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The Island and the Ocean : The Preservation of Intangible Heritage In Outport Newfoundland Oke, Kathy 2019-04-26

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The Island and the Ocean The Preservation of Intangible Heritage 1n Outport Newfoundland By Kathy Oke B.F.A, Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2013 ©April 2019 Graduation Prqject Chair: Dr. Sara Stevens Additional Committee Members: James Huemoeller, Steven S uci?J, Submitted in partial fulfillment ef the requirements for the degree ef Master ef Architecture in the Faculty of Applied Science Graduate Studies, School ef Architecture and Landscape Architecture, Architecture Program, Universi(y ef British Columbia iiiiiAbstractThe Island and the Ocean is an architectural graduation project set in rural Newfoundland, which aims to answer the question of  how architecture might restore agency to a draining population, and reconnect the culture, identity, and future of  the island to contemporary Newfoundlanders. It is a critique of  the tourist-centric model of  cultural heritage preservation that is prevalent across rural North America. It is a proposal for an alternative framing of  preservation which prioritizes the evolution of  culture over time. The project proposes that it is possible to design local tradition and inherited knowledge into architecture not just formally, but at the level of  its function, social and spatial systems, and organization. Beyond this, by collecting and integrating programming which reflects the local culture in a way that encourages participation through creative practices, a building can become a catalyst for the sharing of  heritage, community, and cultural rejuvenation. This thesis tests how – beside protection of  the architectural object – architecture can look beyond the literal built form to the processes and socio-spatial systems around which a place has developed as a means to create locally legible social infrastructure within which a new restorative ritual of  cultural heritage preservation can take place. fig. 1 (above)Receding Into the FogSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019vivTable of ContentsAbstract pg. iiiAcknowledgement pg. xiDedication pg. xiiiNewfoundland: A Prelude pg. 1A Brief History of Newfoundland, and its Loss of IdentityAppendix C pg. 10Looking Backwards, Moving ForwardsAppendix E pg. 37Architecture’s Role in the Preservation of Intangible HeritageSpatial Heritage pg. 40An Investigation of Socio-Spatial Systems in the OutportsThe Island and the Ocean pg. 62Of Making, of Fishing, of StorytellingBibliography pg. 109Works Referenced in Appendix C & EviiviList of Figuresfig. 1. Receding Into the Fog pg. iifig. 2. The Houses are Empty pg. xivfig. 3. The Harbour is Empty pg. xivfig. 4. The Ocean is Empty pg. xivfig. 5. Hibb’s Cove, Newfoundland pg. 2fig. 6. Greenspond, Newfoundland pg. 3fig. 7. Premier Smallwood signing Newfoundland into Canada pg. 4fig. 8. From Silver Fox Island to Dover pg. 5fig. 9. Unloading Newfoundland Cod in Nova Scotia pg. 6fig. 10. Confrontation of Fisheries Minister John Crosbie pg. 7fig. 11. Landscapes of Identity pg. 8fig. 12. Canada’s Urban and Rural Population Balance Since 1851 pg. 12fig. 13. Museumification of Living Culture pg. 15fig. 14. The Gaze of Tourism pg. 19fig. 15. Fogo Island Inn pg. 21fig. 16. Breakdown of Fogo Island Artist Residencies pg. 21fig. 17. Tourism as Exhibition pg. 22fig. 18. Cultural Performance pg. 24fig. 19. Open Doors pg. 36fig. 20. The Practice of Visiting pg. 39fig. 21. Huddled Around the Harbour like Friends Around a Table pg. 41fig. 22. Layers of Inhabitation pg. 43fig. 23. The Kitchen Window pg. 45fig. 24. The Road as Social Conductor pg. 47fig. 25. Visually Connecting Domestic Infrastructure pg. 49fig. 26. Johnny Ben Kearley, Len Byrne, Gorgen [?] Sheppard, Hubert Baker, Freemen Baker, Jack Sheppard and Watson Baker in a kitchen, likely at Rencontre East, Newfoundland pg. 50fig. 27. Men on Flakes  ca. 1900 pg. 53fig. 28. Society of United Fishermen on parade, Ireland’s Eye, Trinity Bay, New-foundland pg. 53fig. 29. Source: Resettlement Digital Photograph Collection, Craig Leonard Pho-ixviiitograph Collection, PF-328. Memorial University  of Newfoundland Digital Archives  pg. 53fig. 30. Men working inside a splitting stage, Battle Harbour, Labrador pg. 53fig. 31. Source: Battle Harbour, Labrador, Photograph Collection. Memorial University Digital Archives pg. 53fig. 32. Group of Men on a Stage Head pg. 53fig. 33. Stages of Petty Harbour pg. 54fig. 34. Flakes of Petty Harbour pg. 55fig. 35. The Room pg. 57fig. 36. The Spatial Principles of the Outports pg. 59fig. 37. The Wharf pg. 60fig. 38. Map of Newfoundland pg. 63fig. 39. Greater St. John’s Area and Petty Harbour pg. 64fig. 40. Motion Bay and Petty Harbour pg. 65fig. 41. Site Plan pg. 68fig. 42. Petty Harbour’s Spatial Systems pg. 68fig. 43. Historical Photographs of Petty Harbour pg. 70fig. 44. Contemporary Photographs of Petty Harbour pg. 72fig. 45. Splitting and Cooking a Fresh Catch pg. 74fig. 46. Programmatic Organization Diagram pg. 78fig. 47. Site Diagram pg. 78fig. 48. Design Development Sketches pg. 80fig. 49. Design Development Sketches, cont’d pg. 83fig. 50. Conceptual Detail Sketches pg. 84fig. 51. Site Model Photographs pg. 87fig. 52. 1:100 Model Photographs pg. 89fig. 53. Workshop Interior Render pg. 93fig. 54. Workshop Plan pg. 93fig. 55. Workshop Cross Section pg. 93fig. 56. Workshop Long Section pg. 93fig. 57. Stage Interior Render pg. 97fig. 58. Stage Plan pg. 97fig. 59. Stage Cross Section pg. 97fig. 60. Stage Long Section pg. 97fig. 61. Library Interior Render pg. 101fig. 62. Library Plan pg. 101fig. 63. Library Cross Section pg. 101fig. 64. Library Long Section pg. 101fig. 65. Walkway Details pg. 104fig. 66. Daytime Exterior Site Render pg. 104fig. 67. Evening Exterior Render from Boat pg. 104xixAcknowledgementThis graduation project is the product of  four years of  homesickness. Thank you to the incredible people I have met during my time at SALA, who have solidified this community as a second home. As the longing for home that I felt in my gut subsided with  your growing companionship, a new one arises as we prepare to leave this place once more. I love you all. Thank you to my committee, James Huemoeller and Steven Suchy, and my chair, Sara Stevens. Your guidance and support throughout this process as been invaluable, and I am eternally grateful. Thank you to Kimberley Orren and Leo Hearn of  Fishing For Success, both for the time you shared with me discussing this project and the incredible work you are doing to preserve the fishing heritage of  Petty Harbour. Thank you to Taryn Sheppard and Matthew Brown, Graham Entwistle and Adriana Ermi-Sprung, Dan Mills, Greg Johnson, Fionn Byrne for your expertise, advice, and encouragement. Finally, thank you to the people who volunteered their time to help me cross the finish line: Graham Case, Dylan Maeers, Lukas Vajda, Vincent Perron, Breanna Mitchell, Christine Rohrbacher, Kevin Isherwood, and Jeremy Schipper - as well as Nick Fernando, and Carla Gruber for keeping me company at the hospital when I ruptured my Achilles’ tendon, and Pera Hardy for helping me get around for the final three weeks.xiiixiiDedicationTo the people of  Newfoundland. This project is a love letter to you, in hopes of  revealing a truth that floats below the surface of  existence on the island: that there is space for our province in the future, and that the future is ours to define. To my parents, and my sisters. Thank you for your endless love and support. 1xivNewfoundland: A PreludeA Brief History of Newfoundland, and its Loss of Identityfig. 2The Houses are EmptySource: Oke, Kathy. 2018fig. 3The Harbour is EmptySource: Oke, Kathy. 2018fig. 4The Ocean is EmptySource: Oke, Kathy. 2018The harbour is emptyThe houses are empty The ocean is emptyThe identity of  the island of  Newfoundland is in flux. The island’s connection to the ocean has been ruptured. Its way of  life has been distorted. 