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Bujumbura 2050 : A New Design Matrix Ndemeye, Lys Divine; Kang, Yilang Karen 2020-05

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BUJUMBURA 2050A NEW DESIGN MATRIX YILANG KAREN KANG | LYS DIVINE NDEMEYE RELEASE FORMSchool of Architecture and Landscape ArchitectureUniversity of British of ColumbiaName: Yilang Karen Kang UBC Student Number: 87045167ArchitectureName: Lys Divine NdemeyeUBC Student Number: 86400165Landscape ArchitectureGraduate Project Title: Bujumbura 2050: A New Design MatrixIn presenting this report in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Architecture and Master of Landscape Architecture, University of British Columbia, I agree that UBC may make this work freely available for reference or study. I give permission for copying the report for educational purposes in accordance with copyright laws. Name Signature DateDateSignatureNameYilang Karen Kang May 13, 2020May 13, 2020Lys Divine NdemeyeBUJUMBURA 2050: A NEW DESIGN MATRIXbyYilang Karen Kang and Lys Divine NdemeyeA thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degrees ofMASTER OF ARCHITECTURE and MASTER OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTUREProgram of Study Committee: Fionn Byrne (Supervisor)James HuemoellerDerek LeeMartin LewisDouglas RobbUniversity of British ColumbiaVancouver, BC2020Blair Satterfield  (Chair of Architecture)Signature:Signature:Susan Herrington (Chair of Landscape Architecture)ii iiiACKNOWLEDGMENTWe gratefully thank our family and friends who have supported us on this challeng-ing journey. We would not have made it without you.To our supervisor Fionn and committee members, thank you for making our vision come to term.Special thanks to our friends who came in to lend us a helping hand when we need-ed it most (Alex L, Grace M, Eunbin K, Michelle G, Carlos G, Rebecca A., Changju K.)iv vABSTRACTThe history of vertical living has been continuously and dynamically evolving in parallel with the history of urban development. As African cities are continuously experiencing rapid urban growth, foreign-driven, mega-urban projects are radically shifting the physical, socio-cultural and economic makeup of these emerging cities. A major shortcoming of these projects is their inability to account for the spirit and specific phenomenologies of the place in which they are built. Bujumbura 2050-A New Design Matrix rejects this placeless, global urbanist approach, and develops a design strategy that engages and sustains local identity, culture and phenomenology. This project asks: What will be the optimal urban block typologies for meeting the socio-cultural, economic and environmental demands of Bujumbura 2050? Using the principles of relational urbanism, urban ecology and incrementalism, the proposed solution transforms an existing golf course into a dense, flexible, multi-functional urban block which enriches the existing urban fabric of Bujumbura.vi viiTABLE OF CONTENTSACKNOWLEDGMENT           iiiABSTRACT vLIST OF FIGURES            viii01. INTRODUCTION 11.1. PROJECT INTRO 3 1.2. PROVOCATION 9 1.3. METHODOLOGY 2902. CONTEXT ANALYSIS              37 2.1. BURUNDI          39 2.2. BUJUMBURA          69 2.3. VISIONARY URBANISM         95  03. DESIGN DEVELOPMENT      109 3.1. DESIGN MATRIX               111 3.2. SITE ANALYSIS        119  3.3. EXPERIMENT _ 01        133  3.4. EXPERIMENT _ 02        143 3.5. EXPERIMENT _ 03        151 04. CONCLUSION       187 4.1.1. CONCLUSION 189 REFERENCE 191viii ixLIST OF FIGURES1.1. PROJECT INTRO 6 Fig.1-1 Mind Map Topic Exploration 1.2. PROVOCATION 10 Fig.1-2 La Ville Radieuse Drawing by Le Corbusier   Credit: ArchDaily12 Fig.1-3 Pruitt-Igoe Housing Project In St. Louis, MS Credit: ArchDaily12 Fig.1-5 Elevation View of Apartment Buildings in Hong Kong Credit: Dailymail UK12 Fig.1-4 Aerial View of Apartment Buildings in Seoul Credit: Koreatimes12 Fig.1-6 Rendered Plan of Mega-Housing Development Project in Pram Pram, Ghana,   Proposed by a South Korean Corporate, STX  Credit: Asia Business Daily14 Fig.1-7 Impact of Population Growth on Housing Typologies 16 Fig.1-8 Pre-concept Design of Hope City in Accra, Ghana, by OBR  Credit: OBR16 Fig.1-10 Rendered Image of Eko Atlantic City in Lagos, Nigeria Credit: Kohler Design16 Fig.1-9 Rendered Image of Hope City in Accra, Ghana, by OBR  Credit: OBR16 Fig.1-11 Rendered Image of Eko Atlantic City in Lagos, Nigeria Credit: Kohler Design18 Fig.1-12 Aerial View of Apartment Buildings in Kilamba, Angola   Credit: City Lab18 Fig.1-14 Satellite Image of Nova Cidade de Kilamba   Credit: City Lab18 Fig.1-13 Aerial View of Apartment Buildings in Kilamba, Angola   Credit: City Lab18 Fig.1-15 Aerial View of Nova Cidade de Kilamba  Credit: City Lab20 Fig.1-16 Site Image of Ouakam, Senegal Credit: Chimurenga20 Fig.1-18 Site Image of Ouakam, Senegal Credit: Chimurenga20 Fig.1-17 Site Image of Ouakam, Senegal Credit: Chimurenga20 Fig.1-19 Site Image of Ouakam, Senegal Credit: Chimurenga24 Fig.1-20 Proposed Zoning of Bujumbura 2045 Credit: UNDP24 Fig.1-21 Rendered Image of Mix-use Zone, Bujumbura 2045  Credit: UNDP24 Fig.1-22 Proposed Business Zone by Lake Tanganyika, Bujumbura 2045 Credit: UNDP24 Fig.1-23 Proposed Business Zone by Lake Tanganyika, Bujumbura 2045 Credit: UNDP26 Fig.1-24 Veins of Africa  Credit: Authorx xi2.1. BURUNDI 40 Fig. 2-1 Photograph of Rolling Hills in Burundi  42 Fig. 2-2 Map of Burundi 44 Fig. 2-3 National Indicators of East African Countries 46 Fig. 2-4 Topographic Section of Burundi  48 Fig. 2-5 Photograph of Lake Tanganyika Shore 52 Fig. 2-6 Photograph of Traditional Urugo 54 Fig. 2-7 Construction of Traditional Urugo 56 Fig. 2-8 Spatial Expansion of Traditional Urugo 58 Fig. 2-9 Precolonial Urugo Spatial Analysis 60 Fig. 2-10 Contemporary High Standing Urugo Spatial Analysis 62 Fig. 2-11 Contemporary Low Standing Urugo Spatial Analysis 64 Fig. 2-12 Comparison of Urugos Across Time 66 Fig. 2-13 Spatial Narrative Drawings of Traditional Urugo 2.2. BUJUMBURA 70 Fig. 2-14 Photograph of Neighbourhood in Bujumbura 74 Fig. 2-15 Infographics of Bujumbura 76 Fig. 2-16 Urban Expansion of Bujumbura Diagram  77 Fig. 2-17 Bujumbura Network Typology Study  78 Fig. 2-18 Bujumbura Urban Block Typology Study  79 Fig. 2-19 Bujumbura Street-Life Typology Study  80 Fig. 2-20 Physical & Social Vulnerability Maps of Bujumbura  82 Fig. 2-21 Neighbourhood Infrastructure Access Comparison  84 Fig. 2-22 Open Spaces of Buyenzi Neighbourhood  86 Fig. 2-23 Network Analysis of Major Streets in Buyenzi  88 Fig. 2-24 Network Analysis of Back Alleys in Buyenzi  90 Fig. 2-25 Social Exchange Diagram in Buyenzi  92 Fig. 2-26 Relational Diagram of Buyenzi Neighbourhood 2.3. VISIONARY URBANISM 96 Fig. 2-27 Reproduction of African Fractal Patterns from “African Fractals: Modern Computing  and Indigenous Design” by Ron Eglash  Credit: Ron Eglash98 Fig. 2-28 Reproduction of African Fractal Patterns from “African Fractals: Modern Computing   and Indigenous Design” by Ron Eglash  Credit: Ron Eglash100 Fig. 2-29 Photos of Street Life in African Cities 102 Fig. 2-30 Photograph of Neighbourhood Street in Conakry, Guinea xii xiii3.1. DESIGN MATRIX 112 Fig. 3-1 Design Principles & Framework114 Fig. 3-2 Bujumbura 2050 Design Matrix116 Fig. 3-3 Bujumbura 2050 Design Matrix Components3.2. SITE ANALYSIS 120 Fig. 3-4 Satellite Image of Zone of Interest Credit: Google Earth122 Fig. 3-5 Result of Gravity Centrality Analysis124 Fig. 3-6 Urban Transect Analysis126 Fig. 3-7 Zone of Interest Sundial Diagram128 Fig. 3-8 Site Context Diagram Highlighting Adjacencies130 Fig. 3-9 Site Context Diagram Highlighting Street Network Connections3.3. EXPERIMENT _ 01134 Fig. 3-10 Building form exploration137 Fig. 3-11 Street Network Exploration & Gravity Centrality Analysis138 Fig. 3-12 Street Network exploration & Building Form Exploration140 Fig. 3-14 Design Matrix - Experiment 01 Evaluation3.4. EXPERIMENT _ 02 144 Fig. 3-15 Incrementalism and Relational Urbanism Study of Buyenzi Neighbourhood146 Fig. 3-16  Relational Urbanism - Mat Typology Exploration148 Fig. 3-17 Design Matrix - Experiment 02 Evaluation3.5. EXPERIMENT _ 03 153 Fig. 3-18 Modular Living Unit Diagram155 Fig. 3-19 Examples of Plan Drawings for Large and Small Modular Living Units156 Fig. 3-20 Modular Block Unit Typologies159 Fig. 3-21 Modular Block Unit Incrementalism & Relational Diagram160 Fig. 3-22 Modular Block Unit Layout Examples162 Fig. 3-23 Modular Block Unit Stacking Diagram164 Fig. 3-24 Vertical Stacking & Program Diagram165 Fig. 3-25 Exploded Axonometric Drawing of Modular Block Unit 167 Fig. 3-26 Vertical Incremental Diagram168 Fig. 3-27 Possible Materials for Construction of Modular Living Units171 Fig. 3-28 Site Design Strategy Sequence173 Fig. 3-29 Elevation Diagram at Urban Scale174 Fig. 3-30 Rendered Concept Drawing xiv xv176 Fig. 3-31 Render of Commercial and Public Circulation Interface178 Fig. 3-32 Render of Open Flexible Space 01180 Fig. 3-33 Render of Open Flexible Space 02182 Fig. 3-34 Render of Rain Garden Park 184 Fig. 3-35 Design Matrix - Experiment 03 Evaluation188 Fig. 4-1 Concept Diagram of Vertical Relational Urbanismxvi01 .  INTRODUCTION1.1. PROJECT INTRO1.1.1. PROJECT STATEMENT             4 5What do sovereign living spaces of Bujumbura 2050 look like?  What will be the optimal urban block typologies for meeting the socio-cultural, economic and environmental demands of Bujumbura 2050?Across the African continent, speculative urbanization projects are radically shifting the physical, socio-cultural and economic makeup of emerging cities. Speculative urbanization refers to the construction of urban infrastructure or settlement for political or economic purposes, rather than real demographic or market demand.  Primarily driven by capital accumulation from foreign investors, these mega-urban projects are characterized by over-scaled infrastructures and edifices, vast areas of emptiness, mono-functional single land uses, significant residual spaces between infrastructure and urban fabric, all hidden under the veil of seductively rendered modern urban images.1  These speculative settlements are overtaking the land-scape of emerging African cities and offering nothing short of a Utopian mega-proj-ect attempting to be a replica of a marketable image of a Euro-centric world city. A major shortcoming of these projects is their inability to account for the spirit and specific phenomenologies of the place in which they erect themselves.Championed by the Singaporean Trust in collaboration with the Burundian govern-ment and UN Habitat, the proposed “Bujumbura 2045 Master Plan” is yet another case in this wave of speculative urbanization projects; a self contained enclave by the waterfront, turning its back to the existing urban fabric, in the promise of indus-trial centers, job creation, entertainment districts, promenades and new housing for the growing urban population.2 As African cities continue to experience rapid urban growth, one critical task is finding an urban design practice that will maintain local identity and culture. This project rejects this global urbanist trend of large scale urban mega-projects which are placeless, universal in their approach, thereby ne-glecting the local conditions of the physical and socio-cultural landscapes in which they impose themselves.This project adopts an Afrofuturistic research lens. “[Afrofuturism] is not a moniker of identity or geography but a musical, literary, and art-historical movement-like creative music, postmodernism, or conceptual art”.3 Afrofuturism is concerned with ancient wisdom from Africa and around the world and uses creative speculation towards social change. While Afrofuturism has served as a powerful bridge between an abducted and erased African past and a promising future in realms such as music, fashion, film and science fiction, this has yet to be embraced as a working methodology