UBC Graduate Research

Architypical Space McDermott, Daniel 2019-04-26

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ARCHITYPICAL SPACEThis pdf is interactive. Each project is considered a section, clicking on a drawing will bring up the full version. You can return back by simply clicking on the destination drawing or title. Full screen viewing is recomended. NOTES ON FORMATCONTENTSARCHITYPICAL SPACEResolving the Housing DeltaContents1Abstract2Thesis Statement3Shifts4Spectators + Speculators5The Cooperative6Domestic Spaces7Proposal8Works Cited9Schedule10ImprintVancouver’s housing dilemma is the product of an all encompassing spatial process of economic rebirth. The introduction of a new actor type and model is essential to its resolution. Opposed to the bureaucratic and managerial means that generate space, a concept derived from architecture itself is the favoured method of operating within this complex process.Few topics garner the attention of Vancouverites as much as residential real estate.1  Local periodicals publish articles on the topic, often daily, and have entire sections devoted to the industry, and for good reason. In the simplest of terms, the cost of housing is incommensurate to income.2  In response, individuals, governments and members of civil society are all grasping for solutions. Working with existing models for the provision of housing, several stopgap agendas are being promoted. It is the contention of this thesis that lost in this attempt to immediately remedy the problem is spatial quality within and between buildings. Not only are individuals and families settling for less than ideal living spaces, the city is being developed in a less than ideal manner all in an attempt to mitigate the ‘housing crisis.’ In fact, the pretense of a crisis is being used as fodder for different actors as they pursue their own agenda’s that aren’t necessarily aligned with solving the root of the problem. In 1944, the phrase ‘housing crisis’ entered the lexicon.3 For the first time, the phrase was published in a widely circulated Canadian publication4  and has been used in popular parlance since. Considering that Vancouver was founded only 58 years earlier, it is safe to say that this scenario is nothing new. The phase, and the condition it seeks to describe, has been with us much longer than it hasn’t. It’s not a temporal condition and therefore ought not to be treated as such. In its place, this document proposes an alternative lens. It is argued that an all-encompassing process of economic rebirth is inherent to settlement and produces a condition known as the housing delta. A variable of sorts, the housing delta describes the difference between what’s needed and available. However, resolving the delta is not a mathematical problem and requires an approach that isn’t based on maximizing political or financial ends. Opposing the false virtues of the ‘less is enough’ doctrine currently propagating throughout our culture, this document advocates for the adoption of a model tailored, in corporate and financial terms, to Vancouver specifically and oriented directly at resolving the housing delta. 1.“It’s Vancouver’s true blood sport.” Lance Berelowitz, Dream City: Vancouver and the Global Imagination, Vancouver:Douglas & McIntyre, 2010.2.Median cost of rent/ median income3. On Vancouver in particular.4. To put this in its antiquated terms, the phrase Dominion was used in its context to describe the nation.  Housing Crisis in Many Cities, The Globe and Mail,1944.AbstractThe word housing has grown to encapsulate a broad range of meaning. A sort of blanket term, housing means different things to different people. For some its simply shelter, for others an investment or a form or retirement savings. Regardless of version, at the core of any definition is the notion of constructed habitat. At the very minimum, housing describes an apparatus of biological necessity. The need for shelter is probably older than the current iteration of our species. However, evident by our current situation (and much of recorded history) this basic need isn’t always optimally obtainable. Housing related problems characterize municipalities across Canada. Housing shortages garner massive amounts of attention. Meanwhile, housing surpluses garner slightly less. Both scenarios have serious implications for people and the city. Obviously apparent is an un-equilibrium between what people need and what’s available. It is the contention of this section that the status of this equilibrium is the product of an economic process innate to all forms of settlement. Housing resides at a site of tension in an all-encompassing spatial process through which human settlement is constantly being rearranged. This process is to be known as ‘territorialisation’ and will be discussed and defined over the course of this section. Understanding this process and housing as a relative condition it produces is vital to addressing the housing related issues that afflict the average Canadian. Economics is a topic so popular in contemporary architectural discourse it seems to have spawned its own sub-genre, and for good reason. Architectural production follows human settlement and human settlement follows resources. It makes perfect sense that aspects of the economy are the impetus for many different forms of construction. Offices, factories and other sites of production and consumption are all architectures of an economic order. While the field of economics is younger than architecture, the phenomena it seeks to describe are just as old. In fact, economic phenomena, like architectural phenomena, are instrumental to settlement regardless of their type or how ‘settled’ settlement is. In short, economics is concerned with how people consume the things they need or want. At its most fundamental level, it deals with the lowest rung of Maslow’s triangle. An economy is a precondition of any group cohesive enough to be described. Different societies implement different frameworks to allocate the productive resources of their economies however they deem fit. Regardless of these frameworks1  merits or shortcomings, they are fundamentally concerned with the same thing. However, the acquisition, production and distribution of goods has an unpredictable spatial dimension.  No economy is spatial inert. Where a fish is caught (water) isn’t determinant on where it’s processed (fire) or where its consumed (land). Components of any supply chain have a corresponding geographical location. It is this very process, that of territorialisation, that defines the spatial configuration of an economy. Sometimes asymmetrical but always simultaneous, territorialisation is a process of construction and destruction. Territorialisation is the spatial aspect of an economic mode. For much of human history the economic mode was characterised by hunting and gathering. Seasonal variation determined where people could access the resources necessary for life. The domestication of different species, flora and fauna, eliminated the absolute attachment to states of nature. The emergence of the modern city is inextricably linked to an industrial economic mode. In all of these scenarios, a corresponding type of housing is requisite. Housing isn’t a necessarily a primary driver of settlement.2  Rather it is a necessary good for settlement. As the supply chain was modified, the manifestation of shelter had to take on new forms. Although different economic modes exhibit different spatial characteristics, they are all concerned with the same things. It is the spatial arrangement of these modes that determines a multitude of factors that determine housing parameters before any architectural considerations can be made. These factors in sum are a variable that can be described as a housing delta. This variable, the housing delta, describes the state of housing in any given economic mode. Essentially describing a supply chain, the process of territorialisation is pegged to the production and consumption of resources. Often conceptualized in a linear manner, the supply chain isn’t spatially linear. It is precisely at this point, in the spatial process of economic ordering, that the housing delta emerges. Due to the all-encompassing nature of territorialisation and the settlements rendered, this process isn’t easily understood. By isolating its variables one can begin to comprehend its 1. capitalism, socialism, communism, etc.2. Housing in a resort town, for example, could be considered as a driver of settlement as territorialisation is primarily based on housing.Shiftsconsequential effects on housing. Territorialisation today is a process easily understood in geographically defined territories with single industries. Take the town of Gary, West Virginia whose population diminished some 83%3  as the unemployment rate skyrocketed4  over a 40-year period.5  The adoption of more efficient extraction methods, alternative energy sources and trade agreements all but obliterated the settlement to a few hundred people. The demand for and type of housing needed in Gary directly correlated to the economic activity operating within its territory. It follows that human settlement of the small Appalachian town is contingent on a mode of production. Although