarily given someinstruction by his father: (Firth, 1970:46).Is formal education available to the group’s adherents through an institution(s) other thanthe religious group:Notes: Government schools were not present, but Christian missionary-led schools were (see Firth,Orthodoxy checks are mechanisms used to ensure that rituals are interpreted in a standardizedway, e.g. through the supervisory prominence of a professionalized priesthood or other system ofgovernance, appeal to texts detailing the proper interpretation, etc.Notes: "The officiant or kava priest leading the ritual had to be of appropriate status, either achief or a ritual elder, according to circumstances. Though heads of lineages or evenhouseholds who were not office holders might recite formulae and make offerings, no manwho had not been properly inducted by formal election or ordination as a chief or an eldercould perform the kava rite..." (Firth, 1970:200).Yes—Are there orthopraxy checks:Orthopraxy checks are mechanisms used to ensure that rituals are performed in a standardizedway, e.g. through the supervisory prominence of a professionalized priesthood or other system ofgovernance, appeal to texts detailing the proper procedure, etc.Notes: "One type of Tikopia ritual basic to all major religious performances was the ritual of thekava. It was a standardized rite in two senses: it followed a recognized sequence of procedures;and as such a unitary sequence it was the regular and ‘proper’ way of approaching the gods"(Firth, 1970:200).Yes—A chiefdom—No—Yes—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 18 of 211970:305-308, 312).BureaucracyDo the group’s adherents interact with a formal bureaucracy within their group:Notes: The Tikopia have one level of jurisdictional hierarchy beyond the local community, which isindicative of a petty chiefdom (Ethnographic Atlas column 33, Murdock, 1967; retrieved from Divale,2004).Public WorksDoes the religious group in question provide public food storage:Notes: According to SCCS Variable 20, Food Storage, food is stored in individual houses (Murdock andMorrow, 1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).Is public food storage provided to the group’s adherents by an institution(s) other than thereligious group in question:Notes: According to SCCS Variable 20, Food Storage, food is stored in individual houses (Murdock andMorrow, 1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004).Does the religious group in question provide transportation infrastructure:Notes: It can be assumed that transportation infrastructure is not present, as routes of land transportare "unimproved trails", according to Murdock and Morrow (1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004; SCCSVariable 14).Is transportation infrastructure provided for the group’s adherents by an institution(s) otherthan the religious group in question:Notes: It can be assumed that transportation infrastructure is not present, as routes of land transportare "unimproved trails", according to Murdock and Morrow (1970; Retrieved from Divale, 2004; SCCSVariable 14).Is extra-religious education open to both males and females:Notes: Ethnographic evidence does not explicitly state if missionary schools are open to bothmales and females, but examples only used the term "boys" when referring to students.I don't know—No—No—No—No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 19 of 21TaxationDoes the religious group in question levy taxes or tithes:Notes: The district of Faea levies tithes, but it is unclear if the district of Ravenga (which this entryfocuses on), does as well. "On this day, all the orchards of Faea, without privilege of family or clan, werelaid under contribution, and from each a few coconuts, or a bunch of bananas, or a couple of breadfruitwere taken. This was in the nature of a levy on the produce of the district; it was termed te aru and wassanctified by tradition. The toll on each person's plantation was not heavy, and no owner interferedwith the collecting party" (Firth, 1940:293).EnforcementDoes the religious group in question provide an institutionalized police force:Notes: "The role of sustainers of public order is played primarily by the men of rank known as maru.These, broadly speaking, are the brothers of a chief and his closer cousins in the male line...The maruare essentially the executive officials of the chief; their function is to watch the land and to repressviolence, to carry out the commands of the chief when sentence is passed on an offender, and ingeneral to keep the peace of the community. The influence and importance of the elders depend onthe gods over whom they have control; that of the maru almost wholly on their personality backed bytheir rank" (Firth, 1949:171).Does the religious group in question provide institutionalized judges:Notes: "The major forces of social control are provided by the kinship organization--with which thereligious organization is largely coincident--reinforcing authority to a considerable extent with ritualsanctions...The chief of each clan is supreme in authority as far as his own group is concerned, andautonomous" (Firth, 1949:169). "In ordinary quarrels of individuals about property or in family affairs thechief exercises no authority. The disputants settle the matter by themselves, or with the assistance oftheir kinsfolk, by wordy battle which sometimes, though rarely, ends in assault or the exchange ofblows. The chief, in common with the rest of the community, displays a lively interest in the affair, andexpresses his opinion freely as to the rights of the case; but it is not formally laid before him forjudgement, nor is his opinion taken as a ruling by either side" (Firth, 1949:173).Does the religious group in question enforce institutionalized punishment:Notes: "In the traditional Tikopia sphere of control, no public action necessarily followed in cases ofassault, even if wounding or homicide resulted. Any subsequent action was at the incidence of theoffended individual or his immediate kin. Organized or unorganized, this was unofficial. It was asanction of retaliation rather than of punishment. In many cases, no overt action against the offenderfollowed at all" (Firth, 1959:305).Does the religious group in question have a formal legal code:I don't know—No—No—No—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 20 of 21Notes: No ethnographic evidence for the presence of a formal legal code among the Tikopia.Written LanguageDoes the religious group in question possess its own distinct written language:Notes: "The absence of any well defined institutionalized transmission of knowledge must have meantconsiderable inefficiency in Tikopia life, since on many occasions elder relatives must have died beforethey had handed on to their descendants their own theoretical and practical equipment. These peoplemust then have had to apply elsewhere. The Tikopia themselves are conscious of this defect and alsoof the liability of memory to failure. One of them, contrasting European accuracy with the nativedefects, said neatly: 'Tikopia here has its paper in lips,' meaning that the records were verbal only"(Firth, 1939:107).CalendarDoes the religious group in question possess a formal calendar:Notes: "The Tikopia have no fixed calendar and no names for the months or for the days or nights ofthe month" (Firth, 1940:2).Food ProductionDoes the religious group in question provide food for themselves:Notes: The Tikopia are horticulturalists with a secondary dependence on fishing. Source of informationfrom Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock, 1962-1971), retrieved from Divale, 2004; Variables 203-207, 232.No—No—No—Yes—Please characterize the forms/level of food production [choose all that apply]:Notes: "On the island, Tikopia are primarily agriculturalists and fishermen. Crops include taro(Colocasia), manioc (cassava, Manihot), giant taro (Alocasia), sago (Metroxzlon)" (Firth andBeierle, 1995).Fishing—Small-scale agriculture / horticultural gardens or orchards—Pitek, Database of Religious History, 2019 Page 21 of 21

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