in the design of our built environment.1.1.1. PROJECT STATEMENTURBAN MORPHOLOGYUrban fabricHenry LebfevreUrban spatial configurationUrban developmentDwelling typologyVertical urbanismUrban sprawlBujumburaUrugoCultural landscapeInvisible assets & dynamicsUrban transformationRural migrationAfrican urbanismNew geographiesInformal urbanismContemporary urbanismHigh densityAsian MegahousingVertical rbanism“Rogue Urbanism: Emergent African cities”- Edgar Pieterse, A.M. SimoneAfrican Centre for CitiesTopographyArchetype explorationDemographicsUrban networksRural migrationpopulation growthBuyenziSoviet Union Co-housing block Apartment urbanism Informal urbanismBujumbura 2045Singapore CooperationEnterprisecultural identity MappingCultural identityMappingBiophysical analysisCultural landscapeUrugoVernacular“Cultural Landscape Heritage in Sub-Saharan Africa”IdentitySovereigntyLocal Ecological services Multi-functional SingaporeCooperation Enterprise Generative design toolsParametric designAfro-Chinese trade relations GlobalizationLarge-scale government-led housing projectsAfrofuturism Genius lociCore-peripheryUrugo“Africa Architecture”- AdjayeHigh densityLiam YoungComparative urbanismExperiment scenariosData-driven/ Generative designConventional vs NovelGenius loci vs PlacelessAfrican Centre for citiesUtopian urbanismGlobal South Emerging citiesAfrican urbanismAsian Megahousing projectVertical urbanismUrban Housing archetypesCultural assimilationGlobal economyInformal economyAssymetrical exchangeCultural hybridityGlobal economyGlobal real estate developmentPost-colonialismHomogenizationAsian foreign investmentAsian apartment typologyCultural assimilationHegemonyNarrativeResourcesArchitectureCultural landscapeCultural identitySocial sustainabilitySmall-scale economicsGenerative designData-driven/Human-centric computational design toolsSpace syntaxGeospatial analysisMappingUrban networksUrban formMaterialsSustainabilityMappingArchetype modellingTransportation liveabilityBujumbura 2050Contermporary challenges“Black Panther”Utopia vs. distopiaProductive landscapeGenius lociMicro-financeEntrepreneurialismResources Umuganuro Urugo Computational analyticsParametric urbanismUrban transformationSpatial network analysisTechnologyAncient African wisdomCultural identityPost-colonialismLeapfroggingSustainable developmentTechnological adaptationCULTURAL MAPPINGClimate changeNew geographiesMappingLANDSCAPE URBANISMSPECULATIONAFROFUTURISMDATA URBANISMSPACE SYNTAXDWELLING TYPOLOGY“Towards a New epistemology of  the Urban”- Neil BrennerProductive landscapeDwellingCultural identityVernacularGLOBALIZATIONVERNACULARISMBURUNDIRAPID URBANIZATION6 7Fig.1-1 Mind Map Topic Exploration  Credit: Author1.2. PROVOCATION1.2.1. REPUBLIC OF APARTMENTS: EXPORTED1.2.2. SPATIAL COLONIALISM1.2.3. BUJUMBURA 2045 BY SEC1.2.4. VEINS OF AFRICA10 11Fig.1-2 La Ville Radieuse Drawing by Le Corbusier  Credit: ArchDailyThe vertical communal living block is not an unfamiliar concept to human societies. The earliest records that exist of buildings in the form of an apartment can be found in ancient Roman cities. The history of apartments has been continuously and dynamically evolving in parallel with the history of urban development. Shibam, a small town in rural Yemen built in the 16th century, was the first city on earth with a vertical masterplan and is known as “the Manhattan of the Desert”.4At the tail end of the 19th century, a new pattern of urbanization followed by the Industrial Revolution emerged in European metropolises including Paris, London and Barcelona. The in-migration of rural populations into the urban core called for larger scale master-planning of the city. Building more housing and widening road networks for increased traffic within the city boundaries were central tasks in urban development policies. The technological advancement from the industrial revolution introduced new building materials and people’s homes began to be stacked vertically. Although the poor and working classes were crammed into these overly packed apartment housing near the city center, it drastically increased employable populations in urban areas and shortened commuting distances which, among many other factors, contributed to explosive economic development. In 1930, Le Corbusier published his speculative work Ville Radieuse, a utopian city that reunites man within a well-ordered environment for radical social reform.5 The design of “Ville Radieuse” comprises high-rise building blocks, rigid zoning divisions, orderly street networks and free circulation through abundant green spaces. In pursuit of promoting democracy and a better quality of life, he created a scientific rationale and comprehensive solution to urban problems industrial cities were facing. The modernist’s utopic vision was manifested in a set of fundamental principles that could be applied anywhere- free of context, history, or tradition. The proposed standardization of all building elements, spatial orders, interior aesthetics and standardized norms of construction, a city environment could be highly ordered and disciplined, devoid of unsolicited spontaneity.“A city should be treated by its planner  as a blank piece of paper, a clean table-cloth, upon which a single integrated composition is imposed”.6To varying degrees, many cities underwent similar patterns of urbanization necessitating massive housing development by government authorities. 1.2.1. REPUBLIC OF APARTMENTS: EXPORTED12 13Fig.1-3 Pruitt-Igoe Housing Project In St. Louis, MSCredit: ArchDailyFig.1-4 Aerial View of Apartment Buildings in SeoulCredit: KoreatimesFig.1-5 Elevation View of Apartment Buildings in Hong KongCredit: Dailymail UKFig.1-6 Rendered Plan of Mega-Housing Development Project in Pram Pram, Ghana, Proposed by South Korean Corporate STX Credit: Asia Business DailyParticularly in Asian cities, apartment buildings were increasingly popular and became the factories producing the middle class, a burgeoning class created through rapid economic growth as well as the cultural and social processes that accompanied wealth.  At the turn of the 20th century, major Asian cities experienced unprecedented economic growth. Appearing collectively in the region, the architectural response to such swift paradigm change was the “apartmentization” of their cities. In South Korea during the 1980’s, the two elements of apartment building- concrete and verticality, had become the symbol of modernism, technological advancement and, to some people, the aspiration of the middle class.7  In the critical reflection on the apartmentization of Korea, “Republic of Apartments”, Valerie Gelezeau concluded that the new urban morphology of large apartment complexes has become “the main architectural mediation to the social and cultural transformation of the Korean society into its urban modernity”.8The huge success of Le Corbusier’s dream, as opposed to its decline in Europe and America, is largely due to the socio-economic factors of apartment development policies in these cities. The ‘concrete utopia’ was built upon the promise of accessible private ownership of property in the city and accumulating wealth as members of the urban middle class, who were, for the most part, migrants from rural towns. An interplay of physical territorial limits, governmental campaigns, the convenience of living in close proximity to workplaces and highly profitable investment potential turned these major cities into the Republics of Apartments. As of 2019, the apartment is a major architecture type of housing in most Asian metropolises, accounting for more than 50% of all residential building types; Singapore-80%,9  Seoul-50%,10 Tokyo-68.7%.11 In the field of architectural/urban research and design, the phenomenon was mainly attributed to the domains of regional politics and economics. Nevertheless, the construction formula of the mega-apartment block typology was consummated and culminated in massive scale new-town projects in 21st century Asia. As envisioned by Le Cobusier and mastered by new technology in Asia, the efficiency, simplicity and universality of architectural forms and spatial orders enabled the mass production of city-making. These forms are now being exported to emerging cities in the global South at the height of economic globalization. Apartment buildings symbolized modernization and self-enacted post-colonial process in Asia. However, the commodification process of city-making embedded in Asia-Africa trade deals resembles the historical process of the disruptive urban transformation by European conquerors during the colonial epoch.POPULATION GROWTH & URBAN FORMINFORMAL SETTLEMENTSAPARTMENT BLOCKSAPARTMENT BLOCKSAPARTMENT BLOCKSMEGA APARTMENT COMPLEXMEGA APARTMENT COMPLEXSUPER-MEGAHIGH-RISE APARTMENTSGRID PLAN (CERDA)SUBURBAN SPRAWLCOLONIAL GRID SETTLEMENTS DENSITY14 15Fig.1-7 Impact of Population Growth on Housing Typologies Credit: AuthorFig.1-8 Pre-concept Design of Hope City in Accra, Ghana, by OBR Credit: OBRFig.1-9 Rendered Image of Hope City in Accra, Ghana, by OBR Credit: OBRFig.1-10 Rendered Image of Eko Atlantic City in Lagos, NigeriaCredit: Kohler DesignFig.1-11 Rendered Image of Eko Atlantic City in Lagos, NigeriaCredit: Kohler Design16 17The African continent is one of the fastest urbanizing areas in the world. This growth has become a catalyst of “speculative urbanization” projects. Coined by Marcinski, “speculative urbanization refers to the construction of urban infrastructure or settlement for political or economic purposes, rather than to meet real (as opposed to artificially exaggerated) demographic or market demand. It also includes the legislative redesignation and parcelization of land to increase its monetary value”.12  Local governments often work with intergovernmental organizations (for instance; UN Habitat, UNDP), and foreign corporations (such as the Singaporean Trust) in building new towns across the continent. In such schemes, urbanization is politically and economically motivated to be used as an instrument of capital accumulation and economic growth, whereby design plays a seemingly apolitical role in elaborating compelling images towards these ends. These coercive conquest endeavours are a new form of spatial colonialism on the continent as they undermine the spirit of the people and places in which they impose themselves in.While these new town projects are presented in very compelling ways, they do not respond to the demands of the predominantly poor populations of these African cities. “Rather, these initiatives represent ambitions of politicians to project stability and investment potential through the production of built form, in the hopes of inducing foreign ventures into an emerging economy”.13 These speculative projects are rendered as a eurocentric futuristic world city and fail to account for the specificity of the communities in which they erect  themselves in. “These proposals were employed to generate foreign direct investment and local political capital through a familiar recipe of major mobility infrastructure upgrades; new, low-regulation business and technology centers; public realm amenities; and the promise of new social services, jobs, and housing”.14 While most of these speculative projects have yet to materialize, one could be tempted to disregard the negative outcomes outlined above, but it must be noted that these rendered architectural images still hold significant symbolic power in their ability to communicate an alternative future. Words and images hold power. Famous architect Peter Eisanman in fact claims that “‘real architecture’ only exists in the drawings. The ‘real building’ exists outside the drawings”.15 Even if these speculative urbanism projects’ stories were to start and end on paper, they are still controlling and polluting the landscapes of the African urban imaginary.1.2.2. SPATIAL COLONIALISMFig.1-12 Aerial View of Apartment Buildings in Kilamba, Angola  Credit: City LabFig.1-13 Aerial View of Apartment Buildings in Kilamba, Angola  Credit: City LabFig.1-14 Satellite Image of Nova Cidade de Kilamba  Credit: City LabFig.1-15 Aerial View of Nova Cidade de Kilamba Credit: City Lab18 19Located some 18 miles outside the Angolan capital of Luana, Nova Cidade de Kilamba, with its dust-swept avenues and vacant high-rises, has been called Africa’s first “ghost city.” The 750 eight-story apartment blocks, a dozen schools, and 100 retail units that rise from the 5,000 hectare-gridded city plane stand defiantly empty, their vibrant, pastel-colored facades and rooftops ebullient cries amid the sepia-toned bleakness that characterizes the heat-stroked landscape.Kilamba was conceived and constructed by state-owned China International Trust and Investment Corporation (CITIC) as the largest of several new “satellite cities” being built  by the Chinese in Angola. The $3.5 billion “city” was designed for 500,000 occupants, to be housed in the 2,800 apartment units that fill out the housing blocks. But these remain empty, as the BBC reports, in large part to the purportedly extravagant costs of the apartments – as high as $80,000 – that lay beyond the reach of most Angolan families which subsist on criminally low wages and have little to no access to large loans and mortgages.The videos, according to Western reports, consists of staged footage with actors animating apartment units or strolling down tree-lined avenues. These photographs are proof that this fictionalized reality couldn’t be further from the truth on the ground, so to speak.16Case Study _ 01: Kilamba, AngolaQuotes from “A Ghost City in Angola, Built by the Chinese” by Samuel Medina.  