the demand for housing has diminished, supply has remained constant and homeowners are consequently locked in. Closer to home, the housing delta in Calgary has recently been modified. The viability of Alberta Crude has diminished in light of increased Middle Eastern supply.6  However, the primary site of extraction was never located within the city’s limits, rather hundreds of kilometers away. Tertiary in type, Calgary’s economy is support based. Everything from accounting to finance and logistics are all ran out of the southernmost Albertan city. However, a decision made in Riyadh altered Calgary’s housing delta. In a short period of time, housing shortages gave way to a glut of condominiums as white-collar people living in the downtown core migrated in search of employment. When a given commodity is traded globally, in this case oil, an economic shift in another region can alter domestic patterns of settlement in a completely different territory. Defining a territorialisation unique to Vancouver can be as complicated as desired. One could compile a long list of modifiers and subsequently add increasing degrees of complexity. However, it is sufficient to say that the process of territorialisation in Vancouver is well engaged and the housing delta will correlate. Multiple supply chains are operating within the territory. The ratification of trade agreements, numbering in the hundreds,7  will alter settlement patterns across the country. And most importantly, technological innovation is driving the emergence of an entirely new supply chain unrestrained to a geographically defined territory. Our city is explicitly courting these industries. I argue, technology’s effect on the economy, moving forward, will be the single most significant modifier of territorialisation and ultimately the housing delta it produces. Technology is the manifestation of the characteristics that define our species. It is the single largest explanation for the increase, over centuries, in human well-being. However, the widespread adoption of technology has far reaching consequences to patterns of settlement. Technological advancements are providing us with unparalleled new capabilities while simultaneously altering the way we live, work and relate to one another. Indeed, the world has been opened to physical inhabitation by these forces, but their scope has altered human relationships within regions. Patterns of consumption have been upended by new consumer goods and corresponding methods of consumption. The distinction between professional and personal life is constantly evolving as technology redefines work. Meanwhile, communication technologies have altered the interpersonal relationships that generate bonds between people, families and communities.8 Consecutive industrial revolutions have resulted in an unparalleled pace of territorialisation. Affecting nearly every aspect of human life, the technological advancements of each respective revolution were undeniably decisive in altering the course of human settlement. Measured in economic terms, the ‘standard of living’ has subsequently grown.9   In social terms, modern norms of the individual, family and society were founded. The concept of the eight hour work day and precise measurement of time was based on the requirements of a newly formed industrial society. Likewise, our entire education system has its roots in this new order.10  Simply put, the manifold relationships that exist between people and technology have been in an increasingly precarious state of ebb and flow since the 19th century. Processes that took millennia are occurring over generations or decades. All of these examples, were consequential to housing and in most cases housing wasn’t resolved quickly. We can have normative disagreements on details but, the proposition that technology is anthropologically benign is unsupported.                                                        Consensus that a new technologically induced economic order is on the horizon seems robust. This current wave has been given many names not limited to: “the third industrial revolution,”11  “the fourth industrial revolution,”12  “low marginal cost society,”13  and “the second machine age.”14  Disagreements arise when identifying our point on the arc of change. Furthermore, imbedded in all of the theories that correspond 3. William Robbins, “90% Jobless Rate Grinds West Virginia Coal Town,” The New York Times, 1983.4. ibid.5. Ronald G. Garay, U.S. Steel and Gary, West Virginia: Corporate Paternalism in Appalachia (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2011), 86.6. Clifford Krauss, “OPEC Split as Oil Prices Fall Sharply,” The New York Times, 2014.7. The previous Conservative government made some 200 international trade agreements, all of which have been ratified by the incumbent Liberals.8. Holly Arrow, Jens Binder, and Alistair Sutcliffe, “Relationships and the Social Brain: Integrating Psychological and Evolutionary Perspectives,” British Journal of Psychology 103, no. 2 (2012): 1–34.9. “The standard-of-living debate today is not about whether the industrial revolution made people better off, but about when.” Clark Nardinelli, “Industrial Revolution and the Standard of Living,” Library of Economics, Nov 10, 200910. “The expansion of public education and industrialization went hand in hand.” Jim Carl, Industrialization and Public Education: Social Cohesion and Social Stratification, In R. Cowen & A. M. Kazamias (Eds.), International Handbook of Comparative Education (Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands: 2009), 1.11. Jeremy Rifkin, The Third Industrial Revolution: How Lateral Power is Transforming Energy, the Economy, and the World, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.12. Klaus Schwab, The Fourth Industrial Revolution, New York: Crown Business, 2017.13. Jeremy Rifkin, The Zero Marginal Cost Society: The Internet of Things, the Collaborative Commons, and the Eclipse of Capitalism, First ed. New York, NY: PalgraveMacmillan, 2014.14. Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee, The Second Machine Age: Work, Progress, and Prosperity in a Time of Brilliant Technologies, First ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2014.to these monikers is a degree of optimism ranging from apocalypse to fairy tale. Like the inevitability of technologically induced economic shift, this sort of speculation is nothing new.15  However, if this is the “seventh major economic paradigm shift in history”16  the consequences to settlement and housing ought to be universally understood in historical terms. As the desirable attributes of technological civilisation are pursued, we must consider how its ascendance into the supply chain will reinitiate territorialisation, reorder our settlements and ultimately modify the housing delta.  Working towards the resolution of the delta is paramount if the housing needs of people are to be optimally obtained. 15. John Maynard Keynes, Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, 193016. Rifkin, The Third Industrial Revolution, 58.Numerous studies on Vancouver’s increasingly expensive real estate market have been published. From hyper-commodification to complicated money laundering schemes, these propositions have been widely speculated on and published over decades.1   With varying degrees of statistical support, these compelling and often salacious narratives have coalesced into an all-encompassing folklore that explains the complex reality of high cost housing. As only one issue among many, housing in Vancouver has made the city internationally infamous. Memes like ‘crack shack or mansion,’2  tropes like the phrase ‘housing crisis’ and politically charged terms like ‘renoviction’ have all been born out of a population irritated with the status quo. The political establishment has responded and tailored their platforms accordingly. However, legislative measures haven’t had enough time to take effect and the outcomes are indeterminant. In the previous section a variable known as the housing delta was articulated to define the difference between what’s needed and what’s available. It is the contention of this section that, although laudable, these measures are misaligned with housing delta. At best, they are adjacently oriented towards meeting the needs of the average wage-earning Vancouverite. This section seeks to address, the political dimension of the housing delta. That is, how clashing interests are managed. With a few exceptions, market mechanisms are used to allocate most goods and services in Canada. The idea is quite simple, let profit incentivise actors, for the maximization of efficiency and total product in aggregate. However, several pitfalls are inherent to any perpetual trading game. Inequality is inevitable3  and market externalities4  often emerge. Due to the fact that the government sets the rules of the game, so to speak, they can, and do, intervene when markets aren’t functioning as expected. The framework our society has chosen to address the housing delta is decidedly market based. It’s safe to say that the housing market is functioning, however, to who’s benefit is up for debate. Almost one fifth of the provinces GDP is generated in real estate, and the provincial