32Over the past 70 years, several major disruptions to outport life have brought permanent changes to the traditional ways of  life in Newfoundland - particularly in the small rural fishing settlements which pepper the craggy coastline of  the island. These communities are known as the outports. Generally, in Western society, interest in the preservation of  rural heritage arose when industrialization and urbanization became a threat Definition: OUTPORTA rural settlement along the coast of Newfoundland. Typically, outports center around a harbour which, until the 1992 Cod Moratorium, acted as the social, cultural and economic center of the community.A more specific term than ‘rural’, outport denotes a particular history which developed and evolved around the inshore cod fishery. These small towns all developed around similar socio-spatial principles which have been applied to each place traditional ways of  settler life. In the case of  outport Newfoundland, this threat to tradition at the hands of  modernization was not a gradual process – it was abrupt, casting two critical hits to the province’s sense of  identity within recent memory. fig. 5 (facing page)Hibb’s Cove, NewfoundlandSource: Herzog, Fred.  1969fig. 6Greenspond, NewfoundlandSource: Nightingale, Johnathan. 200854Confederation with Canada in 1949 meant not only a loss of  sovereignty for the island, but was followed by aggressive modernization tactics at the hands of  Premier Joey Smallwood1.  Acts such as the Government Sponsored Resettlement programs uprooted entire communities from their homes in favour of  centralizing the dispersed population.1 Mellin, Robert. Newfoundland Modern (McGill-Queens U Press, 2011),4fig. 7Premier Smallwood signing Newfoundland into CanadaSource: National Film Board of  Canada / Library and Archives Canada / PA-128080 Def inition: RESETTLEMENTA sweeping centralization program taking place in the 1950s and 1970s which moved 27,000 Newfoundlanders from their homes, and left over 220 outport communities abandoned. 1Some families opted to bring their homes along with them as they moved to designated centers  located strategically along the newly introduced Trans-Canada Highway - another major project of post-confederation modernization. 1 Pocius, Gerald. A Place to Belong (McGill-Queens U Press, 1991), 21fig. 7From Silver Fox Island to DoverSource: Brooks, Bob. Library and Archives Canada. 196176A film still of fisheries minister John Crosbie being confronted by local fisherman after the announcement of moratorium. “I didn’t take the fish from the god damned water” - John Crosbie, 1992On July 2nd, 1992, the commercial northern Atlantic cod fishery off  the shores of  Newfoundland and Labrador was halted indefinitely. This moratorium largely due to both mismanagement of  the fisheries on Definition: COD MORATORIUMThe indefinite closure of cod fishery which took place of the eastern coast of Canada in 1992. The cod moratorium not only put 30,000 fisherman out of work overnight, but also ripped the outports away from the industry and way of life that had defined them for generations. 3the part of  the Canadian government, and colossal international overfishing in the newly Canadian waters.2 p32 Kurlansky, Mark. Cod (Vintage Canada Edition, 1998), 83 Kelly, Ursula. Despite this Loss (ISER Books, fig. 8Unloading Newfoundland Cod in Nova ScotiaSource: Library and Archives Canada. Lunney, Gar. 1961fig. 9 (above)Confrontation of Fisheries Minister John CrosbieSource: CBC News Archives. Accessed  02/02/201998These events account for just two of  the major societal changes which have deeply affected the province’s culture within recent history. For the people of  Newfoundland, these disruptions have caused a disconnection from the ocean, their concept of  home, and their sense of  identity.The destabilization of  the island’s identity resulting from such events has caused a rift to develop between the people of  the island and their heritage, creating a space which has allowed for external influences to begin to influence and ultimately define the representation of  the province. Unmoored from its roots and set adrift in a still rapidly modernizing world, the island holds onto the past as the crux of  its identity. As the effects of  these events have settled with time into the narrative of  the island, the past has been nostalgically fed to young Newfoundlanders as the pinnacle of  the island’s culture - a time when we were true Newfoundlanders. The past is upheld as the sole source of  the culture’s value, leaving very little room for its young people to envision a future for the province, or for themselves within it. 2010), 25 This issue has become exasperated by practices of  tourism-centric heritage preservation within the province. Through its over-romanticization of  both a mythical past and present, this method of  preservation glorifies and maintains a yearning for an inaccessible past, upholding a state of  perpetual cultural mourning. The essay and research which follow are an assessment of  the issues which currently stand in the field of  heritage preservation from the perspective of  living culture and spatial heritage. This project proposes that architecture as a discipline can, through this investigation and engagement with local culture, create avenues for rural populations to reconnect with their heritage. Through these explorations, it is possible for agency, local legibility, and spatial heritage to be implemented into new designs, connecting a structure to both the past and the future. fig. 10Landscapes of IdentitySource: Oke, Kathy. 20181110Appendix CLooking Backwards, Moving ForwardsThe field of  architecture is obsessed with urbanism. The Metropolis has been universally accepted as the inevitable and ultimate future of  human inhabitation. The word ‘rural’, should it be uttered at all, has become a blanket term for all which exists outside of  the purview of  the city – that which is other than, inferior too, and obsolete. Architecture retains a prominent urbanormative standpoint, with a tendency to regard the rural as a fading glimmer of  the past, undemanding of  serious 1  John Brennan, Architectural Research Quarterly (Cambridge, 2006), 132  Pieter Versteegh, Alter Rurality (Createspace, 2015), 21attention.1  Pieter Versteegh, co-editor of  Alter Rurality, explains this urbanocentric misunderstanding of  the rural, writing that “the understanding of  the rural is often reduced to that of  aesthetic agricultural resource landscape subjected to urban territory and its demands (energy and food provider, picturesque leisure and tourism landscape, potential dormitory space…).”2 He continues, writing, “Rurality is also sometimes idealized as idyllic, at other moments stigmatized by pejorative historic, cultural, economic, political connotations, haunted by numerous subliminal images … Rurality is commodified at the expense of  its intrinsic values.”3 The framing of  rurality through an urban lens has mis-characterized and oversimplified it, and given room for urbanity to come to the forefront as the most important cultural human landscape.This focus on the metropolis is not arbitrary – the world is urbanizing at a rapid rate. Versteegh writes that “...not only is the world becoming more and more urban, but the urban as an idea and representation (of  living, of  power, of  production, of  consumption, of  occupying territory, of  planning) has become global,”4 a fact which is illustrated by worldwide demographic statistics.5 Canada has been steadily urbanizing since the 1850s6 and continues to trend towards even greater density in the growing urban centers.7 While is it surely critical to study issues surrounding urban centers, it is limiting to discount the importance and potential of  rural 3  Pieter Versteegh, Alter Rurality (Createspace, 2015), 214   Pieter Versteegh, Alter Rurality (Createspace, 2015),  215  “Urban population (% of total),” Worldbank, 2016,  “Canada Goes Urban,” Stats. Canada, 2017,  “Canada Goes Urban,” Stats. Canada, 2017,  Fulkerson and Thomas, Re-imagining Rural (Maryland: Lexington Books, 2016),19  Fulkerson and Thomas, Re-imagining Rural (Maryland: Lexington Books, 2016), 1regions as we envision the future of  human habitation.As the world becomes increasingly urbanized, we are becoming largely disconnected from rural and vernacular landscapes and as a result, the “direct experiential understanding of  rural realities grows scarce.”8 Fulkerson and Thomas write in their book, Re-imagining Rural: Urbanormative Portrayals of  Rural Life, that as a result of  this disconnection, “the urban public grows vulnerable to passive acceptance of  overgeneralized ideas that deny the uniqueness, variety, and diversity of  rural places and people,”9 which has implications for only for urbanites, but for rural people as well - it means that their ways of  life are misunderstood, and may be acted upon by those ignorant to their customs. The rural is too often framed through the lens of  the urban, severely limiting our understanding of  these diverse and highly complex places. Hough writes that “the pervasive influence of  the The following essay outlines the field of inquiry which was explored during the first half of this Graduation Project.This research explores urbanocentric conceptions of rural places and their histories, the failings of common Western heritage practice in effectively protecting heritage, and the complications which arise when preservation and the tourism industry become entangled.  