Fig.1-16 Site Image of Ouakam, SenegalCredit: ChimurengaFig.1-17 Site Image of Ouakam, SenegalCredit: ChimurengaFig.1-18 Site Image of Ouakam, SenegalCredit: ChimurengaFig.1-19 Site Image of Ouakam, SenegalCredit: Chimurenga20 21The incomplete villas are cheaply decorated in a modern style that comes from everywhere and nowhere. Near the airport, villas with Roman-style façades; cream and ochre are lined up identically in their hundreds behind high walls; elsewhere, there are rows of chicken-coop-type structures, red or yellow, filled with functional apartments and king-size beds.[...]A few baobab trees, perhaps one thousand years old, survive. Out of guilt? Their massive presence in the middle of the site makes one think of a skeleton struggling to stay upright. In the fog, the martial statue, built by the Koreans, floats, a silhouette without scale, clearly gigantic, yet minuscule. It tells the story of a man and a woman, a child in their arms, their bodies leaning in an invisible direction, which is in fact the Statue of Liberty. The phantom town at their feet may dream of a bourgeois middle class family life, cobbled together out of multiple imaginaries; this rival one dreams of the other side of the ocean, but also of African imaginary, of which I struggle to find in this spectral town.[...]People tell me that in earlier times the square was a baobab forest, “dense and dark.17Case study _ 02: Ouakam, SenegalQuotes from “High Class Shanty Towns” by Jean-Christophe Lanquetin.  22 23The images of constructed speculative projects reveal that the materialized versions of these fantasy renders are nothing close to what they promise in their conception. These projects are characterized by over-scaled infrastructures and edifices, vast areas of emptiness, mono-functionality in the form of single-use activity zone, significant residual spaces between infrastructure and urban fabric and “strange, unintentional hybridity where natural systems increasingly co-opt the unoccupied gaps and voids in urban form”.18 This issue of occupation is mainly due to the fact these speculative settlements are driven by static, predetermined mono-functional land uses that have no built in flexibility within them, whereby the physical outcome is established fully at the outset, precluding any adaptation or recalibration over time that can support various future processes and activities as needs change. The speculative urbanism projects that are planned for African emerging cities are “following in the footsteps of the Garden city movement, the City Beautiful and Le Corbusier’s high modernist City of Tomorrow”.19  Watson calls these projects “African Urban fantasies” as they completely  ignore the current living conditions of the majority of African urban dwellers, who live in poverty and in informal settlements.20 While these kinds of projects claim to respond to growing urban populations in African cities, they do not actually aim to address this growth, as 62 % of the African urban populations live in slums and 70 % can only find informal work.21 These speculative urban projects are nothing short of a money-making scheme for international property companies, who after the 2008 financial crisis sought new markets.22 These projects are simultaneously the result and vehicle of a rising and modernizing African narrative.23 “The two most common rationales used by the architects and developers of new satellite cities and major in-city projects are that they are smart cities or (less frequently) eco-cities”.24 Ghana’s Hope City is marketed as a smart city with IT hardware and infrastructure.  This completely ignores the quite obvious human and social dimensions of “smart”: the role of social capital and networks of trust and reciprocity that are prerequisites for innovation. In the context of Africa, with its often still low levels of education, populations that have been uprooted or displaced as a result of urbanization and hence have fragile and probably non  place-based networks, and intermittent power supplies, achieving both the infrastructural and human capital pre-conditions for smart cities will be a major challenge.25As hard as these satellite cities attempt to detach themselves from existing urban landscapes, they are dependent on their labor to function.  In reality, these projects are not driven by public interest, but act purely as revenue maximization by real estate investors. While most of these projects never take off and only live on websites in the concept stage, however, they still hold an incredible amount of symbolic power, where glossy skyscrapers have become the marker of success on the global stage of world cities. These imaginaries portray a Westernized future that speaks nothing of the identity and spirit of these African cities and instead markets an “out of Africa” experience. Yet another colonial enterprise. Murray calls these speculative urban projects “city doubles”, as “they are the mirror opposite of existing urban landscapes in Africa”.26 These double cities make no attempt at referring to the vernacular forms and dynamics that preceded them or attempting to resolve the problems emerging African cities are facing. “The discovery of an African urban design, or a dignified indigenous response to the vexing question of an African identity that transcends the trajectory of tribal or the impoverished and nostalgic, requires a collective approach- a movement whose journey is more important than the outcome”.27 There remains a need for an inclusive, incremental urban design and deployment approach to improve the existing built environment before turning a new blank page to dream up new schemes that ignore the existing conditions. Future African cities must provide both functional and emotional satisfaction to Africans.Fig.1-20 Proposed Zoning of Bujumbura 2045Credit: UNDPFig.1-21 Rendered Image of Mix-use Zone, Bujumbura 2045 Credit: UNDPFig.1-22 Proposed Business Zone by Lake Tanganyika, Bujumbura 2045Credit: UNDPFig.1-23 Proposed Business Zone by Lake Tanganyika, Bujumbura 2045Credit: UNDP24 25Bujumbura 2045 is a proposed master plan for the waterfront area in Bujumbura. This project is championed by the Burundi government in collaboration with UNDP and the Singaporean Cooperation Enterprise (SEC).28  The project aims to grow the current size of the city by rehabilitating the current urban centre for admin-istrative and trade activities, while the south waterfront is to be developed as a tourist destination. The identified goals of the project include: tourism develop-ment, industrial hub development, and public and active transportation.While this project claims to be driven by bettering the life of the citizens of Bu-rundi at face value, a close reading of its proposal suggests otherwise. By taking a tabula rasa approach on the waterfront, this plan turns its back to the existing urban fabric, having no intention to actually address the existing urban issues of Bujumbura. The majority of urban dwellers of Burundi who live in poverty and in inadequate housing will not see their lives bettered by this plan.  In fact, if this plan came to life, it would most likely end up exacerbating the marginalization of the urban poor through land evictions and relocations and growing the spatial separation between the rich and the poor.  “The reality of urbanization in Africa is that it is less about aesthetically pleasing schemes, which are often conceived in isolation and only for the privileged few, and more about access to basic infrastructure, education, jobs and housing, and all that makes for thriving urban living”.29 Unfortunately, these self contained projects with their false promises of economic prosperity incite public governments to pour existing limited resources into supporting infrastructure for these projects, thereby taking away funds for meeting the basic needs of the existing urban fabric and the housing needs of the majority urban poor living in adequate shelters. These quick fix urbanism schemes are designed holistically into single zoned areas leaving nothing to chance or adaptation. In addition, the proposed design do not take into account Burundian culture and identity. This project Bujumbura 2050: A New design matrix proposes an alternative to this placeless approach and puts socio-cultural identity at the forefront of designing for the growing urban population in Bujumbura. 1.2.3. BUJUMBURA 2045 BY SECFig.1-24 Veins of Africa Credit: Author26 27Las Venas Abiertas de America Latina (The Open Veins of Latin America) is a canonical work by Uruguayan writer Eduardo Galeano, which unearths five centuries of foreign exploitation in Latin America. The book especially elucidates the colonial process in which exploitative trade deals and US-backed dictatorial governments swept through Latin America and created irreversible societal changes and systematic inequality.   Latin America is the region of open veins. Everything, from the discovery until our times, has always been transmuted into European or later United States -- capital, and as such has accumulated in distant centers of power.30the whole process was a pumping of blood from one set of veins to another: the development of the development of some, the underdevelopment of others.31 In various aspects, Africa’s history bears a keen resemblance to that of Latin America as highlighted in this book. In many African countries, this systematic exploitation has only been exacerbated through time and their inhabitants continue to suffer from its effects. Now, foreign capitals from all corners of the world including newly-emerging Asian markets, are being poured into the veins of Africa in favour of their investment through which the development of Africa becomes another form of blood transfusion and capital accumulation for distant investors. The “Veins of Africa” is an interpretive drawing inspired by the work of Galeano. Each and every vein expressed connects cities, towns and villages and alludes to the dynamism of Africa’s diverse landscape, cultures and lives that are shaped around.  