tax stream is heavily reliant on taxing this activity. Speculative enterprises, local and international, have been pouring funds into the market with an intent of turning profit for decades. In fact, the history of development and speculation coincides with Vancouver’s inception. Not long after Captain George Vancouver’s initial visit to the area did the Royal Engineers of the British Imperium arrive. Leaving the city’s embryo in their wake, their plans set the stage for radically altering the landscape inhabited by indigenous people. By 1860, only two years after their arrival, parcels of land were available for entrepreneurial speculation.5 Known as ‘district lots,’ acre plots could be claimed by qualified male settlers in a process known as pre-emption.6  “Frenzy followed and speculation was rampant.”7  Meanwhile, land grants were awarded for extending the transcontinental railway line westward and Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) precipitated as the city’s first developer.8  A culture of speculative development was founded at this very moment.9  This foundation is at the core of today’s issue. Private enterprise has been, more or less, relied upon to build out the city, especially when it comes to housing. The impetus for construction isn’t directly derivative of what’s needed (the housing delta), rather it is derived from speculation on what will sell. And what sells, isn’t necessarily what’s best for the city at the time of construction or into the future. Consumers aren’t always rational actors.10  In short, what’s been built following CPR’s retrenchment from the downtown peninsula hasn’t sufficiently addressed the housing delta. The aggregate product of the marketplace isn’t being produced for the benefit of the average wage-earning household and numerous housing related issues have arisen. In response to the ‘housing crisis,’ the previous provincial government intervened in August 2016 with the passage of Bill 28.11  Titled the Miscellaneous Statutes (Housing Priority Initiatives) Amendment Act, the bill contains three amendments to existing legislation and establishes the Housing Priority Initiatives special account. Largely punitive in function, two amendments penalize foreign buyers and vacant homes12 in the form of taxation. Meanwhile the third amendment discontinues industry self-regulation of the real estate marketing industry. Lastly, the establishment of a special account mandates earned revenues from the first two amendments to be allocated for, and ultimately spent on, ‘nine housing related purposes.’13  Largely building on these measures, the incumbent provincial government’s 2018 Budget has outlined several pieces of new legislation with a goal stated to “increase housing supply, 1. Gordon Soules ed., The Housing Crisis: Causes Effects, Solutions : Long-Term Solutions to the Housing Crisis in the Western World, Vancouver, B.C: Gordon Soules Economic and Marketing Research, 1976.2. https://www.crackshackormansion.com/3. r > gPiketty, Thomas and Arthur Goldhammer. Capital in the Twenty-First Century. Cambridge Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014.4. NIMBY, Environmental Degradation, Tragedy of the Commons, etc.5. Berelowitz, Dream City: Vancouver and the Global Imagination, Vancouver. 39-406. ibid7. ibid8. ibid9. “There are few subjects that exercise Vancouverites more than property value fluctuations and the attendant windfall profits or losses, and this is the topic of almost every conversation sooner or later. Real estate is Vancouver’s true passion, its real blood sport. Vancouver is a culture of speculation.”ibid10. the fallacy of economics, also define rational?11. Miscellaneous Statutes (Housing Priority Initiatives) Amendment Act, Statutes of British Columbia 2016.12. The Bill amends the Vancouver Charter giving the municipality limited power of taxation. 13. “(a) acquiring, constructing, maintaining or renovating housing or shelter;(b) acquiring or improving land used for or intended to be used for housing or shelter;(c) supporting the acquisition, construction, maintenance, renovation or retention of housing or shelter or the acquisition or improvement of land intended to be used for housing or shelter;(d) supporting housing, rental or shelter programs;(e) making loans to persons in relation to the acquisition, construction, maintenance, renovation or retention of housing or shelter or the acquisition or improvement of land intended to be used for housing or shelter;(f) administering, continuing, exchanging and disposing of loans made under paragraph (e);(g) paying amounts required to be paid by the government in relation to guarantees given under subsection (5) of this section;(h) paying expenses related to the administration or disposal of housing, shelter or land acquired with money paid out of the special account;(i) paying the expenses of administering the special account or any other expenses related to administering other activities undertaken under this subsection.”Spectators and Speculatorsreduce speculation and foreign demand, discourage vacant housing and raise revenue for housing affordability.”14  Of the many proposed actions in the new budget, three have actually been legislated. The first increases the scope and breadth of the Bill 28’s foreign buyers’ tax. By amending the Property Transfer Tax Act (PTTA), the legislation increases the tax levied on foreign buyers by an additional five percent.15  The amendment also adds an addition tax stratum, paid on title transfer, for homes valued at three million plus.16  In what amounts to a tax on market activity, the measure will undeniably increase the already significant source of government revenue. At 1.6 billion last year alone, this number is expected to rise almost 40 percent.17  Although Bill 28 was passed on questionable data in 2016, this doesn’t seem to have deterred the most recent iteration. Partially due to the legislation itself, we now have robust data on the extent of foreign ownership in the Lower Mainland.18  “In reality, [the] data shows that foreign or non-resident buyers likely have less influence than homebuyers think.”19 Meanwhile, the constitutionality of the tax is currently being debated in court.20  I argue, a certain level of foreign ownership is to be expected in a global city like Vancouver. Similar tactics implemented in Australia were negligible as many prospective foreign owners aren’t completely deterred by a surcharge.21  The location and type of these properties simply isn’t in the range of what could be deemed affordable.    Similar to the Bill 28’s amendment to the Vancouver Charter permitting a municipal tax on vacant homes, new measures have been taken to broaden its scope provincially. Titled the Budget Measures Implementation (Speculation and Vacancy Tax) Act, 2018, the law received royal ascent in November.22  In the form of another tax, the Bill targets ‘underutilized’ properties within a ‘specified area.’23  The tax is levied on both domestic and foreign owners and additionally targets ‘satellite families,’ defined as households with a majority of income not reported on a Canadian tax return.24  The rate is set at half a percent, but next year’s budget will trigger a rise of 2% on foreign owners and satellite families. As far as I am concerned, the effectiveness of this measure at utilizing ‘underutilized’ properties depends on the rate of growth in property values. If the historical rate of 8% continues, a couple percentage points in tax might not be effective at adding supply. Over a given period of time, if the property increases in total value more than the total cost of the tax, over the same period, it makes perfect sense to keep the property as is. This measure also discourages those looking to stratify their single-family home under the new zoning measures adopted by the City of Vancouver.25  Although several exemptions26  are made for smaller communities, it is entirely possible this measure could impact tourism and create demand on the periphery.    The most contentious piece of legislation passed under the new budget is the ‘school tax.’ In order to understand why it has sparked so much controversy, some background is necessary. School taxes are property taxes levied annually on all properties and are not contingent on usage of the public or private school system.27  They are an effective way of keeping our education system funded. The new amendment adds an additional stratum on high value single-family properties.28  And in some cases, this tax can reach five figures. In short, the shear dollar amount of the tax will adversely affect some seniors and renters. Although the tax has a deferment clause, those living on a fixed income have some decisions to make. Property owners are more likely to be older, retired, or nearing retirement. Even before the rate hike, property taxes are likely to be the single largest fixed bill they will receive for the remained of their life.29  The fact of the matter is that many high value property owners purchased their homes at a significantly lower price. They have witnessed the hollowing out of their communities due to the high cost of ownership in these expensive neighbourhoods already. Furthermore, those relying on the value of their properties to finance the remainder of their life cannot access any equity without paying the tax.  