1312city in every corner of  our living environment is challenging our conventional perceptions of  the sense of  region, of  belonging to a place …”10 continuing to explain, “The perceptual distinction between what is urban and what is rural is a nostalgic view held by city dwellers who, seeking rural quiet or cheap real estate, are themselves the cause of  its disappearance. Urbanism is a fact of  life in postindustrial society. The idea that one can live a rural life, in the sense of  having a working environment distinct from the city’s influence, is no longer a valid concept in the developed world.”11 In other words, the interconnectedness of  the contemporary globalizing world has rendered the historical notions of  rural life not only invalid, but virtually impossible. For better or worse, the tendrils of  modernity and urbanormative idealism have made their way into even the most 10  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 311  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 312  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 55remote communities, and are vastly influencing the ways in which they operate, and the ways in which they envision their futures. The shallow urbanormative perception of  rural places held by influential groups such as the field of  architecture can have tangible repercussions. The State, for instance, typically acts from the perspective of, and in the interest of  the metropolis as well, dictating the dispersal of  services, infrastructure, and institutions within their respective jurisdiction, both urban and rural.12 Without a proper understanding of  how rural areas will be affected by such interventions, these amenities are copy-and-pasted throughout diverse rural landscapes, ignorant of  cultural, social, and spatial contexts. One of  rurality’s defining features is that it is typically not planned in the same way that the urban is – rurality 1851  2,436,297  318,079   2,118,218  13  871861  3,229,633  527,220   2,702,413  16  841871  3,737,257  722,343   3,014,914  19  811881  4,381,256  1,109,507  3,271,749  25  751891  4,932,206  1,537,098  3,395,108  31  691901  5,418,663  2,023,364  3,395,299  37  631911  7,221,662  3,276,812  3,944,850  45  551921  8,800,249  4,353,428  4,446,821  49  511931  10,376,379  5,572,058  4,804,321  54  461941  11,506,655  6,252,416  5,254,239  54  461951  14,009,429  8,628,253  5,381,176  62  381956  16,080,791  10,714,855  5,365,936  67  331961  18,238,247  12,700,390  5,537,857  70  301966  20,014,880  14,726,759  5,288,121  74  261971  21,568,305  16,410,785  5,157,520  76  241976  22,992,595  17,366,970  5,625,625  76  241981  24,343,177  18,435,923  5,907,254  76  241986  25,309,330  19,352,080  5,957,250  76  241991  27,296,856  20,906,872  6,389,984  77  231996  28,846,758  22,461,207  6,385,551  78  222001  30,007,094  23,908,211  6,098,883  80  202006  31,612,897  25,350,743  6,262,154  80  202011  33,476,688  27,147,274  6,329,414  81  19Populat ionTotalUrban Rural Urban Ruralby number % of  populat iont ime1851 2011% of Population100908070605040302010    Ur ban Population    Rural  Populat ionCanada’s Urban and Rural Population Balance Since 1851fig. 11Canada’s Urban and Rural Population Balance Since 1851Source: Stats Canada. 1514simply operates differently. This is not to say that rural settlements are not planned, logical, or considered, but instead to say that the methods of  planning are fundamentally distinct from those utilized in urban centers, and should be regarded as such. Rural places typically develop through slow processes and the evolution of  complex networks and social and spatial systems. Influence from authoritative bodies such as the state have the potential to radically alter the ways in which these places operate.13 Vellinga outlines and criticizes a paranoid outlook on the evolution of  rural and vernacular landscapes, writing that “in general, the perception is that the advance of  the one [opposing culture] inevitably leads to the contamination, destruction and disappearance of  the other.”14 The perception he outlines here is one of  heritage as static, and unchanging instead of  dynamic and living. Changes to a place do not need to be detrimental to the culture of  the rural place, but a mishandling of  the existing traditions and a resistance to changing heritage could make this perception a self-fulfilling prophecy. As stated above, ruralism needs to be considered and understood without 13  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 5514  Marcel Vellinga, Vernacular Architecture in the 21st Century (New York: Taylor & Francis, 2006), 8515  Fulkerson and Thomas, Re-imagining Rural (Maryland: Lexington Books, 2016), 2the urban lens if  it is to have a place in the future. Fulkerson and Thomas expressed this, writing that this is especially critical “as the dominant group of  urbanites continues to enjoy spatial privileges and centrality in the world, while rural residents experience the hardships of  a weakening economy and advanced social and cultural marginalization.”15As the world rapidly urbanizes, the resultant rural exodus as people migrate to cities for work and opportunities means that rural areas are in decline. This rapid dissipation of  rural populations, particularly over the past century, has caused a nostalgic outcry for the protection and preservation of  traditional, pre-modern, pre-industrial ways of  life - but what does that mean, and what does it look like? Hough writes that “coupled with the evolution of  old landscapes into new is a nostalgia for the ones that are being lost, especially in North America where the preservation of  historic places has assumed high priority…” continuing to say, though, that “… in the absence of  contemporary relevance or historical continuity these landscapes tell us little of  past events or how people lived.”16 It would seem, then, regarding the maintenance of  this understanding of  local ways of  life, that the way in which we preserve 16  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 3dying places and their cultures is fundamentally flawed and in dire need of  re-examination.fig. 12Museumification of Living CultureSource: Oke, Kathy. 20191716Heritage Distinction as a Marker of DeathWhile it is a noble endeavor to protect the ways of  life that are threatened by the pressure to “conform to the established majority values,”17 the methods through which this ‘protection’ is implemented are coming from the same urbanocentric perspective as the contemporary culture which threatens to over-take that which is at risk, and are thus limited or even detrimental in their approach. Ivkovska explains that “interest in the West in preserving rural heritage arose when industrialization and urbanization became a threat to traditional life,”18 continuing to explain that the threat that something will be lost unless a conscious effort is made to preserve it is implicit in the concept of  heritage.19 A distinction is made between living culture and heritage, a line between when a culture can sustain itself  and when a greater authoritative body must step in to protect its supposed survival. Scholars stress that preservation only 17  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 318  Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016), 7219 Velika  Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016), 7120  Velika  Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016), 7121  Velika  Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016), 7122  Velika  Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016), 71becomes necessary when “ordinary institutions and cultural practices can no longer guarantee the survival of  a site or practice.”20 So, what happens to a site or practice when intervention becomes “necessary”? Ivkovska writes that “the mere designation of  something as “heritage,” then, seems to indicate its end as a living culture/practice,”21 or, in other words, in current practice, heritage