In order for these veins to act as a supporting armature for African cities, they ought to be deeply connected to the spirit and landscape of each specific place in order to sustain the lives of those cities. 1.2.4. VEINS OF AFRICA1.3. METHODOLOGY1.3.1. AFROFUTURSIM: OPERATIONAL LENS1.3.2. MODUS OPERANDI 30 31“The absence of Africa’s contribution to global knowledge in history, science, and beyond is a gaping hole so expansive it almost feels like a missing organ in the planet’s cultural anatomy”. 32The canon of landscape architecture has largely ignored one of the longest occupied landscapes on Earth; Africa.33 This project adopts an Afrofuturistic operational lens. “Afrofuturists [seek] to unearth the missing history of people of African descent and their role in science, technology and science fiction”.34  In her work “Critical Fabulations” Rosner  also tackles this issue of exclusion in design, whereby she theorizes design as “critical fabulations”, which are defined as  “ways of storytelling that rework how things that we design come into being and what they do in the world...Derived from the practice of telling fables or stories, the term fabulation orients design toward narrative potentials.35 Critical fabulations are ways of telling stories that open new avenues for design by awakening alternative histories.36 Critical fabulation was originally coined by Saidiya Hartman in the essay Venus in Two Acts, that discusses “the scandal of historical memory within archives that render the lives of people like Venus, a female slave, unknown and unknowable”.37 Rosner suggests some strategies whereby designers can imagine new possi-bilities for design traditions overlooked by the dominant design framework by adopting the following techniques:38• Alliances: as a critique of individualism, invites relations within design. • Recuperations: as a critique of objectivism, tackling the issue of exclu-sion in design and recognizing narratives that have been silenced and practices that have been hidden.  • Interferences: as a critique of universalism, disrupting dominant design narratives.  • Extensions: concerning design matters that are ignored within the prevailing design culture and invites the use of other forms of devices to disseminate content.1.3.1. AFROFUTURISM: OPERATIONAL LENS32 33The built environment embodies various aspects of people’s lives including social, economic, cultural and even spiritual compositions. As such it cannot be sepa-rated from its historical, socio-cultural, and natural contexts, which repudiates the premise of Le Corbusier’s approach of a standardized utopia which claimed applicability in any given context. This project rejects this universal applicability in design and suggests a design paradigm anchored in the specificity of place. In doing so, this project adopts mapping and computational scenario modeling as vehicles for speculative designs of Bujumbura 2050.In the first stage, mapping is used to study the physical, spatio-cultural and social landscape of Bujumbura, Burundi. The landscape is studied both as a dynamic object standing as a cultural marker and as an instrumental maker of culture. Cultural mapping has been used as a community development tool, as such mapping can make visible the ways that “local cultural assets, stories, practices, relationships, memories, and rituals constitute places as meaningful locations and thus can serve as a point of entry into theoretical debates about the nature of spatial knowledge and spatial representations. But cultural maps are also artifacts (i.e., objects of study in their own right), forms of social action, foundations for advocacy, and,sometimes, works of art”.39  In addition the formal qualities of Bujumbura are studied and analyzed through geospatial studies and morphologi-cal studies of the urban landscape.  As the world continues to be interconnected and the dissemination of art, culture, and materials across borders intensifies, the retention of historical meaning and sense of place becomes essential to spatial design processes. The findings from mapping, as well as geospatial and morphological studies daylight the phenomenological and spatial compositions of Bujumbura,  which are then used to develop a set of indicators used as design guidelines.1.3.2. MODUS OPERANDI34 351. Marcinkoski, Christopher. The City That Never Was. First. Book, Whole. New York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press, 2015. 2. Le PNUD au Burundi. “« Bujumbura 2045 » un pôle urbain dynamique au cœur de l’Afrique.” Accessed May 11, 2020. https://www.bi.undp.org/content/burundi/fr/home/presscenter/articles/2017/11/29/bujumbura-2045-la-vision-d-un-pole-urbain-dynamique-au-c-ur-de-l-afrique.html. 3. Smith, Cauleen. Sixty Inches From Center. “Black To The Future Series: An Interview with Cauleen Smith,” September 4, 2012. http://sixtyinchesfromcenter.org/black-to-the-future-series-an-interview-with-cauleen-smith/. 4. “Old Walled City of Shibam.” UNESCO World Heritage Centre. Accessed October 13, 2019. https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/192/. 5. Corbusier, Le. The Radiant City: Elements of a Doctrine of Urbanism to Be Used as the Basis of Our Machine-Made Civilization. London: Faber, 1967. 6. Corbusier, Le. City of to-Morrow and Its Planning. Mineola, NY: Dover., n.d. 7. Oppenheim, Robert. (2009). Valérie Gelézeau, Ap’at’ǔ Konghwaguk[On the Republic of Apartments]. East Asian Science, Technology and Society: an International Journal. 3. 137-145. 10.1007/s12280-009-9080-y. 8. Ibid. 9. “Resident Households By Type Of Dwelling, Annual.” Singapore Department Of Statistics . Accessed November 12, 2019. https://www.tablebuilder.singstat.gov.sg/publicfacing/createDataTable.action?refId=12308. 10. Shin, Ho Soon, and Hyun Chang Yi. “The Korean Housing Market: Its Characteristics and Policy Responses.” Hot Property, 2019, 181–94. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11674-3_16. 11. Statista Research Department. “Japan: Tokyo Housing Distribution by Dwelling Type 2015.” Statista, October 26, 2016. https://www.statista.com/statistics/879391/japan-tokyo-household-accommodation-share-by-housing-type/. 12. Marcinkoski, Christopher. The City That Never Was. First. Book, Whole. New York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press, 2015, 18. 13. Ibid., 42.  14. Ibid., 42. 15. ArchDaily. “Eisenman’s Evolution: Architecture, Syntax, and New Subjectivity,” September 23, 2013. http://www.archdaily.com/429925/eisenman-s-evolution-architecture-syntax-and-new-subjectivity/. 16. Medina, Samuel. “A Ghost City in Angola, Built by the Chinese.” CityLab. Accessed December 15, 2019. http://www.theatlanticcities.com/design/2012/07/ghost-city-angola-built-chinese/2608/. 17. Lanquetin, Jean-Christophe. “High Class Shanty Towns | The Chimurenga Chronic.” Accessed May 11, 2020. http://chimurengachronic.co.za/high-class-shanty-town/. 18. Marcinkoski, Christopher. The City That Never Was. First. Book, Whole. New York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press, 2015, 220. NOTES19. Murray, Martin J. “‘City Doubles’: Re-Urbanism in Africa.” Cities and Inequalities in a Global and Neoliberal World, April 24, 2015. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315887593-13.20. Watson, Vanessa. “African Urban Fantasies: Dreams or Nightmares?” Environment and Urbanization 26, no. 1 (April 2014): 215–31. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956247813513705.21. Ibid. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid, 225. 24. Ibid, 225. 25. Murray, Martin J. “‘City Doubles’: Re-Urbanism in Africa,” 92. 26. Ibid, 92. 27. Makeka, Mokena.  “Thoughts on architecture, design & the emergent African city”. In Rogue Urbanism: Emergent African Cities. Pieterse, E. A., A. M. Simone, and University of Cape Town. African Centre for Cities. Auckland Park, South Africa: Jacana, 2013. 451 28. Le PNUD au Burundi. “« Bujumbura 2045 » un pôle urbain dynamique au cœur de l’Afrique.” Accessed May 11, 2020. https://www.bi.undp.org/content/burundi/fr/home/presscenter/arti-cles/2017/11/29/bujumbura-2045-la-vision-d-un-pole-urbain-dynamique-au-c-ur-de-l-afrique.html. 29. Luchesse, Daniela. “Africa.” Urban Design Group Journal. Dar, 2017, 9. http://www.udg.org.uk/sites/default/files/publications/UD141_magazine.pdf. 30. Galeano, Eduardo. Open Veins of Latin America: Five Centuries of the Pillage of a Continent. Monthly Review Press, 1997, 1. 31. Ibid, 2. 32. Womack, Ytasha. Afrofuturism: the World of Black Sci-Fi and Fantasy Culture. Chicago, IL: Lawrence Hill Books, 2013, 80. 33. Gundaker, Grey. “Design on the World: Blackness and the exclusion of Sub-Saharan Africa from the ‘Global’ History of landscape design” in Cultural Landscape Heritage in Sub-Saharan Africa. John Beardsley, and Dumbarton Oaks, eds, 2016. 34. Womack, Ytasha. Afrofuturism: the World of Black Sci-Fi and Fantasy Culture. Chicago, IL: Lawrence Hill Books, 2013, 17. 35. Rosner, Daniela. Critical Fabulations: Reworking the Methods and Margins of Design. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2018, 17. 36. Ibid, 101. 37. Ibid, 127. 38. Ibid, 81.39. Duxbury, Nancy, W. F. Garrett-Petts, David MacLennan, and Taylor & Francis eBooks A-Z. Cultur-al Mapping as Cultural Inquiry. 1st;1; Vol. 13. Book, Whole. New York: Routledge, 2015. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315743066. 02.  CONTEXT ANALYSIS2.1. BURUNDI2.1.1. BURUNDI 2.1.2. LAKE TANGANYIKA2.1.3. URUGO: A CULTURAL LANDSCAPEFig. 2-1 Photograph of Rolling Hills in Burundi  Credit: Author2.1.1. BURUNDI OVERVIEW 40 41Burundi is a small country right at the heart of Africa, bordered by Tanzania and Rwanda. Bujum-bura, the capital city of Burundi, where we ground our project, is situated by Lake Tanganyika.The urban growth of Burundi has recently been rising fast due to historical civil wars and mo-ments of political unrest that led to many people fleeing. The relative stability of the country is seeing the urbanization process pick up again.Area: 27,834 km²Population: 11,175,378Population density (people per sq km): 435.2National population growth rate(annual): 3.2%Urban population growth rate(annual): 5.7%ECONOMYGross National Income (GNI) per capita: $280GNI per capita, Purchasing Power Parity: $740GDP Growth (annual): 1.6%Agriculture, forestry, fishing, value added (% of GDP): 30.6%Industry, value added (% of GDP): 11.6%Fig. 2-2 Map of Burundi Credit: Author42 43Infographic Map of BurundiFig. 2-3 National Indicators of East African Countries Credit: Author44 45BURUNDI27.8 km²11.18 million ETHIOPIA1,104.30 km²109.22 millionKENYA580.4 km²51.39 millionRWANDA26.3 km²12.3 millionTANZANIA947.3 km²56.32 millionUGANDA241.6 km²42.72 millionPEOPLE ENVIRONMENT TECHNOLOGY ECONOMY Terrestrial &Marine ProtectedArea Cell phonesubscriptions(per 100 ppl)GDP (billions) GDP annualgrowth rate GNI/ capita Agriculture, forestry, fishing(% of GDP)Industry(% of GDP)Pop. Growth(annual %) 3.2 2.6 2.3 2.6 3.0 3.7 435.2 109.2 90.3 498.7 63.6 213.15.7 4.8 4.1 3.1 5.1 6.2 7.6 18.510.59.1 31 16.156.5 36.296.378.9 77.2 57.33.08 84.36 87.91 9.51 57.44 27.48 1.6 6.8 6.3 8.7 5.2 6.1 7402,010 3,4302,210 3,160 1,970 31 31 34 29 29 24 12 27 16 16 25 20 Pop. Density(ppl/ sq km) Urban Pop. Growth(annual %) National Indicators of East African Cities Fig. 2-4 Topographic Section of Burundi  Credit: Author46 472500ALTITUDE(M)TOPOGRAPHICAL PROFILEBURUNDILONGITUDE(KM)WESTRDCBUJUMBURATANZANIAEAST22502000175015001250100050030 9060IMBOLAKETANGANYIKAMIRWACENTRALPLATEAU KUMOSO CRETECONGO-NIL120 150 180774Topographic Profile of BurundiFig. 