The mortgage has been seen as a robust form of retirement savings for decades in light of lackluster traditional pensions.   Lastly, CPP and OAP have not really kept up with the cost of living.  The fact of the matter is that many seniors didn’t purchase their homes at today’s astronomical prices. In Point Grey, for example, the average home price has been proven not to correlate with income and therefore the tax simply isn’t based on ability to pay. An additional tax isn’t going to all of a sudden turn million-dollar properties into affordable apartment complexes. The 38% of properties in Point Grey that are currently rental, will likely witness a rental increase. Those with vacant high value properties can 14. Canada, British Columbia, Ministry of Finance, Budget 2018.15. Property Transfer Tax Act, Statutes of British Columbia 1996.16. ibid17. Canada, British Columbia, Ministry of Finance, Budget 2018.18. Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, Homebuyer choices, bidding wars, and social influences: results from the homebuyer motivation survey, 2018.19. ibid20. ibid21. ibid22. Budget Measures Implementation (Speculation and Vacancy Tax) Act, Statutes of British Columbia 2018.23. “(a) a municipality within the Capital Regional District;(b) a municipality, other than the Village of Lions Bay, within the Metro Vancouver Regional District;(c) the City of Abbotsford;(d) the City of Chilliwack;(e) the City of Kelowna;(f) the City of Nanaimo;(g) the City of West Kelowna;(h) the District of Lantzville;(i) the District of Mission;(j) that part of Electoral Area A within the Metro Vancouver Regional District that comprises the University of British Columbia and University Endowment Land as defined in section 1 of the University Endowment Land Act;(k) a prescribed area,”ibid24. ibid.24. Budget Measures Implementation (Speculation and Vacancy Tax) Act, Statutes of British Columbia 2018.25. this was a great short-term rental solution.26. “(l) an island, if any, within an area referred to in paragraphs (a) to (j), if the island is usually accessible only by air or water throughout a calendar year;(m) a prescribed area within an area referred to in paragraphs (a) to (j);(n) subject to the regulations, any of the following:(i) a reserve as defined in section 2 (1) of the Indian Act (Canada);(ii) Nisga’a Lands;(iii) Nisga’a Fee Simple Lands as defined in the Definitions Chapter of the Nisga’a Final Agreement;(iv) Sechelt lands as defined in section 2 (1) of the Sechelt Indian Band Self-Government Act (Canada);(v) treaty lands of a treaty first nation;(vi) Other Maa-nulth First Nation Lands as defined in the Definitions Chapter of the Maa-nulth First Nations Final Agreement;(vii) Other Tla’amin Lands as defined in the Definitions Chapter of the Tla’amin Final Agreement;(viii) Other Tsawwassen Lands as defined in the Definitions Chapter of the Tsawwassen First Nation Final Agreement;”27. rate is set yearly based on the total number of residents in a district and the total residential assessed value on the district and generally, rates decrease each year as average values within a property class rise faster than inflation28. rate of 0.2% on portion between 3+4 million; 0.4% on portion over 4 million29. Notwithstanding, the fact that they have already paid the bulk of their total life time taxes via standard income taxes.30. Budget Measures Implementation (Speculation and Vacancy Tax) Act, Statutes of British Columbia 2018.clearly afford to maintain the costs associated with ownership. While I don’t personally find the school tax concerning, this is a wealth tax and it is something new to Canada and difficult to assess. Requiring some political will, implementing a progressive capital gains tax would be a preferable alternative. What is concerning, however, is the manner in which the legislation was named. Vancouver is the only school district in the province with a budget surplus.31  The additional funds raised on this tax haven’t been allocated for schools, or housing.  All considered, using policy to orchestrate a housing market realignment is an agenda worthy of support. The stated goals of Bill 28 are undeniably a component of robust housing policy and the new iterations, under the 2018 budget, further this goal. However, none on the new measures have allocated this money into a special account. All revenue, across the three measures, goes straight to provincial coffers. If the provinces history of fiscal policy means anything, there is reason for alarm. ICBC needs bailing out every five years and is currently 1.3 billion in the red this year alone.32  Health care expenditures rarely keep pace with tax revenue and always take precedent, especially over housing. The federal government, responsible for health care transfers, is 1.2 trillion in debt with another 18.1 billion deficit projected this year.33  The last time debt to GDP reached this level, the federal government slashed all housing programs and offloaded costs to provincial governments to help pay for rising health care expenditure. Meanwhile, corporate taxes have been cut 20% provincially and 10% federally.34   And as always, whispers of a sharp change in the business cycle are aloud. It makes perfect sense that revenue needs to come before spending, however, the promise to build, could easily and legally, be derailed by unforeseen circumstances compounding the already precarious government ledgers. When everyone uses the same bank account, priorities need to be set. The current measures have clearly identified a class of property and deemed it reasonable to tax. Whatever one’s opinion may be, this is antithetical to a progressive tax policy and unlike Bill 28 the new measures are not legally required to spend this revenue on housing. The lack of allocating the new revenue to the special account hasn’t stopped the government from making promises. In fact, they project that with their support 33,700 units of housing will be added over the next 10 years. The plan is to partner with the private sector and subsidize the construction of building across the province. With 3,700 units of temporary modular housing and 19,250 units of rental, if implemented this would definitely put a dent in the housing delta. However, the plan to partner with the private sector doesn’t necessarily mean these units will be of the quality the city deserves. In fact, the city of Vancouver has relied on this model for some time. With varying degrees of success this model has produced all of the non-market housing constructed in the city over the last couple decades. I argue that this model is delta adjacent. Yes, housing is being built and this addresses the delta, but the actors engaged are not building for that reason. What’s lost in this void is efficiency of funds to profit. Furthermore, the temporary modular housing is problematic. Thousands of units will address immediate demand. However, having an entire class of housing that’s temporary is problematic. I speculate the majority of these units will become permanent due to pressure from occupants and the public. All considered, it’s too early to assess what hasn’t been built. What’s for certain is that under the banner of a housing crisis, private enterprise and government has been given license to conduct activities that would otherwise might not be acceptable. A ‘less is enough’35  doctrine is propagating throughout our culture. Forms of housing, that would normally have been considered unacceptable, are taking root and rendering our city. Similarly, governments have seized on the urgency this narrative has created to pass taxes that aren’t directly solving the problem. We need a new type of actor, and corresponding model, that isn’t dependant on government or the private sector. 31.Vancouver School District, Budget, 2016.32. Insurance Corporation of British Columbia, 2016/17 Annual Service Plan Report33. Canada. Budget 2018. Ministry of Finance.34. Canada. British Columbia. BC cuts Business Tax. Ministry of Jobs, Trade and Technology.35. Pier Vittorio Aureli, Less is Enough: On Architecture and Asceticism, First ed. Moscow: Strelka Press, 2013.In the previous section, the housing market was conceptualized as the framework within which actors operate.  