distinction marks the death of  the living culture to which it belongs. The very institution that aims to protect heritage enforces a surrender of  its living status. According to Barbara Kirschenblatt-Gimblett, heritage designation gives an endangered site or practice a second life as an exhibition of  itself. Ivkovska points out, though, that this transition “may obscure contestations between local people, who may still see such sites as part of  their living culture, and other actors such as national governments and international experts, who wish to designate them as heritage sites and thus to some extent museumify them.”22 This second life does not lend itself  to a continuance of  the heritage that it is aiming to protect. There is an expectation that within this second life as exhibition, all will remain unchanged and “authentic.” Instead, it seems that the ultimate goal of  the current methods of  heritage preservation is the successful freezing in time of  the threatened local traditions. The common view of  “authentic” heritage tends to be one that assumes a fixed entity, a frozen moment of  the past that has somehow managed to survive the ravages of  nature and human action.23 Of  this, Heath explains that these virginal, untouched landscapes can then become a reservoir for memories, “capable of  providing inner richness to later generations through their evocative presence.”24 He continues, explaining that “implicit, too, is the notion that not only has the historical site survived untouched, but also the original concepts that shaped it have survived as well… Seemingly suspended in time, such works trigger out historical imagination and serve as referents for heritage tourism; provide evocative imagery for contemporary design; and once decoded for formal strategies and design vocabulary, may be reconstituted elsewhere as a means of  manufacturing imagined 23  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 7624  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 7625 Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 7626 Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 7827  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 76heritage.”25 This is perhaps the intention of  historic preservation, but in actuality the effects of  preservation on a place may instead reinforce existing misconstrued notions of  that place as one that is of  the past, having no future beyond that of, as Kirschenblatt-Gimblett forewarned, an exhibition of  itself. Regional settings, remote rural places in particular, are inherently tied to the cultural processes and traditions which form around them,26 and thus the heritage in a particular locale is linked inextricably to the place in which it lives. Heath believes that place is more than “a geographically definable entity accentuated by historical and visual landmarks; and heritage is not the aesthetic replication of  a selected past.”27 He explains this further, writing that “on an emotional level, it is a mental construct different for each of  us, and, in the case of  childhood dwelling places, tied from youth to personal experience.” He continues, writing “obviously, there are some recurring points of  congruence that tie long-time inhabitants of  a locale to a place in a collective way. This collective 1918heritage is often the product of  shared work and recreational patterns, common ethnic and economic bonds, shared social and spiritual values, and actual or invented historical identities. These regional commonalities, in turn, produce shared mental attitudes, sensibilities, and associations.”28 This layering of  shared customs, history, and tradition onto the regional landscape form complex and dense cultural landscapes in which the culture and the land are inextricably tied together. These cultural or vernacular landscapes should be seen as the product of  ever evolving human and environmental factors, rather than a static image of  a single moment of  its history.29 Heritage and TourismThe preservation of  heritage, then, also has an effect on the cultural landscape - whether it is beneficial or detrimental to the existing culture depends on the approach. One such approach which has been gaining significant momentum in reaction to the globalizing realities of  the world is tourism-based heritage preservation - 28  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 7629  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 7830  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 15531  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 15532  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 155preservation which aims primarily to attract tourists and tourism revenue to a place which seems as though it’s traditions are ‘other’ as compared to the typical urban experience, and thus are considered at risk of  disappearing. Tourism thrives on the past.30 Hough writes that “Every town that has seen better days and can boast of  a past has an eye to capitalizing on its own historic specialty for tourist entertainment and dollars.”31 He explains that the process of  is lucrative though costly, “for the essence of  what can be sold is cultural and natural identity.”32 fig. 13The Gaze of TourismSource: Oke, Kathy. 20192120The Case of Fogo IslandA Precedent Study of Newfoundland’s Premier Archi-Tourism DestinationSupported by the Shorefast Foundation and Fogo Island Arts respectively, the Fogo Island Inn and Artist Residencies brings international tourists, as well as artists and designers well off the beaten path, to the shores of Joe Batts Arm. The Inn, its architecture in particular, has brought this small fishing village to the attention of international luxury travelers, ‘architourists’, as well as artists and designers who partake in residencies on the island.While this establishment brings in international revenue into the island of Fogo and the community of Joe Batts Arm, it also poses a stark contrast between the gaze of the tourist on the ‘rustic’ village, and the lives of the local residents whose lives have been fetishized, commodified, and profited of off.The Fogo Island Inn and artist residencies both are largely inaccessible to the people of Fogo Island, and Newfoundland at large. The Inn’s rates are astronomical, well outside the affordability of most local residents in their average economic situation. Beyond this, the artist residency program has only within the last few years began to admit contemporary Newfoundland artists. Small rural towns need more than tourist revenue, they need agency and control over their future and their identity. FOGO ISLAND INN AND ARTIST RESIDENCIES, Joe Batts Arm, NLSaunders Architecture, 2012fig. 14 (facing page)Fogo Island InnSource: Shorefast Foundation website. Accessed 02/23/2018fig. 15Breakdown of Fogo Island Artist ResidenciesSource: Fogo Island Arts website. Accessed 02/26/20182322 Ivkovska writes that “as a practice, contemporary heritage preservation is heavily dependent on tourism as an economic rationale,”33 which relies entirely on the tourist-consumer. She continues, explaining that “in most of  its varieties, travel for leisure is valued based on information exchange at the point of  sale. This information, usually a combination of  linguistic and supporting visual elements, creates, codifies, and communicates certain mythical experiences,”34 a version of  commodifying aspects of  the culture at stake visually as a way of  representing that place and attracting international tourists by displaying, even exaggerating, whatever it is that makes that place seem “different”, simplifying it and making it easily consumable. Ivkovska defines the language of  tourism as on of  persuasion and seduction, “merging macroeconomic goals with the satisfaction of  attributed individual need.”35 And so, an idea of  a place, or a place’s identity, is wrapped in a easily-consumable package, advertised and sold to the tourist-consumer.33  Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016),  7234  Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016),  7235  Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016),  7236  Shelley Hornstien, Losing Site: Architecture, Memory, and Place. (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2011) 10437  Shelley Hornstien, Losing Site: Architecture, Memory, and Place. (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2011) 114Who, then, defines cultural identity? Who does it benefit, and who does it belong to? In the current manifestation of  cultural preservation, it would seem that the identity of  a place belongs to and primarily benefits the tourist and the tourism industry, both of  whom are unaffected by the long-term effects on the place which they are helping to commodify. Hornstien writes that “the tourist … has a highly interactive role to play and contributes to the reformulation of  a concept of  cultural identity; one that politicizes, nonetheless, outside the frontiers of  conventional political geographies.”36 Not only does the tourist begin to redefine the identity of  a place, but they also become the focus of  that place and its identity. Hornstien explains that “by accepting the notion of  the local absolute, the tourist is the new subject of  place, self-curated whole curating, place.”37 The heritage that the tourist experiences is being performed exclusively for them, and decisively not the local residents of  that place - the tourist has become the center around which heritage preservation fig. 16Tourism as ExhibitionSource: Oke, Kathy. 