2-5 Photograph of Lake Tanganyika Shore Credit: Author48 49Lake Tanganyika is bordered by Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania and Zambia. “Considered one of the African Great Lakes, Tanganyika is the world’s second largest lake (by volume) and the second deepest, after Russia’s Lake Baikal. It contains 17 percent of the world’s surface freshwater – almost as much water as all five of the North American Great Lakes combined”.1 While Lake Tanganyika is a key natural, social and economic resource for Burundi, it also faces severe watershed degrada-tion, excess sedimentation, overfishing, pollution, and habitat destruction.2 While Lake Tanganyika’s shore in Bujumbura still has a largely undevel-oped basin, Bujumbura is the main source of industrial pollution in Burundi.3 2.1.2. LAKE TANGANYIKA50 51The population around the catchment area of Lake Tanganyika in Burundi was estimated at 10 million people in 2008 with a rapid population growth rate of 3.5%. Three quarters of households in Bujumbura use the lake’s water for meeting their daily needs.4 The lake provides a key transport and communications link, supporting the economic and social development of lake shore communities as it is a permanent source of water for industrial and agricultural development as well as for domestic use.5 Stormwater management is a key concern for ensuring the preservation of Lake Tang-anyika.Poorly planned urbanization near the lake shore is a phenomenon that creates a different set of threats. Domestic sewage, household and industrial wastes find their way into the water courses and ultimately into the lake. These unwanted pollutants are slowly distributed throughout the lake by wind-driven currents and seiches. The agricultural run-off from the rivers Malagarasi and Rusizi leads to increased pollution in the lake as well.6Urban Development InfluenceLake Tanganyika is a large East African rift valley system holding about 1/6 of the world’s liquid freshwater with about 2000 species of organisms (fauna and flora), of which about 700 are endemic.7Climate change is threatening the ecological health of Lake Tanganyika with predicted air temperature increases of 1.3–1.7degrees Celsius for the Great Lakes region of East Africa within the next 80 years.8 The increased thermal stability, coupled with a decrease in wind velocity, has reduced the mixing depth in the lake. This reduced mixing impairs the natural nutrient hydrodynamics processes resulting in diminished deep-water nutrient inputs to the surface waters, subsequently causing a decline in primary produc-tion rates.9 This inferred decrease in primary productivity has resulted in a roughly 30% decline in the pelagic fish catches.10 Climate change has not only compromised the ecological health of Lake Tanganyika, but also the socio-economic conditions of the lake-dependent population.Climate ChangeFig. 2-6 Photograph of Traditional Urugo Credit: Author52 53In Burundi, urugo is the vernacular place of dwelling that includes courtyard(s) and shelter(s) for people, cattle, and spiritual beings. Urugo is not only used to denote a physical space, but also to reference a family unit, represented by the father. If one were to say urugo of [insert father’s name], they can refer to the spatial home and/or the family itself. The ancient urugo is a living repository of Burundian identity and culture. In this project, the experiential and formal spatial qualities of urugo are studied across time. The landscape is studied as a dynamic object both standing as a cultural marker and as an instrumental maker of culture.Since the way we shape and interact with our sur-rounding environment reflects our value systems, the variations in the spatio-cultural landscape of the urugo across time are studied to uncover the historical changes of the relationships between humans and other humans, between humans and deities, and between humans and nature. The way these living spaces and relationships have evolved across time and space are studied in this section.This spatial and socio-cultural exploration into landscapes and social practices of the past feeds the imagination in envisioning a new radical futur-istic urugo anchored in Burundi’s evolving social systems and values. 2.1.3. URUGO: A CULTURAL LANDSCAPEFig. 2-7 Construction of Traditional Urugo Credit: Author54 551.0  CHOOSING & PREPARING THE SITE   2.0  HARVESTING & GATHERING MATERIALS3.0  ANCHORING STRUCTURAL POLES4.0  ANCHORING STAKES5.0  FRAMING VAULTED CEILING6.0  THATCH COVERAGEUrugo: Construction Stages11 A process of selecting and grading the site for a new urugo was the first stage. After this, trees were planted, not only to mark the site but because the chosen trees to be planted had functional and sacred significance that were essential to the life of the household. These included: Ficus ovata, Erythrica abyssinica, Chenopodiaccae sp., Solanum aculestrum. Gathering materials was a process that involved the whole community, and took place during the rainy season. Construction typically begun during the dry season when farming activities are low, and the whole community could assist in this task (about 20 to 30 people).The radius of a house was typically between 2.5-3.0m, with a height of 3m. This would give a liveable space of about 20 by 20 sq. m. to a single family. Wealthy families could have a house of a radius up to 5m.About 50 to 60 poles were anchored every 30 to 40cm, with an entrance about 80cm wide.The roof requires the framing of the vault, a task typically accomplished by men while women would weave and decorate the ceiling. 1.02.03.04.05.06.056 57Fig. 2-8 Spatial Expansion of Traditional Urugo Credit: Author1.0  SINGLE FAMILY HOUSE  2.0  MAIN COURTYARD (URUGO) CONSTRUCTION3.0  ENTRY AND BACK COURTYARD CONSTRUCTION4.0  ADDITION OF HOME FOR SECOND MARRIED SON 5.0  DEPARTURE OF ONE MARRIED SONUrugo: Socio-spatial Study12 The enclosure served to protect cattle, but also served as a symbol for family cohesion.The backyard (akago) was a private area of the urugo, which was reserved for the family and close friends. This was also the place where sacred rituals took place under the sacred trees. The place of worship was marked by 3 sacred trees and a structure smaller in size compared to the main house. This place was called Igitabo, which translates to a book. Granaries were also placed in the backyard. The front-yard was where guests would wait until they were invited into the main courtyard.1.02.03.04.05.06.0Fig. 2-9 Precolonial Urugo Spatial Analysis Credit: AuthorHomestead surrounded by ficus trees and agricultural land consisting of several dwellings for multi-generational family, cattle and spiritual deities. Urugo is a living, social, productive and sacred space. The precolonial urugo was a multifunctional landscape.Precolonial Urugo Typology_ Organic (Family-led)58 59Fig. 2-10 Contemporary High Standing Urugo Spatial Analysis Credit: AuthorColonialism introduced new forms and co-erced a new set of social values in Burundi. Vernacular forms and functions changed to reflect the colonial value system. The Contemporary High Standing Urugo is not a multifunctional space and is vegetated with mainly ornamental planting. Zoning was introduced and separates land-uses and the urugo becomes solely single-family residen-tial. Burundian sacred rituals are coercively replaced by Christianity. Contemporary High Standing  Urugo Typology _ Planned60 61Fig. 2-11 Contemporary Low Standing Urugo Spatial Analysis Credit: AuthorRapid urban growth in Bujumbura is signifi-cantly changing the landscape of the urugo, whereby a single urugo grows incrementally to accommodate city’s growing population. In low standing neighborhoods of Bujumbura, initially planned urugos are growing exponen-tially and transforming from a single family to a multi-family space. This growth is mainly happening horizontally and informally, due to lack of resources and means to build ver-tically. The scarcity of land availability often means that these urugos lack any planting. In Bujumbura, along with high economic disparity between the rich and majority poor, there is also a significant green disparity.Contemporary Low Standing  Urugo Typology _ Initial Planning & Spontaneous Growth (Community-led)62 63Fig. 2-12 Comparison of Urugos Across Time Credit: AuthorChanges in the Spatial Qualities of Urugo Across Time64 65Fig. 2-13 Spatial Narrative Drawings of Traditional Urugo Credit: Author66 672.2. BUJUMBURA2.2.1. BUJUMBURA2.2.2. NEIGHBOURHOOD ANALYSIS 2.2.3. BUYENZI: RELATIONAL URBANISMFig. 2-14 Photograph of Neighbourhood in Bujumbura Credit: Author2.2.1. BUJUMBURA 70 71One can say that the city of Bujumbura was born out of the colonial need for political control, labor and resource exploitation. Lake Tanganyika served as an access point to Bujumbura and became a central location for market exchanges and coastal control for colonial powers; hence the port presence on the shore.  First under German colonial rule from 1897 to 1916, then Belgian rule from 1916 to 1962, Bujumbura (then called Usumbura) was organized spatially based on race; subdivided into European, Asian and African neighborhoods.13As many colonial cities, the original conception of the city of Bujumbura was driven by socio-spatial segregation marked by different building aesthet-ics and style meant to imply European superiority. Colonial authorities named streets in French that referred to Europe, with some of these references remaining today. Native flora was destroyed and replaced with foreign flora, disturbing and ravaging the local ecology. 72 73After the second world war from 1949 to 1959, Bujumbura experienced rapid urban growth as the global economy picked up, resulting in a surge in industrial and commercial activities.14 During this period, the colonial powers brought a large number of Congolese workers into Bujumbura as workers. In fact, in 1955 Bujumbura had a larger urban popula-tion of foreigners (72.8%) than it did Barundis (27.2%). It was later that the rural migration introduced more Barundis to Bujumbura.15In 1962 Burundi gained independence, and occupation started in the vacant spaces that acted as segregation belts between the European neighborhood and African neighbor-hoods in Bujumbura.16 Even after Burundi’s independence, the inherited discriminatory urban framework persisted and continued to guide socio-spatial growth of the city, even while old European houses were sold to Barundis in the 1970s. A key factor that continues to limit the expansion of the city is the Lake Tanganyika and the steep topography of the hills on the east of Bujumbura. In the 1990’s, there was an emergence of national urban plans, social housing and education centers planning. However, these never came to fruition due to the civil war that ravaged Burundi in 1993. The civil war of 1993 interrupted the life of the city and the country in ways that still echo today.It is in the outskirts of the city where the majority of rural migrants settled to start a new life in the city of Bujumbura. The development in these areas is spontaneous and often lacks infrastructure for sanitation, clean water and stormwater management. Nonethe-less, it is in these peri-urban areas where the majority of the urban population lives and where most urban agriculture is found. While Bujumbura’s urban population continues to be on the rise, the majority of Burundi’s population remains rural; with approximately 80% of people living in rural areas as farmers, making the national economy mainly informal. The informal agricultural industry creates far more employment than any of the formal economic sectors at the national scale.17 In urban centers, the informal economy is dominated by small scale commerce, craftsmanship, and poultry breeding.18 There are other factors that make the informal economy more prominent in Burundi; lack of capital and access to financing for people to acquire the necessary equipment to carry out their work, issues with access to workplaces, and adequate housing that is centrally located markets. This means that a lot of entrepreneurial activities take place on roadsides or are integrated within residential spaces, even when these proximities can be risky from a physical and environmental standpoint.  