Due to the fact that the aggregate total of all actors has insufficiently addressed the housing delta, the government has intervened. This section is concerned with individual actors and the models they utilize to manipulate the housing delta in fulfilment of a goal. The intention is to develop an autonomous model, defined as a corporate entity, that is financially capable of navigating the market. Largely based on the standard pro forma of the Wohnbaugenossenschaften,1 a model used in the canton of Zurich with great success, an interdependent organisation that fits within Canadian law needs to be tailored to ensure its viability. The prime premise of this section is quite simple. Before we develop our model, our intentions need to be clear. Optimally resolving the housing delta presupposes defining our intent in a derivative manner. The impetus for construction ought to be defined in the terms of the housing delta itself. Aligning our intent with the condition, we can tailor this model and ensure its orientation. However, this task isn’t as simple as it may seem. As it has been discussed, the housing delta is in a dynamic state of constant revision. A product of the process of territorialisation, technological innovation is constantly altering the supply chain and consequently triggering a revision in terms of settlement. As demonstrated by the recent government measures, the rules and regulations that define the housing market are subject to change. Meanwhile, the product of any given actor alters housing in aggregate and slightly modifies the delta. One must speculate on the very process of territorialisation, consider the framework for provision and understand that they are one actor among many. Construction takes time and the lifespan of the building will determine its financial viability. Simply put, the to be proposed actor must consider this dynamic state and define its goal accordingly. In the simplest of terms, the goal is defined as additional units of housing that are large in area, in close proximity to the city’s centre and at a cost pegged to roughly one quarter of the median monthly salary. As we develop and tailor the model this goal will mature. As obvious as this premise may seem, the impetus that motivates the predominant actors simply isn’t aligned in this manner. From a prospective occupant’s point of view, the premise of the cooperative housing model based on the Wohnbaugenossenschaften, is quite simple. An initial lump sum grants the right to residence and monthly payments, similar to rent, are made at a rate commensurate with use.2  Although several conditions are attached to both, this model is distinct from those currently operating in Vancouver. Every actor engaged in Vancouver’s housing market has developed a model and tailored it to a specific goal. In order to evaluate the efficacy of these models in terms of their actors’ goals, one could examine them on an individual basis. A survey of sorts, this method in conjunction with existing statistics could give us an overview of the housing delta. However ideal this approach might be, it is practically impossible and entirely outside the scope of this document. The number of permits issued is the only available indicator  of activity and only includes actions that are legally conducted. Vast numbers of individuals and organisations operate within the market and have models that span internationally. However due to the fact that a fixed number of organisational structures and tools are available to a prospective housing market participant, and these are tailored based on goal, we can examine actors based on goal type. Two goal types, profit + social, encapsulate the majority of actors operating in Vancouver. Government funds both, in terms of affordable housing, but only one makes money. As building stock statistics suggest, across this dichotomy the provision of housing is entirely within the realm of the private sector.  The impetus for construction, and resultant units of housing, is profit. Private enterprises conduct market research and build based on what they believe will be in demand upon completion. Profit margins are sacrosanct and anything irrelevant is without question eliminated. In no manner is this a polemic on private entities operating within the predefined and agreed upon rules of our society to generate a living. The problem isn’t that developers are making profit off of selling people what they want. If affordable and high-quality spaces are most desirable, which in essence is the primary conclusion of this thesis, a model that prioritizes these as such must be obtained. We need to change the means if we want a different end. However, the for-profit model isn’t without merits. It is incredibly efficient and robust 1. Domonique Boudet, New Housing in Zurich Typologies for a Changing Society, Zurich: Park Books, 2017.The Cooperative2.  Calculation based on use, not necessarily derivative of income3. City of Vancouver. forms of financing leverage multiple streams for specific projects. Furthermore, usually in exchange for amenity of non-market housing, private developers are skilled at obtaining zoning and code concessions thorough negotiation. Not only does the government set the broad parameters of the market, within which an actor and their corresponding model operates, statutes govern the components of the model itself. Indeed, the corporate structure proposed here would require an amendment to the Cooperative Association Act 1999 to permit private equity. In order to leverage the remarkable power of financial capital in service of the model, non-voting shares need to be available for sale and speculation. Financially, the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC), would be encouraged to insure mortgages commensurate with this type of housing. The maximum insurable amortization period currently offered by the Crown Corporation is 25 years. Securing a non-CMCH backed mortgage, amortized over a longer period, is entirely possible however, lending terms are less favourable and would increase the cooperatives operating costs by whatever the higher non-insured interest rate is. A percentage point on a loan in the millions isn’t a trivial amount and under this model directly correlates to the rents levied on occupants. Keep in mind, the CMHC was established to address the shift in territorialisation induced at the end of the second World War. Altering its mandate isn’t necessary, rather updating its focus in light of our current state of territorialisation is. Ideally, chartered banks would be bypassed entirely, and the federal government would guarantee a mortgage like form of financing from the Bank of Canada at the lowest possible rate of interest. Funding aside, the government has the ability to provide in kind concessions. Due to the fact that this type or organisation isn’t a profit seeking entity, the incentive to cut health and safety related measures doesn’t exist. In fact, the charter of tenants’ rights, embedded in the organization’s articles, explicitly forbids this type of behaviour. Similar to a non-profit society, or charity, this model will have a set of rights embedded with the articles of incorporation. The hybrid rent/ own structure fundamentally changes the relationship between ‘building’ and ‘occupant.’ Ensuring the cooperative functions in the terms any reasonable occupant is would expect paramount. Indeed, cooperative structures are nothing new. Many different versions have thrived and failed. Vancouver’s history of housing cooperatives is largely based in a pre-condominium era. Many of these buildings were built under the same pretenses of the for-profit model discussed above. They may lack in quality but easily make up the difference in maintenance and operation. Other, non-purpose-built cooperatives are so successful they don’t accept applications due to already massive waiting lists. In short, I argue the cooperative is an underutilized vehicle in Vancouver. As one player among many it presents a real opportunity to align construction with the needs of the housing delta. A strong market will still produce units for sale and speculation if someone so chooses but those simply looking for a decent apartment will have more options. One could argue, if cooperatives were implemented as an alternative the private sector would have to respond in a competitive manner. It is important to note that the viability of the cooperative lies in how it is built. In order to meet the financial requirements of a Wohnbaugenossenschaften style pro forma, the building needs to be functional for 80 plus years. Long term operation and maintenance costs need to be considered as the organisation will be paying them in perpetuity. In section three, we discussed how the spatial aspects of a supply chain create different demands for housing, in different locations, and defined a variable to encapsulate this meaning. In section four, we discussed how the phrase housing crisis has been politicized and drawn the attention of legislators. In the previous section we initiated the development of a model capable of addressing the housing delta variable and navigating the manifold political environment. This section is concerned with the architectural. That is, at a fundamental level how do we define the volumetric qualities of space and organize them in relation to one another and the city. To be clear, we addressed the ‘economic’ in section 3, the ‘political’ in section 4 and the ‘financial’ in section 5, however, in no way shape or form does this amount to a building. This section is concerned with the optimal method of conceiving architecture, in light of economic, political and financial reality.Any housing related project presupposes questions of political economy and society. By definition, housing is always situated in a broader context and is for people. Much of this document revolves around this notion. However, the ends of the cooperative model decidedly aren’t social, political or financial. It isn’t the means to resolving a social issue, the means to garner political power, nor is it the means to monetary profit. Nor does it carry any