20192524functions, rather than around the sustainability of  the traditions and practices which it claims to protect. As a result of  this, the regional identity of  these places suffers a collapse of  dimensionality, becoming just as shallow and misunderstood as the urbanormative views that form them. Hough acknowledges this, writing that “Tourism looks for the special, the spectacular, the unusual. It pays little heed to an understanding of  what lies beneath the facade: the natural forces shaping the breathtaking vista, the vernacular forces that shaped picturesque old towns, or those shaping today’s environments”38 Ivkovska, too, critiques this phenomenon, writing that while the desire to preserve distinctive ways of  life is part of  the emerging cultural conservation movement, “tangible manifestations of  heritage are far more quantifiable and manageable,” continuing to explain, “the effort here seems to focus only on the ‘conservation’ of  appearances.”39 This focus on surface-level, aesthetic preservation presents a challenge to the continuity and sustainability of  local traditions.40  The current model of  tourism-based preservation is one that is based in the “global imperative for purchased, instant experience,”41 which by its very nature conflicts with vernacular rural environments which are based on survival and necessity. As Ivkovska writes, “It is not possible to re-create intangible heritage, its values and experiences, and deliver it on a plate easy for consumption. Such experiences can at best be superficial, based on the momentary purchase of  38  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 16539  Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016), 8240  Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016),  8241  Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016), 7242 Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016),  7243 Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 15744  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 157something not even close to the lived experience of  vernacular culture.”42  No matter how earnest the effort may be to preserve the local culture, without a living aspect to the heritage, the experience will be hollow. Without a pulse, the place is destined to fall victim to entropy, gradually becoming less and less attractive to tourists, and eventually its “second life” will have ended as well. No matter how history is represented, writes Hough, the results for tourism-based regional identity are the same; “the cultural and environmental links are gone. They remain empty shells cast up on the shores of  the present - objects isolated from the processes that shaped them.”43 There is a fundamental rift between the culture and the image of  the culture that is projected by the tourism industry. Hough explains that “for the builders, farmers, and artisans, living their daily lives and making the best from what they had, keeping and adapting what was useful and throwing out that which was not, made simple common sense,”44 continuing to fig. 17Cultural PerformanceSource: Oke, Kathy. 20192726explain, “Today their buildings, tools, and artifacts have an entirely different kind of  value for the collector or the tourist who admires them in isolation from the conditions that gave rise to them. It is aesthetic and scientific, rather than utilitarian priorities that prevail.”45 This disconnect between the rural resident and the identity bestowed upon them by the tourism industry does a major disservice to the culture of  the place, misrepresents the history of  the place, and ultimately creates a rift between the resident and their own perception of  their place in the landscape, in their home.The concept of  preservation in itself  is not the issue here, it is instead the way which it has been performed. Heath expands on this notion, explaining that it is appropriate to document and preserve the forms and features connecting a place to its official past.46 He insists that “since historic preservation and regional design are also concerned with cultural identity as a determinant of  Place, shouldn’t [it] be concerned, as well, with how buildings and their adjacencies are transformed over time in response to changing regional 45  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 15746  Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) 447  Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) 448   Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) 449  Jorge Otero-Pailos, Jorge Otero-Pailos : The Ethics of Dust (Köln,  2009) 7criteria?”47 concluding to say that “If  we are to understand the nature of  locale, the record of  ongoing change is as relevant as episodic moments of  isolated achievement.”48 The preservation and conservation communities are coming to terms with this issue, led primarily by architect and historic preservationist Jorge Otero-Pailos. Acknowledging this issue in a panel discussion at the 2007 Venice Biennale, Otero-Pailos insisted that “…the future of  conservation and its good practice lies with the convergence of  disciplines and undertaking that contribute in an effective and real way to preserving heritage with life, thus, not condemning it to death by freezing it in time,” 49 calling for an increased level of  collaboration between conservationists, architects, and artists to work together to experiment with news ways to frame conservation, preservation, and restoration. Architecture of IdentityThe identity of  a place is often represented by the architecture that exists in that place.50 Hornstein writes that “Architecture is totemic, and symbolically carries far more than the structural elements of  which it is built … buildings, structures and cities stand for much more than the building materials of  which they are made.”51 If  a place’s identity is symbolized by its architecture, it stands to reason that the design and creation of  architecture has a hand in shaping sense of  place. Not only does architecture act as an image which represents a place, architecture can also be understood as a ‘place’ in itself.52 Hornstien elaborates on this idea, explaining that “architecture exists as a physical entity and therefore registers as a place that we come to remember; and secondly, architecture, whether or not it still stands, can exist or be found beyond the physical site itself  in our recollection of  it… That place is the symbolic construction that connects our idea or image of  a place to its physicality”53  According to this logic, architecture plays several important parts in the construction of  sense of  place. Architecture defines the image and represents the physical identity of  a place, defines the character of  the space, and constitutes a place in 50  Shelley Hornstien, Losing Site: Architecture, Memory, and Place. (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2011) 251  Shelley Hornstien, Losing Site: Architecture, Memory, and Place. (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2011) 452  Shelley Hornstien, Losing Site: Architecture, Memory, and Place. (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2011) 353  Shelley Hornstien, Losing Site: Architecture, Memory, and Place. (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2011) 354  Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016), 7155  Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016), 71and of  itself. It would seem, then, that architecture and the design of  space has more potential than