While the informal sector is a vital part of the socio-economic life of Burundi, this sector still lacks the supporting infrastructure to fill the large gaps of the formal economy in cre-ating jobs for a large portion of the urban population. From a socio-cultural standpoint, urban life in Burundi is perceived with tension between the traditional and the modern, whereby in wanting to assimilate to this modern quality of urban life Barundis are letting the traditional socio-cultural values take a back seat, risking alienating their cultural identity. As urbanization continues to rise in Bujumbura, this project aims to design living spaces that reflect and sustain Burundi’s cultural identity.Fig. 2-15 Infographics of Bujumbura Credit: Author74 75Fig. 2-16 Urban Expansion of Bujumbura Diagram  Credit: AuthorFig. 2-17 Bujumbura Network Typology Study  Credit: Author2.2.2. NEIGHBOURHOOD ANALYSIS76 77URBAN EXPANSION NETWORK TYPOLOGYFig. 2-18 Bujumbura Urban Block Typology Study  Credit: AuthorFig. 2-19 Bujumbura Street-Life Typology Study  Credit: Author78 79URBAN BLOCK TYPOLOGY STREET-LIFE TYPOLOGYFig. 2-20 Physical & Social Vulnerability Maps of Bujumbura  Credit: Author80 81POPUL ATION DENSIT Y HOUSING QUALIT YHEALTH CENTRE NUMBER WALK ABILIT Y/PROXIMIT YNEIGHBOURHOODS300ppl/km217ppl/km20.2/10000 hab. 6.8/10000 hab.badgoodURBAN EXPANSION BUYENZIPOPUL ATION DENSIT Y HOUSING QUALIT YHEALTH CENTRE NUMBER WALK ABILIT Y/PROXIMIT YNEIGHBOURHOODS300ppl/km217ppl/km20.2/1000  hab. 6.8/10000 hab.badgoodURBAN EXPANSION BUYENZIPOPUL ATION DENSIT Y HOUSING QUALIT YHEALTH CENTRE NUMBER WALK ABILIT Y/PROXIMIT YNEIGHBOURHOODS300ppl/km217ppl/km20.2/10000 hab. 6.8/10000 hab.badgoodURBAN EXPANSION BUYENZIPOPUL ATION DENSIT Y HOUSING QUALIT YHEALTH CENTRE NUMBER WALK ABILIT Y/PROXIMIT YNEIGHBOURHOODS300ppl/km217ppl/km20.2/10000 hab. 6.8/10000 hab.badgoodURBAN EXPANSION BUYENZIFig. 2-21 Neighbourhood Infrastructure Access Comparison  Credit: Author82 832.2.3. BUYENZI: RELATIONAL URBANISMFig. 2-22 Open Spaces of Buyenzi Neighbourhood  Credit: Author84 85Relational Urbanism relates morphological, social, economic and environmental challenges towards a holistic urban design response. Relational Urbanism is a design meth-odology born as a response to the basic parametric modelling for cities, adding a missing link between the morphologic design aspect of this practice and the support of evidence-based knowledge coming from disciplines, such as engi-neering and economics.19 The city is analyzed as a dynamic complex system in order to intervene in a synergistic manner that balances questions of control and flexibility in urban design.Fig. 2-23 Network Analysis of Major Streets in Buyenzi  Credit: Author86 87Fig. 2-24 Network Analysis of Back Alleys in Buyenzi  Credit: Author88 89Fig. 2-25 Social Exchange Diagram in Buyenzi  Credit: Author90 91Fig. 2-26 Relational Diagram of Buyenzi Neighbourhood Credit: Author92 932.3. VISIONARY URBANISM2.3.1. HISTORICAL URBAN FORMS IN AFRICA2.3.2. CONTEMPORARY AFRICAN URBANISM2.3.3. LEAPFROGGINGFig. 2-27 Reproduction of African Fractal Patterns from “African Fractals: Modern Computing and Indigenous Design” by Ron Eglash Credit: Ron Eglash96 97Urbanism has been a widespread mode of African life for thousands of years. But the characterization of African structures as no more than rural “mud huts” has been part of a systematic effort to discredit the existence of this mode of life.20 However, across the continent, the built environment was often organized into fractal patterns, which Europeans perceived as disorderly and consequently imposed a grid system onto the landscape.21 “African designs and landscapes contain a vast compendium of information about living with and within fractal environments as well as the negotiation of balance between proliferating and contained forms”.22  However, speaking of an “African” architectural urbanism presents a serious danger in generalizing the continent and overlooking its rich diversity, thereby reproducing the European colonial enterprise of inventing a caricaturist primitive homogeneous Africa.  Eglash studied and documented the geometric, symbolic and quantitative aspects of African fractals, whereby he carefully cautioned that it is not the only pattern possible, but rather “a pattern of resemblance that can be seen when we describe a wide variety of African mathematical ideas and practices” .23 Fractals are present in many design themes in African cultures.Eglash identifies 5 essential elements of fractal geometry:24• Recursion, where “fractals are generated by a circular process, a loop in which the output at one stage becomes the input for the next” (5)• Scaling• Self-similarity• Infinity• Fractional dimension“Fractal geometry can indeed take us into the far reaches of high-tech science, its patterns are surprisingly common in traditional African designs, and some of its basic concepts are fundamental to African knowledge systems”.25  While there is great diversity within precolonial African settlements, fractal characteristics, whereby similar patterns are repeated at ever diminishing scales, are displayed across the continent.2.3.1. HISTORICAL URBAN FORMS IN AFRICAOwari GameStreets of CairoBamileke SettlementFig. 2-28 Reproduction of African Fractal Patterns from “African Fractals: Modern Computing and Indigenous Design” by Ron Eglash Credit: Ron Eglash98 99It must be noted that while colonial discourse has tended to equate such fractal structures to romantic organicism, “the fractal structure of African architecture is a conscious, intentional invention embedded in African indigenous knowledge systems”.26While traditional African settlements generally display fractal designs, typical European & American settlements display Euclidean designs, whereby cities are laid out in a grid pattern of straight streets and right angles.27 European colonizers perceived the absence of a complete Euclidean organization system within African settlements to be synonymous with chaos and randomness, and used their lack of understanding and appreciation of the fractal structures as “colonial proof of primitivism” needing their colonial reasoning and control.28 Eglash states that unlike African fractal designs “when European designs are fractal, it is usually due to an effort to mimic nature” or the result of unconscious social dynamics such as those of urban sprawl in European cities.29 “This may be due to a difference between African concepts of intention, which can apply to a group project created over several generations, versus the Western focus on individual performing immediate action in defining intentionality”.30  On the other hand, “African fractals based on mimicry of natural form are relatively rare; their inspiration tends to come from the realm of culture”.31 Whereas Euro-Americans would never think to have a governor’s mansion shaped like a peasant’s shack (or vice versa), precolonial African architecture typically used the same form at different sizes.Architecture often provides excellent examples of cultural design themes, because anything that is going to be so much a part of our lives- a structure that makes up our built environment, one in which we live work and play- is likely to have its design informed by our social concepts.32Ba-ilaLabezanga MokoulekFig. 2-29 Photos of Street Life in African Cities Credit: Author100 101On the African continent, and most of the Global South, urban and economic informality are the norm. The spatial dimensions of such informality translates into the majority of urban populations living in informal settlements, that are often composed of self-constructed inadequate shelters in areas lacking essential civic services, amenities and articulated public spaces.33 Currently, 62% of the African urban population live in slums and 70% work informally.34 In the face of rampant poverty, high unemployment and a malfunctioning welfare system, the majority of urban Africans are often forced to rely on entrepreneurial-ism and on informal economic activities to pursue their livelihoods. In addition to conventional markets and commercial spaces, public spaces often act as spaces for informal as well as formal businesses.“The so-called informal is a product of formal practices, although they often slip and slide past each other in their different sets of social codes”.35 Pieterse marks that urban grown in African cities will most likely manifest itself in the form of slums, where households generally lack basic essential services and people find themselves having to carve out a way to meet their needs.36 While these infrastructural issues are significant, it is important to note the richness that exists in the everyday lives of life in the slums. Slum dwellers are not to be reduced to their lack of resources. These communities find innovative methods to hack and connect to the formal processes and materials of the city as a means to claim their right to the city. They compose a significant majority of the urban population and are key contributors and drivers of the economy, both formal and informal. Encountered through datam a city can disappear into flows of information… But if one comes to know a place not by data about it but by the dirt on the ground [...] then the city is never anything other than what it is. Its ground is always the basis of its claim to being a place that has a unique location, character and substance.37The city is not a physical artifact that can be reduced to its architectonic and spatial arrangements; it must also be defined by the ever-changing specific experiences it orchestrates. 2.3.2. CONTEMPORARY AFRICAN URBANIZATIONFig. 2-30 Photograph of Neighbourhood Street in Conakry, Guinea Credit: Author102 103Cities are [...] emergent outcomes of complex interactions between overlapping socio-political, cultural, institutional and technical networks that are, in turn, in a constant state of flux as vast socio-metabolic flows of material resources, bodies, energy, cultural practices and information work their way through urban systems in ways that are simultaneously routinized, crisis-ridden and transformative.38 Thus the city also needs a material and phenomenological reading. The images presented document urban street life in Harare, Conakry, Bujumbura and Addis Ababa. While these show unique phenomena of each city, they also portray urban trends within Sub-Saharan Africa. The most visible forms of economic activity in Global South urban centres take the form of street vending.39 Street vendors are such an integral part of the social, economic and cultural identity of African cities and could be considered an emblem of African urban phenomenology. The street is a multi-functional space, thus representing an important social, commercial and physical infrastructure for the majority of urban Africans.104 105Afrocentric urbanism rejects the idea that the Western notions of architecture, urban theory and knowledge production are universally applicable. As African cities continue to experience rapid urban growth, one critical task is finding an urban design practice that will maintain local identity and culture. A decolonized design practice is imperative to represent and celebrate the plurality of the world beyond the hegemonic Euro-centric production of knowledge, urban theories and school of thoughts. This project adopts the concept of leapfrogging in the design realm to emerging African cities. Leapfrogging refers to the process whereby developing countries can avoid repeating past negative experiences of developed economies and bypass them to better paths, through observed experiences and technological opportunities. For instance, the use of cell phones in Africa allowed online banking to become the main form of banking before conventional banking systems. In addition, “leapfrogging straight to cleaner production paradigms from the outset, developing countries may also be able to avoid getting “locked” into hydrocarbon intensive technologies and infrastructures, as has happened to industrialized economies”.40 While leapfrogging has mainly been related to developmental realms in the economic and political sphere, it can extend to how we imagine and design African cities as they embrace innovation and new technologies. This approach is in line with the Afrofuturism framework of this project, which operates at the intersection of technology, imagination, the future and liberation. 