pretentious assumptions that it will solve the multifarious housing related issues that characterize Vancouver. However, this doesn’t mean that it isn’t a political, social or economic act. It simply isn’t the primary agenda; affordable and quality housing for the average individual is. Housing, and all forms of architecture, do not exist in a vacuum and understanding these fields is of paramount importance. However, these felids offer little as a means for conceiving architecture, notwithstanding a managerial or bureaucratic process. Moreover, contemporary ideological positions, the projective aspects of the social sciences, are constantly being discredited and developed. The monetarist economic policies, popularized in the seventies, have been discredited. Likewise, their effects on housing have proven to be disastrous. The post-modern philosophies,1 and the consequent social agendas they promulgate, popular in academia and architectural discourse today, are in the process of being questioned as identity politics increasingly consumes political bandwidth. Ironically, an identical logic, albeit in a very different package, was implemented on the world stage during the Cold War to terrible ends. Reducing the world to a hierarchy of power relationships, in a zero-sum game, inevitably results in conflict, especially when policy is designed on this logic. One could only imagine a housing project based on a logic that openly contests reason as a basis for knowledge. I would wager, architecture students in a decade will bombard these logics with the same fervor as neoliberalism today. In short, I believe buildings built under any ideological pretenses are likely to fail in terms of their stated goal. Not to mention the fact that subsequent generations will have to deal with a physical artefact, designed around a fashionable ideological predisposition, be it ill-conceived or not, of another time. A profession uncomfortable with its elitist tendencies ought not to justify its means on an extra-architectural basis and use these utterances as fodder for virtue signalling. Even if a given architect understood the optimal social arrangement for the maximization of human fulfillment, the question becomes how does one implement this plan? This sort of thinking is paternalistic at best, authoritarian at worst. Albeit anecdotal and partially due to the fact that negative outcomes receive a disproportionate amount of attention in any field, it is much easier to compile a list of failed sociopolitical projects than successful ones. However, I argue those built under these pretenses, that are successful, are successful in virtue of space. Their spatial quality transcends the authors intent and is valuable in and of itself.One must resist confusing context with content. Obviously, a cooperative housing project needs to be environmentally, economically, socially and responsible. Although they must be met, these things shouldn’t directly determine the volumetric qualities of a bathroom or kitchen. Instead of relying on ideology as the chief space making instrument, this thesis advocates for a conceptual basis whereby a spatial concept informs the design of cooperative housing in Vancouver. A set of abstract concepts used to inform every decision, will be developed over the course of this section. All to often space is conceived of in terms of its value as a good. That is, how space can be exploited in fulfilment of a goal. Although, to a certain extent, this is an unavoidable fact. However, I argue, good 1. Derrida, Foucault, etc.Domestic Spacesspaces are virtuous in and of themselves. Their value as a good can be intrinsic and the unquantifiable aspects of space, manifest in a building as a whole, are indeed crucial to it’s success. Before a building can be imbued with any extra-architectural meaning, it needs to be articulated and organised in spatial terms. It is precisely at this point that a concept has relevance. Choosing which rooms open where, which rooms access light or the dimensions of rooms themselves are all examples of decisions that are best ascertained in from an informative spatial concept. Lacking any ideological motivation, the building’s design needs some sort of organizing logic as a replacement. We need a mechanism capable of organizing the relationships between spaces and the collection of spaces to the city. In order to ascertain this mechanism, I argue that exceptional buildings can be used as a means to organise our thoughts. Distilling these buildings through drawing, a two-part process renders the mechanism. First, a building is chosen for its spatial qualities and redrawn. Using conventional methods, a set of highly precise and completely new, yet conventional, drawings are generated. I argue, this simple act is determinant in the decision to proceed. One cannot be certain of a source’s spatial merits until they are deeply familiar with it. The act of considered drawing, in painstaking detail, immerses oneself into the building in a way that observation, writing or discussion cannot. Ideally these drawings would be generated from primary sources of information, like measurements and photography, taken on site. However, lacking time and funds, source documents obtained through secondary means are sufficient to undertake this first phase. Reconstructing the source building in a mindful manner, line by line, one begins to develop ideas about the project’s spaces. Notions of order, hierarchy and adjacency intrigue visceral thoughts. Buildings seen as pertaining to a particular movement, ideology or era can be understood on their spatial merits alone. Casa del Fascio could be understood in spatial terms rather than its affiliation with Modernism, the International Style or Italian Fascism. The summation of these ideas, as simple as they may seem, form the spatial concept. The spatial concept, a carapace containing interrelated ideas about space, is the point of this first half of this exercise. Second, the spatial concept is used to inform the design of a new project. Distilled through drawing, the concept is detached from its host and can be used as an operational logic moving forward; a formula of sorts where the brief (programme, site, etc.) is an input and space is the output. Although there is no universally applicable template for the type of spatial concept this approach seeks to uncover, a general composition can be articulated. The concept must be about space. The concept must be non-ideological. The concept must be articulated as simply as possible. If done correctly the first half of the exercise will produce a lens through which all aspects of the brief can be designed. What follows is three projects that have been chosen for this exercise. These projects have been chosen on their spatial merits alone. Artifacts of a prevailing order, they exhibit characteristics that are undeniably a product of their time. However, as experienceable and inhabitable objects they can be understood as exhibiting a defined spatial idea that has a meaning regardless of how, who or why they were built. These projects will be used in the next section and throughout the design process to inform three separate cooperative housing projects. An attempt will be made to correlate the ascertained spatial concept to the design development process. Consistent with the approach, the least amount of text will be used to describe only what’s necessary to generate the idea. Scottish Tower House A combination of fortification and residence in a compact vertically organized building, Cardoness Tower House is exemplary of a typology popular in Scotland during the Late Middle Ages. Marking an early point in the development of the castle, the tower house is archaic in its built form, but incredibly rich in spatial quality and sophistication. Hybrid versions, characterized by regional influences spanning three centuries, can be found throughout Scotland. However, the original form and more importantly its spatial logic remains clearly identifiable. Unlike its continental European counterparts, the tower house lacks ornamentation and the aesthetic trappings of an aristocracy displaying their wealth in built form. Rectangular in plan, the freestanding solitary edifice of the tower house looks like an eroded extrusion. Cold and borderline hostile, the external appearance is marked with a few irregularly placed and shaped openings that only hint at internal life. Unbeknown to the observer is a complicated intertwined spatial configuration that exists within the walls themselves. A spatial configuration that can be analysed on five distinct spatial conditions: room, threshold, service, nice and window. This taxonomy of sorts comprises an irreducible set of constituent spaces that comprise the experienceable whole. Annotated in the corresponding drawings, these spaces have been given a unique identifier.  