most to effect this kind of  environment and its identity. What role, then, can architecture play in the preservation of  living culture in rural places? To answer this question, a more in depth examination of  rural vernacular landscapes is required. While architecture only constitutes one aspect of  the vernacular heritage of  a place, it is often represented and preserved as though it were the full extent, ignoring major aspects of  what has historically brought life to these vernacular environments.54 She writes that “Vernacular heritage includes both physical remnants of  the past (i.e., the historic environment in the form of  archaeological and architectural sites) as well as non-material aspects of  the living past (i.e., intangible heritage as manifested in music, handicrafts, religion, and other rituals and practices).”55 She continues, explaining  “In support of  its preservation, authors from a variety of  disciplines have noted how such heritage is one of  the central  defining aspects of  human life, and that it 2928constitutes an important element of  people’s identity and sense of  place.”56 While architecture may only constitute a part of  the culture, its development holds the values of  the place within its form, and the spaces it creates. Heath indicates that this collective heritage of  place “is often the product of  shared work and recreational patterns, common ethic and economic bonds, shared social and spiritual values, actual or invented historical identities, and even broadly shared experiences of  human struggle and natural disaster.”57 These other aspects of  place would be valuable to take into account as well when aiming to fully understand the dynamics of  a place. Kingston Heath explains that “Ever since the vernacular became an area of  academic and professional interest in the late nineteenth century, a predisposition towards the study and untouched preservation of  the oldest and therefore supposedly most ‘authentic’ or ‘traditional’ buildings has been strong.”58 This echoes much of  what has already been discussed regarding the rural. When discussing rurality, the vernacular is typically 56  Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016), 7157   Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) 358  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 8259 Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 8760  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 8361  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 34implied. Suffering from similar categorizations and stereotypes, the vernacular, like the rural, is often discounted as being fundamentally separate from high design, as Heath writes “[vernacular] is often understood to embrace the building traditions of  the people rather than those of  the elite and is generally, as noted, seen as stable, passive and instinctive rather than as changing, active and conscious.”59 But the within the vernacular is embodied many lessons about sustainability, economy of  materials, sensibility to landscape, and survival. Heath writes that “Vernacular architecture … represents a localized response to broad cultural systems, historical events, and environmentally determined regional forces.”60 Vernacular styles all over the world evolved from necessity, and as explained by Hough, the vernacular evolves from the need to solve the immediate practical problems of  shelter, town building, and making a living from the land.61 Stevens adds to this point, writing that “When we look at vernacular houses as one of  the products of  rural man’s [sic] agency we can start to understand the house’s underlying relationship to the landscape of  which they are a part.”62 The connection between rural communities and the landscape within which they live is one of  the major aspects of  their sense of  place. Hough writes that “Being tied to the place involved stability and a sense of  investment in the land because one’s well-being and survival depended on it.”63 The land in which they live was not chosen arbitrarily, generally there was a resource and survival-based rational to the location. Whether it was access to farmable lands, access inland via a river system, access to fishing grounds or natural protection from the elements through the geomorphology of  the land - the decision to settle was not made lightly. Therefore, from the inception of  the settlement, the landscape molds the development of  spatial systems and relationships. Hough writes that “the land produced the food and raw materials for settlement, which in turn returned the by-products to the land. It was a close-knit physical, social, and economic relationship that existed through necessity and was limited by technology and tradition.”64 He continues, concluding “The result of  this interaction between 62  Dominic Stevens, Alter Rurality (Createspace, 2015),  8163 Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 3564  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 3665  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 3666  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 5867   Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) 11man and nature was the creation of  a distinctive regionalism whose inherent natural character was shaped into a cultural landscape by human activity over generations.”65 Because of  this incredibly close relationship to the land and environment which composed their surroundings and thus their realities, the vernacular forces that created functional towns and countrysides have close parallels to the processes of  nature66 characterized by gradual and iterative evolution of  forms and habits.Heath determines works to be regionally expressive when it crosses what he terms the ‘vernacular threshold’. He writes that “The vernacular threshold is crossed when there is a discernible and consistent variation of  previous rules of  thought and behavior conducted simultaneously by regional inhabitants in direct response to new or changing forces within a locale,”67 continuing to conclude that “when representative numbers of  people within a region embrace aspects of  a unique building response in a collective and consistent manner, they produce something that is no longer idiosyncratic – it is 3130culturally syncretic. It is vernacular.”68 Through the process of  the vernacular, and through the response to the unique geographies of  both the physical place and social context, an identity begins to emerge. On this, Heath writes, “[Vernacular architecture] marks a liminal period, a threshold of  conscious change and accommodation expressed in built form, whereby simultaneous identities result.”69 Hough describes this phenomenon as well, writing that “The Vernacular has traditionally been described as forms that grow out of  the practical needs of  the inhabitants of  a place and the constraints of  site and climate,” continuing to explain, “Vernacular forms are shaped by many forces: the determinants of  nature (biophysical processes and climate); the culture and history unique to each place and time; the role of  a central authority whose decisions impose an organizational structure on the landscape,”70 again highlighting a fundamental difference between the development of  the vernacular and urban development. He continues later to clarify that “A historical perspective suggests 68   Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) 1269  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 8370  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 3471  Michael Hough, Out of Place (New York: Yale U. Press, 1990), 17972  Kevin Lynch, Managing the sense of the region (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1976).73  Dominic Stevens, Alter Rurality (Createspace, 2015), 87that the differences between one place and another have arisen, not from efforts to create long-range visions and grand designs, but from vernacular responses to the practical problems of  everyday life.”71 Kevin Lynch, observing vernacular practices, writes that the attraction of  vernacular places was “usually the consequence of  slow development, which occurred within sharp constraints of  natural condition and cultural limitation and since then have been enriched by continuous habitation and reformation,”72 which sharply contrasts with the urban habits of  master planning. This is of  course not to claim one method as superior, but instead to exemplify how urban influence effects change in vernacular places through the introduction of  a