2.3.3. LEAPFROGGING106 107NOTES1. Nkotagu, Hudson H. “Lake Tanganyika Ecosystem Management Strategies.” Aquatic Ecosystem Health & Management 11, no. 1, March 10, 2008, : 36–41, 37. https://doi.org/10.1080/14634980801891373. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid.  4. Ndayirukiye, Sylvestre. Bujumbura Centenaire, 1897-1997: Croissance Et défis. Paris: Harmattan, 2002. 5. Nkotagu, Hudson H. “Lake Tanganyika Ecosystem Management Strategies,” 37. 6. Ibid, 37. 7. Ibid, 37. 8. Verburga, Piet, and Robert E. Hecky. “The Physics of the Warming of Lake Tanganyika by Climate Change.” Limnology and Oceanography 54, no. 6part2 (2009): 2418–30. https://doi.org/10.4319/lo.2009.54.6_part_2.2418. 9. Nkotagu, Hudson H. “Lake Tanganyika Ecosystem Management Strategies,” 39. 10. Borre, Lisa. “Warming Lakes: Climate Change Threatens the Ecological Stability of Lake Tanganyika.” Na-tional Geographic Society Newsroom, December 14, 2017. https://blog.nationalgeographic.org/2013/03/07/warming-lakes-climate-change-threatens-the-ecological-stability-of-lake-tanganyika/. 11. Acquier, Jean-Louis. Le Burundi. Marseille, France: Editions Parenthèses, 1986. 12. Ibid. 13. Ndayirukiye, Sylvestre. Bujumbura Centenaire, 1897-1997: Croissance Et défis. Paris: Harmattan, 2002. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Niyongere, Alphone. “La crise des activités du secteur informel”  in Bujumbura Centenaire, 1897-1997: Croissance Et défis. Ndayirukiye, Sylvestre.  Paris: Harmattan, 2002, 191. 18. Nibigira, Concilie. “Les femmes dans le développement de l’économie urbaine”  in Bujumbura Centenaire, 1897-1997: Croissance Et défis. Ndayirukiye, Sylvestre.  Paris: Harmattan, 2002, 201. 19. Llabres, Enriqueta and Eduardo Rico. “In Progress: Relational Urban Models.” Urban Design International 17, no. 4, 2012: 319-335, 319.  20. Gundaker, Grey. “Design on the World: Blackness and the exclusion of Sub-Saharan Africa from the ‘Glob-al’ History of landscape design” in Cultural Landscape Heritage in Sub-Saharan Africa. John Beardsley, and Dumbarton Oaks, eds, 2016, 29. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid, 35. 23. Eglash, Ron. African Fractals: Modern Computing and Indigenous Design. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 1999, 182. 24. Ibid, 17. 25. Ibid, 3.  26. Ibid. 27. Ibid.  28. Ibid, 196.  29. Ibid, 51. 30. Ibid, 174. 31. Ibid, 51. 32. Ibid, 20. 33. Gouverneur, David. Planning and Design for Future Informal Settlements: Shaping the Self-Constructed City. London: Routledge, 2018. 34. Watson, Vanessa. Planning and the New Urban Agenda. Urban Design Magazine- Africa, Issue 141, 2017 35. Makeka, Mokena.  “Thoughts on architecture, design & the emergent African city”. In Rogue Urbanism: Emergent African Cities. Pieterse, E. A., A. M. Simone, and University of Cape Town. African Centre for Cities. Auckland Park, South Africa: Jacana, 2013, 451. 36. Pieterse, E. A., A. M. Simone, and University of Cape Town. African Centre for Cities. Rogue Urbanism: Emergent African Cities. Book, Whole. Auckland Park, South Africa: Jacana, 2013. 37. Barac, Matthew.  “Place resists Grounding African urban order in an age of global change”. In Rogue Urbanism: Emergent African Cities. Pieterse, E. A., A. M. Simone, and University of Cape Town. African Centre for Cities. Auckland Park, South Africa: Jacana, 2013, 49. 38. Swilling, Mark.  “Reconceptualising urbanism, ecology and networked infrastructure”. In Rogue Urbanism: Emergent African Cities. Pieterse, E. A., A. M. Simone, and University of Cape Town. African Centre for Cities. Auckland Park, South Africa: Jacana, 2013, 67. 39. Jenkins, Paul. “Regularising “informality”: turning the legitimate into legal?.” N-AERUS Workshop, Centre for Environment & Human Settlements, Edinburgh School of Planning & Housing. 2001. 40. Perkins, Richard. “Environmental Leapfrogging in Developing Countries: A Critical Assessment and Reconstruction.” Natural Resources Forum 27, no. 3, 2003: 177–88, 177. https://doi.org/10.1111/1477-8947.00053. BUJUMBURA 2050A NEW DESIGN MATRIX LYS DIVINE NDEMEYE | YILANG KAREN KANG03.  DESIGN DEVELOPMENT3.1. DESIGN MATRIX3.1.1. DESIGN  PRINCIPLES & FRAMEWORK3.1.2. DESIGN MATRIX112 1131.0 INFORMAL ARMATURESThe virtues of the vibrant social informal fabric merge with sustainable planned visions and design interventions.2.0 MULTI FUNCTIONAL STREETSCAPESStreetscapes are the primary public/ communal and commercial spaces serving not solely as movement corridors but a vibrant multi-functional space for community life.3.0 RELATIONAL URBANISMRelational Urbanism relates morphological, social, economic and environmental challenges towards a holistic urban design response.4.0 PROTECTIVE CORRIDORSProtective corridors limit activities and settlement in order to minimize pressures in fragile and ecologi-cally sensitive environment.5.0 INCREMENTALISMSpaces have a built in flexibility, as a whole settle-ment is not fully established at the outset, but rather grows progressively as needs arise and change.6.0 SPATIAL DENSITY & FLUIDITYSite layout should maximize flexible spaces that allow a diversity of encounters, uses and activities to occur.1.0 INFORMAL ARMATURES4.0 PROTECTIVE CORRIDORS2.0 MULTI FUNCTIONAL STREETSCAPES5.0 INCREMENTALISM3.0 RELATIONAL URBANISM6.0 SPATIAL DENSITY & FLUIDITYFig. 3-1 Design Principles & FrameworkCredit: Author3.1.1. DESIGN PRINCIPLES & FRAMEWORK114 115The Bujumbura 2050 Design Matrix is an alternative to profit-oriented, placeless design processes employed by global real estate actors such as the Singaporean Enterprise Corporation. This matrix serves as a guideline and test for cultural appropriateness in Bujumbura’s urban design. Cultural appropriateness is mea-sured through spatial fluidity, genius loci and urban performance. These elements were chosen as a result of mapping, geospatial and morphological studies of Bujumbura which daylighted the historical and contemporary phenomenological and morphological character of the city.As this project positions itself to advocate for a paradigm shift anchored in the specificity of space, it seeks to position itself on a high level of spatial fluidity, genius loci, in order to facilitate a highly performative urban environment.“Being under continuous change, it is very important to discover the landscape specific features that could be transmitted to future generations. Those features represent the identity of a community and should be seen as part of its Genius loci”.1 While this project looks specifically at Burundi, it aims to set a precedent in incorporating culture and vernacular in the process of city making, especially in communities that have been subjected to spatial colonial violence and have been ignored by the dominant Euro-centric design paradigm. The Bujumbura 2050 Design Matrix is thus used as a design guideline.3.1.2. DESIGN MATRIXFig. 3-2 Bujumbura 2050 Design MatrixCredit: Author116 117Urban performance is measured by qualities such as connectivity, relational urbanism and ecological performance. In this project, urban performance focuses on balancing a planned and designed urban intervention coupled with organic incremental growth of the community, whereby intentionality and informality merge. Spatial fluidity is defined through flexible and multi-functional spaces. These spaces offer different conditions for urban infill in environments that are constantly changing, in order to respond to specific needs as they arise.Genius Loci emphasizes an approach whereby the local landscape and identity drive and reflect the urban intervention at a morphological level and phenomenological level. This project aims to propose a spatial design and narrative which is anchored in the cultural identity of Burundi.Fig. 3-3 Bujumbura 2050 Design Matrix ComponentsCredit: Author3.2. SITE ANALYSIS3.2.1. ZONE OF INTEREST3.2.2. GRAVITY CENTRALITY ANALYSIS3.2.3. TRANSECT ANALYSIS3.2.4. SOLAR STUDY3.2.5. SITE CONTEXT DIAGRAMS120 121The zone of interest for our intervention differs from the Bujumbura 2045 proposal which is situated along the ecologically sensitive shore area of Lake Tanganyika, and privatizes the shore to those who would otherwise occupy the space.The chosen zone of interest integrates itself into the existing urban fabric and recuper-ates a private golf course. While the golf course is one of the largest green areas in the city, it is highly inaccessible to the majority of the population and stands as a strong symbol of colonialism at the city’s core. By selecting this particular site, we aim to reclaim and create  an urban landscape that is reflective of the community’s needs and identity. 3.2.1. ZONE OF INTERESTFig. 3-4 Satellite Image of Zone of InterestCredit: Google Earth122 123The network centrality analysis was conduct-ed using Decoding Space (Grasshopper-base, computational data analytic tool) to assess the connectivity of the network patterns. This revealed a high level of connectivity for the zone of interest. 3.2.2. GRAVITY CENTRALITY ANALYSISFig. 3-5 Result of Gravity Centrality AnalysisCredit: Author124 125The  urban transect analyses and cate-gorizes urban forms and socio-economic characters of the different zones. This project’s zone of interest is situated in  the Commercial & Light Industrial Transect Zone. 3.2.3. TRANSECT ANALYSISFig. 3-6 Urban Transect AnalysisCredit: Author126 127Fig. 3-7 Zone of Interest Sundial DiagramCredit: Author3.2.4. SOLAR STUDYThe sundial graph for the zone of interest was created using a grasshopper climatic data analytic tool, Lady Bug.  Using Energy Plus Weather Data of Bujumbura, this tool enabled the visualization of the solar analy-sis of our zone of interest. The analysis was also used in informing our design intervention. 128 129The chosen site of intervention within our zone of interest is a golf course surrounded by a myriad of different areas; from downtown, to mixed-use commercial & residential zones, an industrial port zone, and in close proximity to one of densest neighborhoods of Bujumbura known as Buyenzi. 3.2.5. SITE CONTEXT DIAGRAMSFig. 3-8 Site Context Diagram Highlighting AdjacenciesCredit: AuthorRESIDENTIAL & COMMERCIAL MIX-USE ZONEINDUSTRIAL ZONELOW-INCOMENEIGHBORHOOD(BUYENZI)130 131TO LAKE TANGANYIKATO MOUNTAINSFig. 3-9 Site Context Diagram Highlighting Street Network ConnectionsCredit: Author3.3. EXPERIMENT _ 013.3.1. VERNACULAR FORM EXPLORATION            _BUILDING FORM3.3.2. VERNACULAR FORM EXPLORATION          _STREET PATTERN3.3.3. BUILDING FORM & STREET PATTERN           COMBINED3.3.4. EVALUATION134 135Fig. 3-10 Building form explorationCredit: Author3.3.1. VERNACULAR FORM EXPLORATION           _ BUILDING FORMThe focus of this experiment was a mor-phological exploration of building form with varying carrying capacity. The forms are derived from cultural artifacts, forms and fractal African patterns.136 137HEX_WEAVINGBRANCHINGINFINITYBROKEN GRIDGRAVITY CENTRALITYHIGHLOWThe street networks are parametrically generated to reflect fractal designs inherent in historical African settlements. This is followed by an evaluation of the street networks for their walkability and centrality in their urban function potential. This is completed using Decoding Space Centrality Analysis Tool. 3.3.2. VERNACULAR EXPLORATION            _ STREET NETWORKFig. 