By cataloging these spaces, a clear spatial logic is apparent. Directly corresponding to the external form of the tower house is a central space. Regardless of which rectangle was drawn (or demarcated) first, the external shape and internal volume of the central space correlate. This primary and rectilinear void can only be described as ambiguous. Volumetrically indistinguishable between levels, the central space hosted various activities associated with domestic living. Sleeping, dining, work and plotting attacks on rival clans were all conducted in identical spaces across the five levels. However, this is not a coincidence of content and expression. The central space is only permitted, programmatically and structurally, by ancillary spaces carved into the thick perimeter walls. These spaces are dynamic, yet specific. And, their location in the perimeter walls reduces what appears to many meter-thick walls to mere centimetres. The spatial concept embedded in the tower house is very simple. All functional spaces are volumetrically derived from their function. These spaces are directly linked to a generic, yet ambiguous central space. Whatever encloses the ancillary space is the primary vertical load bearing structure of the entire building. If we apply this logic to contemporary notions of housing one must first distinguish between the specific and ambiguous activities of dwelling. Bathrooms and kitchens are the two most obvious candidates for the specific category. Circulation and services could also be added quite easily. They all have very specific dimensional and spatial requirements that are unlikely to change. However, the range of lifestyles emerging in this new age of territorialisation, and the corresponding changes in activities like working, leisure and rest, make certain activities difficult to categorise and speculate on. This illegibility makes these activities perfectly suitable for an ambiguous space. As it has been discussed, this thesis does not purport to prescribe a ‘way of living’ on anyone. The ambiguity of a central space, or spaces, can be utilized in fulfilment of this goal. Torres BlancasDue to the immediate shock of this building’s formal attributes, Torres Blancas is often miss understood. Constructed in 1969, the building is highly valued by its occupants and apartments are coveted. Many of the original occupants remain and the building is host to a diverse range of households. Almost floral in plan, the building is characterised by its semi-circular protrusions. Essentially one building rotated four times and mirrored once, to avoid a swastika plan, the open-air space generated in-between is used for inter-floor circulation between units. The massive support columns with long span plates, make it possible to stack units with very different floor plans from floor to floor. However, the structure isn’t basic. These massive columns contain all services and are distributed throughout the plan. Lacking a centralised core, the architect enabled the development of rich, almost labyrinth like spaces, that flow into one another. Open living spaces are intentionally undefined and provide the occupant with the ability to define the space through the act of dwelling. Torres Blancas is an exceptional way to view vertical load bearing elements as both structure and service. By locating these elements precisely where they are needed, spaces correlate and begin to inform programme. Likewise, programme informs the location of service and structure. The key to understanding Torres Blanca’s lies in this holistic understanding of structure, programme and service. Uninhibited by a single structural core, parameters that restrain the location of programme are almost eliminated. Furthermore, the structural inefficiencies of standardized high-rise construction are reduced in favour of a more nuanced approach. It’s this fusion of structure, programme and service that is at the core of this spatial concept. It informs every decision and most importantly defines space in terms of order, adjacency and hierarchy. If we apply this logic to the design of a new cooperative housing project, one must first articulate the service requirements of the to be proposed building first. This seems counter intuitive, because it is. Typically, service requirements fall within the realm of a consultant and are conducted once a general scheme has been articulated. However, in the case of this concept circulation, heating, water and essentially all vertical attributes are given priority. Using a rough estimation of what’s needed, one must define and group these vertical elements first. As these elements are spatially arranged on a site, the buildings form will begin to take shape. An iterative process of defining, grouping and spatially arranging these elements is the means to fulfill this concept. Katsura Imperial VillaKatsura’s debut in architectural discourse is a bit of a coincidence. Seeking refuge from the National Socialist German Workers’ Party, Bruno Taut fled to Japan and happened to be staying short-term nearby. Architectural historians, including those in Japan, weren’t particularly concerned with the Villa. Taut’s public and vigorous praise of the Villa quickly elevated its profile. For Taut, “[t]he beauty that unfolds at Katsura transcends understanding.” His initial remarks foreshadowed Katsura’s perception today. For some it’s about the 17-acre garden, for others its about the buildings Imperial history. Interpretations of the Villa are numerous and vary widely in both scope and breadth. Regardless of whatever understanding resonates, the Villa seems to posses an unquantifiable and attractive quality buildings its contemporary lack. Although perceptions, change and continuously emerge anew, the building remains in its final form. Originally constructed in the 17th century, the Villa is a composition of several pavilions each built at a different time, by different people and for different reasons. However, a clearly identifiable logic is consistently applied with incredible rigor. The standard dimensions of a Tatami mat determine the dimensions of a room. Specific combinations are considered inauspicious and avoiding these was culturally important. Almost every aspect of the building, from structure to ceiling planks and siting, are derivative of auspicious combinations. Although Katsura’s conceptional logic was directly linked to this one aspect of Japanese culture, I argue its spaces can be understood as exhibiting merits not necessarily derivative of the Tatami mat itself. Rather, the overarching logic of Katsura’s conception is the concept of division. All of the Villa’s spaces are a product of a division in their volumetric shape and atmosphere. And, all architectural elements are in service of this goal. Timber in construction, many types and dimensions of joists, sleepers and sills are composed to support the floor. Likewise, roof rafters, hip rafters, ridge beams and purlins vary in dimension and type. It isn’t obvious that this variation is consequential until one considers the internal spaces suspended in the timber frame. With varying degrees of dimension and opacity, shoji screens, fusuma panels and cedar shutters, each with their own material characteristics, give each space a dynamic degree of atmospheric state. Of significant importance is how these three types of sliding panels modulate threshold in a non-binary manner. That is to say, infinite threshold conditions exist between open and closed. Different permutations and combinations are possible in a single set, by virtue of a panels position and size relative to the others in the same set, and compound when multiple sets are used on different walls in the same space and between spaces. Unlike the previous two projects, Katsura lacks a rigid spatial hierarchy. All of Katsura’s internal spaces are volumetrically rectilinear and quite simple to comprehend. However, volumetric adjacency isn’t permitted by corridors and could be understood as somewhat classical. This enfilade type condition is the second type of division exemplified in Katsura. All rooms are ambiguous and identical spaces can vary widely in programme. Similar to the Tower House’s central space, these spaces are undefined by function. However, unlike the Tower House they are not distinguishable based on a centrifugal adjacency. Linear adjacency defines Katsura’s hierarchy. At the core of Katsura’s spatial concept is the notion of division. Understood as a state between two poles, this concept presupposed organizing the programme in terms of desired atmospheric conditions. A set of atmospheric conditions defined by parameters like light, airflow and privacy will be used to organize spaces like bathrooms, kitchens and sleeping spaces. For example, a given room might require different levels of privacy, light and ventilation at a given time. Obviously, one cannot have a large open window for ventilation and light all the while expecting complete privacy. As Katsura demonstrates, you can have all. However, this doesn’t mean adding fusuma panels to a façade. Baking division into the architecture itself, at the point of threshold, is the key to actualizing Katsura’s spatial concept in terms of a contemporary housing project.semesters composition. Each of the three timeframes will be assigned one of the three concepts derived from one building in the attached drawing book and set loose on a unique, yet fitting, site. The concepts will be explored consecutively rather than simultaneously to avoid cross contamination. The schematic design phase is the direct application of the concept. Each of the