different timescale of  development. On this, Dominic Steven’s writes that “the vernacular is a truly evolutionary form of  building, where instant innovation is to be shunned as too risky, making change a slow and cumbersome operation.”73 He continues, claiming that “this slow timescale has made sophisticated vernacular responses to technological advances and social changes impossible, particularly in the last 100 years.”74 This view of  the disconnect between vernacular and technological advances of  the past century, again, undermines the complexity with which vernacular develops. He continues further, clarifying, “we must always study and learn from local techniques and habits and apply innovation to these specifics, as opposed to simply applying techniques suitable in one area directly to another,” concluding that “this does not speak against innovation; rather it demands a local complexity to that innovation.”75 Considering the already acknowledged alternative timescale of  vernacular processes, perhaps it is the case the these innovations are underway, happening not at the rapid rate at which globalization and technology are moving, but instead at its own pace. This pits rural vernacular landscapes in a race against the clock - will they adjust in time to maintain themselves, or will the impatience of  the contemporary world refuse to wait? Perhaps most damning aspect of  the vernacular from the perspective of  the field of  architecture is the 74  Dominic Stevens, Alter Rurality (Createspace, 2015), 8775  Dominic Stevens, Alter Rurality (Createspace, 2015), 9376   Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) 4077   Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) 40perception that is it not ‘designed’, as it generally does not come from the mind of  an ‘Architect’. To this point, Amos Rapoport argues “that the important point in attempting to create regionally recognizable cultural landscapes is not that vernacular design is created without architects, but rather that vernacular design is achieved through a system of  shared rules.”76 Heath adds to this, stating that “by being culture specific and place specific, these rules are shared and widely accepted within a discrete locale; the resulting environments communicate clearly to their inhabitants and are then capable of  being adjusted and varied to suit local specific conditions.”77 It stands to reason, then, that an architect could study these regionally specific rules and put them to use within their own design, just as they do the rules of  conventional architecture. Examining, documenting, and utilizing these locally developed rules could constitute an advantageous first step in developing a regionally representative architecture from a contemporary stand point, fusing the existing ‘slow’ methods of  the place and the more contemporary technologies and methods of  3332Architecture and Design. This opens a portal between the vernacular and the contemporary that may allow a collaborative approach to the development of  regional identity and expression. To disregard the sophistication and complexity of  vernacular architecture is to fall victim to the elitist nature of  the design world. The industry of  Capital-D Design is a luxury irrelevant to survival. It is innaccessible and unaffordable to those without the priveledge of  access to the industry. But if  we expand our notion of  design to encompass also the logical languages developed alongside the landscape, the environment, for the purpose of  survival, the world of  design becomes a lot bigger and inclusive, with a greater potential for collaboration across seemingly disparate fields and backgrounds. Architecture has attempted in the past to address the issues of  regional identity, trying to harness the authenticity and identity of  Place which can be experienced in vernacular landscapes. Perhaps the most influential of  these attempts tend to fall under the vague and broad 78   Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) foreword79  Jorge Otero Pailos, Architecture’s Historical Return: Phenomenology and the Rise of the Postmodern (Minneapolis, 2010) 183umbrella of  Critical Regionalism, a term coined by Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre and solidified in the zeitgeist of  the architectural field by Kenneth Frampton throughout the 1980s, in particular by his seminal text “Towards a Critical Regionalism”. In “Towards a Critical Regionalism,” Kenneth Frampton defines the movement, not as a style, but a design process or method that will result in place-specific architecture, declaring it as a movement of  resistance against the globalizing trend of  modernization. Heath defines Critical Regionalism as a “designated form of  architectural practices that embraces modern architecture critically for its universal qualities while simultaneously responding to social, cultural, and climatic contexts of  the region in which its built.”78 As Jorge Otero-Pailos points out, Frampton’s critics and commentators have not dealt with his peculiar understanding of  experience in any detail,79 which is to say that it has been largely unexamined. Frampton writes that “Architecture can only be sustained today as a critical practice if  it assumes an arriere-garde position, that is to say, one which distances itself  equally from the Enlightenment myth of  progress and from a reactionary, unrealistic impulse to return to the architectonic forms of  the preindustrial past.”80 He continues to write, “A critical arriere-garde has to remove itself  from both the optimization of  advanced technology and the ever-present tendency to regress into a nostalgic historicism or the glibly decorative,” concluding that in his contention, “only an arriere-garde has the capacity to cultivate a resistant, identity-giving culture while at the same time having discreet recourse to universal technique.”81  This passage alone contains several problematic hypocritical premises, to be addressed shortly. He later writes“The fundamental strategy of  Critical Regionalism is to mediate the impact of  the universal civilization with elements derived indirectly from the peculiarities of  a particular place.”82 But this ‘indirect’ quality plays into the same aesthetic-based shallowness that has already been critiqued above, and ultimately fails to adequately represent a notion of  place any deeper than a decorative reference to something much more complex and meaningful than a simple replication and abstraction 80  Kenneth Frampton, The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture (New York: New Press, 1998) 2081  Kenneth Frampton, The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture (New York: New Press, 1998) 2082  Kenneth Frampton, The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture (New York: New Press, 1998) 2183   Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) 39of  form could ever hope to embody. It is taking what appears as visually valuable to the designer and appropriating it for their own benefit. As displayed by the critiques of  Critical Regionalism, contemporary architecture often fails at its attempts to imbue buildings in rural or remote places with the essence or identity of  that particular place. These attempts are as shallow as the surface level understanding - they do not develop deep enough into the realities of  place to try to understand the form, they simply borrow forms and materials and speak romantically about them. Heath points to James Ackerman in his article ‘The history of  design and the design of  history’, in which he makes three observations concerning levels of  experience involved in designing in accordance with the dynamics of  place: (1) experience of  the culture (2) personal experience with the locale and (3) experience of  the environment.83 Heath writes that, as Ackerman suggests, “gaining experiential knowledge  of  a human setting is contingent upon acquiring the ability to understand how a society organizes itself  by collaborative interaction, internal support, and 3534the basic human understanding of  its developing needs.”84 According to Frampton’s own dismissal of  the importance of  this understanding, Critical Regionalism cannot be considered to be aligning itself  with the dynamics of  place.ConclusionAs is discussed above, architecture has a definite impact on the identity of  a place, and is a physical manifestation of  its heritage. Supporting this, Ivkovska writes that “a living culture is not only often manifested through and in buildings (tangible heritage), but it may also be the best guarantee for the preservation of  the latter. Preservation movements and an interest in heritage sites thus arise as a result of  a (perceived) threat to both traditional ways of  life and historic buildings.” 