3-11 Street Network Exploration & Gravity Centrality AnalysisCredit: Author138 139H E X _ W E A V I N G  B R A N C H I N GI N F I N I T YB R O K E N  G R I DThe generated street networks and building forms are combined parametrically to eval-uate the Gross Floor Area of a 400x400m block with a required carrying capacity of 5,500 people. Buildings with greater carrying capacity leave more open spaces on the block.  3.3.3. BUILDING FORM           & STREET NETWORK COMBINEDFig. 3-12 Street Network exploration & Building Form ExplorationCredit: Author140 141URBANPERFORMANCEWhile the morphological exploration ranks high on the genius loci axis as the forms are derived from cultural artifacts, forms and fractal African patterns, these explorations did not have a high account for spatial fluidity. 3.3.4. EVALUATIONFig. 3-14 Design Matrix - Experiment 01 EvaluationCredit: Author3.4. EXPERIMENT _ 023.4.1. RELATIONAL STRATEGY 3.4.2. NEIGHBORHOOD STRATEGY3.4.3. EVALUATION144 145This is a study of an urban block in Buyenzi, one of the densest neighbor-hoods in Bujumbura. Growing urbaniza-tion needs have been driving communi-ty-led incremental growth of low income neighborhoods in Bujumbura. This results in a scarcity of space that transforms streets into spillover spaces for domestic and informal economic and productive activities. This produces highly relational and multi-functional neighbourhoods that are also highly connected.  3.4.1. RELATIONAL STRATEGYFig. 3-15 Incrementalism and Relational Urbanism Study of Buyenzi NeighbourhoodCredit: Author146 147Using a mat-typology, the neighborhood block serves as a framework which has the capacity to accommodate the future growth needs within itself, thereby preserving the spatial fluidity and incremental quality of the space.Instead of using form as the main design driver, phenomenology and relationships among urban components are the impetus for generative street networks and massing. 3.4.2. NEIGHBORHOOD STRATEGYFig. 3-16  Relational Urbanism - Mat Typology ExplorationCredit: Author148 149URBANPERFORMANCEWhile this second experiment was able to translate the socio-economic dynamics and spatial fluidity of the existing living spaces of Bujumbura into a speculative relational spatial arrangement, it falls short in accounting for its grounding into the local geography of Bujumbura. 3.4.3. EVALUATIONFig. 3-17 Design Matrix - Experiment 02 EvaluationCredit: Author3.5. EXPERIMENT _ 033.5.1. MODULAR LIVING UNIT3.5.2. MODULAR BLOCK UNIT3.5.3. MATERIALITY3.5.4. GROUNDING STRATEGY3.5.5. INCREMENTAL URBANISM3.5.6. DESIGN RENDERS3.5.7. EVALUATION152 153URUGO BUYENZI MODULAR LIVING UNITINCREMENTAL UNIT 3.0INCREMENTAL UNIT 2.0PRIMARY UNITINCREMENTAL UNIT 1.0 3.5.1. MODULAR LIVING UNIT Fig. 3-18 Modular Living Unit DiagramCredit: AuthorWe adopt incremental principles in our con-ception of the living spaces of Bujumbura 2050. In doing so, we explore multi-function-al modular living units which have a built-in capacity to grow over time. Our project’s capacity for incrementalism highlights the flexibility of living spaces as they evolve in order to adapt to rising changes within the family unit and the urban population.154 155These example floor plan layout show the integration of commercial and productive spaces as part of the living unit make the living unit multi-functional while offering economic resiliency. While these layouts show ways that the modular unit can be occupied, the occupier retains agency to design the space as they see fit.The floor plans show ways in which the unit can grow incrementally while retaining open flexible spaces.Modular Living Unit PlansFig. 3-19 Examples of Plan Drawings for Large and Small Modular Living UnitsCredit: AuthorLARGE UNIT WITH SMALL COMMERCIAL AREAPrimary living  unitPrimary living  unitIncremental additionsIncremental additionsPrivate open areaPrivate open areaSemi-private open areaSemi-private open areaCommercial spaceCommercial spaceIncremental growthLARGE UNIT WITH LARGE COMMERCIAL AREASMALL UNITS WITH LARGE COMMERCIAL AREASPrimary living  unitIncremental additionsPrivate open areaSemi-private open areaCommercial space156 157Fig. 3-20 Modular Block Unit TypologiesCredit: AuthorUniquely shaped floorplates act as urban blocks and are occupied by a combination of open flexible spaces and incremental living spaces.Commercial/retail units are placed along the street that follows edges of each plate.  The modular block plate is designed on a grid to enable maximum design flexibility and continuous flow of the circulation network.  3.5.2. MODULAR BLOCK UNIT (MBU)158 159Modular Living Units are placed on Modular Block Unit floorplates that act as an urban living block. We propose to redefine the basic living unit as an incremental neighborhood block mim-icking the archetypal neighborhood typology of incremental neighborhoods of Bujumbura. Modular Block Unit StrategiesFig. 3-21 Modular Block Unit Incrementalism & Relational DiagramCredit: AuthorINCREMENTAL UNIT 3.0INCREMENTAL UNIT 2.0PRIMARY UNITINCREMENTAL UNIT 1.0160 161Modular Block Unit LayoutsFig. 3-22 Modular Block Unit Layout ExamplesCredit: AuthorThese examples of Modular Block Unit layouts highlight a variety of different spatial arrangement. Open and built-space vary to maintain spatial fluidity and connectivity of private and public areas. 162 163Fig. 3-23 Modular Block Unit Stacking DiagramCredit: AuthorModular Block Unit Stacking StrategyThe shape of the floor plates are chosen to allow for maximum porosity horizontally and vertically. This ensures maximum lighting, ventilation, openness and spatial fluidity.164 165OPEN SPACERAMPSCOMMERCIAL ALONG RAMPSINCREMENTAL UNITS 1.0INCREMENTAL UNITS 2.0Fig. 3-24 Vertical Stacking & Program DiagramCredit: AuthorFig. 3-25 Exploded Axonometric Drawing of Modular Block Unit Credit: Author166 167PRIMARY UNITCOMMERCIAL UNITINCREMENTAL UNIT 1.0INCREMENTAL UNIT 2.0INCREMENTAL UNIT 3.0Fig. 3-26 Vertical Incremental DiagramCredit: Author168 169The availability of local materials facilitate the process of self-directed construction and incremental growth of living spaces. 3.5.3. MATERIALITYFig. 3-27 Possible Materials for Construction of Modular Living UnitsCredit: AuthorBrickRammed EarthEucalyptus timberLocal stone170 1712.0  TREE MANAGEMENT4.0  WATER MANAGEMENT & GREENWAYS6.0  ROLLING HILLS AS VERTICAL CONCEPT8.0  VERTICAL URBANISM1.0  EXISTING CONDITION3.0  URBAN CONNECTIONS & INTEGRATION5.0  BUILT CLUSTERS7.0  VERTICAL OPEN CIRCULATION: PUBLIC RAMPS1.0 Existing conditionPrivate golf course and equestrian club, which are not open to the public.2.0 Tree ManagementWe aim to retain the existing landscape infrastructure through maximum tree retention and replacement.3.0 Urban connections & integrationWe aim to connect to the existing urban fabric through street network.4.0 Water management & greenwaysWe aim to integrate ecological corridors and patches to enhance urban ecological processes. Rain gardens are used to manage flooding and provide treatment for stormwater to reduce the amount of pollution affecting Lake Tanganyika. This ecological patch also act as a flexible vibrant public realm. 5.0 Built clustersDevelopment clusters are placed on the edges to have a strong adjacent connection to the existing urban fabric. Using the concept of rolling hills, the orientation of these clusters ensures the protection of the green patch to ensure its ecological and social performance.6.0 Rolling hills as vertical conceptPublic access ramps connect the buildings to the remainder of the urban fabric, mimicking the characteristic rolling hills of Burundi. 7.0 Vertical open circulationOpen ramps allow open social connections horizontally and vertically.8.0 Vertical urbanismThis site builds to connect with existing ecological patches to propose an urban intervention which integrates into the city’s environmental and cultural context. Relational urbanism is at the core of this intervention as it tries to create the spatial conditions which facilitate new urban relationships and networks to occur.3.5.4. GROUNDING STRATEGYFig. 3-28 Site Design Strategy                SequenceCredit: Author172 173Urban scale concept elevation at full incremental capacity. Building porosity is maintained.3.5.5. INCREMENTAL URBANISMFig. 3-29 Elevation Diagram at Urban ScaleCredit: Author174 175LAKE TANGANYKAMONORAILS THAT MOVE ALONG THE RAMPSDRONE TAXIFig. 3-30 Rendered Concept Drawing Credit: Author176 177Fig. 3-31 Render of Commercial and Public Circulation InterfaceCredit: Author178 179Fig. 3-32 Render of Open Flexible Space 01Credit: Author180 181Fig. 3-33 Render of Open Flexible Space 02Credit: Author182 183RAIN GARDENEUCALYPTUS GRANDIS BOSQUEERYTHRINA ABYSSINICAEXISTING TREEFig. 3-34 Render of Rain Garden Park Credit: Author184 185URBANPERFORMANCEFig. 3-35 Design Matrix - Experiment 03 EvaluationCredit: AuthorThis exploration focused on combining formal exploration with spatial phenomenology and fluidity. The urban morphology is examined as a system of interconnected processes in relational flux. The built environment is an embodiment of our social, economic, cultural and spiritual lives. As such it cannot be separated from its historical, socio-cultural, and natural contexts, rejecting Le Corbusier’s approach of a standardized utopia which claims universal applicability. This approach adopts a design paradigm anchored in the specificity of place.3.5.7. EVALUATIONNOTES1. CIOBOTA, Alexandru & Sliacka, Miroslava & Obradovici, Vladimir. “The Concept of Genius Loci in Relation to Landscape Changes”. Bulletin of University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine Cluj-Napoca. Horticulture. 2015. 04.  CONCLUSION188 189Fig. 4-1 Concept Diagram of Vertical Relational UrbanismCredit: AuthorThe goal of this project was to answer the following research questions:What will the living spaces of Bujumbura 2050 look like and will they function? What will be the optimal urban block typologies for meeting the socio-cultural, economic and environmental demands of Bujumbura 2050?This design inquiry started with an overview of the provocation in question; the history of standardized apartment buildings typology as a response to urban growth and its global propagation, as well as the contemporary propagation of speculative new town projects in Africa. As African cities are continuously experiencing rapid urban growth, foreign-driven, mega-urban projects are radically shifting the physical, socio-cultural and economic makeup of these emerging cities. A major shortcoming of these projects is their inability to account for the spirit and specific phenomenologies of the place in which they are built. A critical analysis of these processes was conducted to highlight the shortcomings and detrimental effects of these projects on the physical and social cultural urban landscapes in which these projects erect themselves. As this project positions itself to reject this kind of universal applicability in spatial design, the project adopted mapping and scenario modeling as methodology. A comprehensive study of Burundi and Bujumbura was presented through mapping, geospatial and morphological studies to daylight the historical evolution of phenomenological and spatial compositions of Burundi and Bujumbura. These findings informed the presented design proposals which used the principles of relational urbanism, urban ecology and incrementalism, to transform an existing golf course into a dense, flexible, multi-functional urban block which enriches the existing urban fabric of Bujumbura.In this project,  we proposed flexible, multifunctional and productive living spaces of Bujumbura 2050 which sustain the physical and social health of people and the environment, while reflecting and reclaiming the cultural identity of Burudi.4.1.1. CONCLUSIONREFERENCE192 193Acquier, Jean-Louis. Le Burundi. 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