concepts has a starting point. For the Tower House it is defining and categorizing spaces based on programme into ancillary or ambiguous. For Torres Blancas the starting point is roughly determining service requirements. Katsura’s starting point lies in organizing the programme by desired interior atmospheric conditions. However, the conditions of the Wohnbaugenossenschaften pro forma will have to be met as it constrains viability in terms of number, area and cost. This financial document will be iteratively revised as the semester progresses and each project is completed. Essentially scaling it up or down, this ought to demonstrate the effectiveness of working with finance instead of against it. The financial document is tailored to the building not the other way around. Ideally one wouldn’t have to conduct this exercise, however, considering the ‘housing crisis’ climate, it is imperative.Representation for all proposed buildings will be identical. A large axonometric, with the proposed building somewhat in the center, will display the project in its context. By drawing the surrounding buildings and context, a sense of place can be ascertained in order for the spatial concept to begin informing site. Exterior depictions of a building are best represented in line drawings. Atmospheric conditions, like rain or sunshine, convey ephemeral moods which are by definition not static and derail the viewers ability to contextualize the building in its surroundings. Renderings will be limited to interior spaces only. These images will use domestic things, not people, to convey scale. Humans are wired to read people, and the people chosen will always distract the viewer from being able to envision themselves in the space. A single model for each project will be used to convey the structural systems effect on space. If this approach to design is effective, structure and space will be inseparable. Models are inherently objects and will be treated as such. At 1:33 scale, these models will be somewhat large but refined as only a sliver of the building will be chosen. The part modelled will be  At the culmination of what has been discussed above is the proposal for this thesis. The problematic aspects of the real estate economy have been identified. A proven mechanism that has the potential to circumvent these problems and provide housing has been articulated. All the while, the thesis has been situated in a larger economic shift that is fundamentally changing the patterns of settlement that collectively form our anthropology. However, this rudimentary attempt at description and understanding has little to do with the production of space. And it is precisely at this point where the aforementioned methodology has relevance.  Simply put, the projected role of the architect lies in an ability to consume a set of parameters and define them in spatial terms. The most profound acts of architecture are spatial but bound to the time in which they were born. Our time and place are characterized by several things, but the lack of housing in terms of quantity and quality defines the agenda and is precisely what the proposal seeks to address. The housing delta is a condition that will always elude resolution. However, in a city like Vancouver, a certain level of resolution is possible. Housing doesn’t need to be resolved ideologically, rather considering the state of things as baseline reality, utilizing the cooperative model and operating with a spatial concept one can navigate the housing delta. The process is quite straightforward: I want to take housing, a fairly well understood programme in terms of what constitutes a unit and use a concept to inform spatial characteristics of a building in terms of volume, structure, adjacency, material, etc all within the constraints of a site. I hope to be clear with intent and specific with representational means over the next two paragraphs. The intent of the project isn’t to completely resolve a building to the point of construction documents. The project is conceptual in nature but deeply rooted in the realities of operating in Vancouver’s housing arena. The intention is to exhibit this approach to conceiving architecture. The topic of housing is undeniably loaded, as this document demonstrates, meaning it will be an excellent candidate to assess the methods efficacy come April. In the mean time, the semester is to be considered as three timeframes all with an identical process. On the last page of this document is a graphic schedule depicting the ProposalSite 1 -Address: 100 Alexander St. (proposed) 106 Carrall St. (existing)-Zoning: CDW, CD-1, HA-2-Area: 148m2 (approx.) -Property Tax Assessed Value: Not Available (Neighbouring lot value $1,404,000 at 170 m2)Site 2-Address: 711 Alexander St.-Zoning: M-2-Area: 160m2 (approx.)-Property Tax Assessed Value:  $4,676,500 (2017); $1,986,500 (2016)Site 3-Address: 987 E Cordova St.-Zoning: M-2-Area: 158m2 (approx.)-Property Tax Assessed Value:  $5,676,000 (2017); $4,435,000 (2016)the one exudes the most consequence on space. Lastly, conventional drawings (plan, section + elevation), will be used as necessary. What will be needed is entirely unforeseeable at the moment, however, a couple plans, and sections will be produced per project at a minimum. If time and technology permits, one-minute animations of a camera slowly panning through the spaces will be generated. No textures will be used in the rendering of these animations and everything will be given the same tone to maximize the viewers ability to understand the volumetric qualities. Due to the physical artefacts of territorialisation that have rendered our city, available land is limited. Addressing land scarcity and affordability has sparked a trend towards land consolidation and bigger buildings. Diametrically opposing this trend, the proposal seeks bits of land, actually being ‘underutilized,’ as they are— relics of our settlement. These sites are unique but share a common history along the CPR line. Due to zoning restrictions, they are undesirable for private entities to develop. One could argue, they can’t be easily exploited with cheap architecture for profit due to their small footprint and location. Fully exploiting the symmetries between the cooperative model, the housing delta and the city’s interests, concessions to zoning and code may be advocated for on a case by case basis. The following sites have been chosen and written on the next page.Heckmann, Oliver, and Friederike Schneider. Floor Plan Manual       Housing, Basel: Birkhäuser Verlag, 2018.Nardinelli, Clark. “Industrial Revolution and the Standard of Living.”       Library of Economics, Nov 10, 2009.Rifkin, Jeremy. 2011. The Third Industrial Revolution: How Lateral      Power is Transforming Energy, the Economy, and the World. New      York: Palgrave Macmillan.Rifkin, Jeremy. The Zero Marginal Cost Society: The Internet of Things,      the Collaborative Commons, and the Eclipse of Capitalism. First ed.        New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.Robbins, William. “90% Jobless Rate Grinds West Virginia Coal Town.”      New York Times, April 10, 1983. Schwab, Klaus. The Fourth Industrial Revolution. New York: Crown      Business, 2017.Sutcliffe, Alistair, Robin Dunbar, Jens Binder, and Holly Arrow.       “Relationships and the Social Brain: Integrating Psychological and            Evolutionary Perspectives.” British Journal of Psychology 103, no. 2      (2012): 1–34.Aureli, Pier Vittorio. Less is Enough: On Architecture and Asceticism.      First ed. Moscow: Strelka Press, 2013.Berelowitz, Lance. Dream City: Vancouver and the Global Imagination.      Vancouver:Douglas & McIntyre, 2010.Boudet, Domonique. New Housing in Zurich Typologies for a Changing      Society. Zurich: Park Books, 2017.Brynjolfsson, Erik and Andrew McAfee. The Second Machine Age: Work,      Progress, andProsperity in a Time of Brilliant Technologies. First ed.      New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2014.Carl, Jim. Industrialization and Public Education: Social Cohesion and      Social Stratification. In R. Cowen & A. M. Kazamias (Eds.),      International Handbook of Comparative Education (Dordrecht      Springer, Netherlands: 2009)Caruso, Adam, and Helen Thomas. The Stones of Fernand Pouillon.      Zurich: gta Verlag, 2015.Deplazes, Andrea and Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule Zürich.      Departement Architektur. Constructing Architecture: Materials,      Processes, Structures : A Handbook.Third, extend ed. Basel,      Switzerland: Birkhäuser, 2013.Garay, Ronald G. U.S. Steel and Gary, West Virginia: Corporate      Paternalism in Appalachia. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee      Press, 2011Keynes, John Maynard. Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren.      1930Krauss, Clifford. “OPEC Split as Oil Prices Fall Sharply.” The New York      Times, 2014.Works CitedDaniel McDermottUBC School of Architecture + Landscape ArchitectureIn Partial Fulfillment of the Masters of Architecture RequirementsUnder the Guidance of John Bass, Leslie Van Duzer + Bettina BalcaenTypeface: Colophon Foundry, Aperçu Copyleft.     No Rights Reserved. 2019. Imprint©


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