85 But, the ways in which preservation is commonly performed are often fundamentally flawed. Heath writes that “if  we are to understand the nature of  a locale, the record of  ongoing change is as relevant as episodic moments of  isolated achievement. Change informs 84  Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) 3985 Velika Ivkovska Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review (Berkley: IASTE, 2016),  7286  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007) 7687   Kingston Wm. Heath, Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design (Oxford, 2009) forewordus about who we are as eloquently as our past deeds and accomplishments reflect who we were.”86 He writes extensively of  the need to re-imagine our perspectives on tradition and the vernacular, claiming:“Indeed in today’s world, tradition can no longer be thought of  as the static legacy of  a past that is handed down from one generation to another. Instead it is and must be always understood as a dynamic project for the reinterpretation of  this past in light of  the needs of  a current present and a future….the built environments of  the new global order exhibit a sense of  placelessness resulting possibly from the fact that tradition and the practices of  the vernacular are increasingly becoming less place rooted and more informationally based…. we have not come to the end of  tradition, but that our conception of  tradition as a repository of  authentic and valuable ideas that are handed down from one generation to another has lost its utility.”87Heath argues for a more dynamic understanding of  preservation of  vernacular traditions, writing that rather than the current static and essentially historical perspective, we should focus on “an approach that explicitly focuses on the dynamic nature of  vernacular traditions, one that attempts to show and understand how vernacular traditions, here and now, at the beginning of  the 21st century, will change and adapt to the cultural and environmental challenges and circumstances of  the present and future,”88  he continues to describe this approach as “…a more dynamic approach that views tradition as a conscious and creative adaptation of  past experience to the needs of  the field of  vernacular architecture studies, allowing for studies that focus on new and emerging traditions as well as enduring ones and, crucially, on the ways in which they interact and relate to one another.”89 Heath concludes, stating that he believes that such an approach “will help to rid the discourse of  the persistent stereotypes about ‘disappearing worlds’, underdevelopment and irrelevance that are so common among members of  the academy, architectural professionals and the general public.”90 This is an approach that this thesis aims to adopt and bring forward, with a closer and more involved study of  vernacular rural landscapes, documentation of  process, spatial systems and building traditions combined with contemporary technologies and 88  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007)  8389  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007)  8390  Kingston Wm. Heath, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture (VAF, 2007)  83concepts. There lies potential in these investigations to create living connections between rural places in decline, their pasts, and their futures. This thesis intends to investigate the issues outlined above in order to learn more about rural places and their complexities, and develop program which caters to and fosters their cultural landscapes. Furthermore, this thesis aims to redefine what ‘heritage’ and ‘preservation’ can mean for architecture, re-framing them in a way that implies and considers the future as well as the past. If  architecture constitutes the image of  a place’s identity, then it can in turn be used as a tool to begin to alter and define that identity, and perhaps begin to lend autonomy and agency to residents of  rural places, allowing them to shape their future just as they had in the past, reestablishing the broken bonds between them and their place in the landscape. 3736Appendix EArchitecture’s Role in the Preservation of Intangible HeritageAs has been explored throughout Appendix C, I believe that common practices of  heritage preservation, particularly those which revolve around the tourism industry, not only fall short of  their intention to protect heritage, but may be detrimental to its preservation. Furthermore, I posit that by investigating how a place functions socially and spatially, much can be learned of  the systems which hold the culture together. Architecture has the capacity to not only perform such an investigation, but also to design spaces around these findings, building principles present in the culture into designs on a spatial and functional level, beyond a flattened image of  the vernacular.Through this research I am testing how architecture can look beyond the literal built form to the processes and socio-spatial systems around which places develop as a means to create locally legible social infrastructure within which a new restorative ritual of  cultural heritage preservation can take place. I am proposing that architecture can foster cultural evolution. fig. 18Open DoorsSource: Oke, Kathy. 20193938Investigating the OutportsTo test this concept, I look to the seemingly invisible yet highly complex spatial systems of  inhabitation which can be found throughout outport Newfoundland. This work builds off  of  the work of  Gerald Pocius in his book, A Place to Belong, which explores the use of  space in outport Newfoundland through the lens of  anthropology. Approaching this research from an architectural perspective, I hope to continue to push the explorations of  the socio-spatial systems of  Newfoundland, finding ways to build them into new designs. The socio-spatial systems embodied by the outports twist common understandings of  public and private space, prioritizing community above all. These spatial behaviours are more than novelty – they are a way of  life. They are critical elements of  intangible heritage which have deep historical ties to place and implications on how contemporary Newfoundlanders still live today. They can be seen and experienced in the coastal settlement patterns, local spatial typologies, and in the traditional customs of  visiting and gathering which thread through rural life, holding communities togetherThe spatial heritage of  the outports is largely understudied. It is my goal, through this research, to begin the process of  documenting and exploring these systems as a means to develop a greater understanding of  Newfoundland’s spatial heritage. The following research describes the aspects of  spatial heritage which have informed my design project.fig. 19The Practice of VisitingSource: Oke, Kathy. 20194140Spatial HeritageAn Investigation of Socio-Spatial Systems in the OutportsThe following research explores three elements of socio-spatial systems which developed in outport Newfoundland. It investigates three different scales, and three different means by which these space can be interpreted in these places. Settlement PatternsOutport Newfoundland is not organized by a grid system, but instead can be defined as organic or rhysomatic.  These arrangements are not arbitrary. They are highly attuned to a layering of  localized natural, social, and spatial systems based off  of  generations of  local knowledge of  how to survive in this place.fig. 20Huddled Around the Harbour like Friends Around a TableSource: Oke, Kathy. 20194342The settlement patterns in outport Newfoundland can begin to be understood through three primary layers: the landscape, access to resources, and socio-spatial relationshipsThe first two layers are determined by the existing environment, such as access to winds best suited for drying fish, or the shelter provided by the geology of  the landscape surrounding the harbour. The third layer is developed around complex relationships between both people and places. These relationships defined the form of  the outports, causing subtle adjustments of  orientation and adjacencies between the built form, designed to accommodate the needs and priorities of  outport life. fig. 21Layers of InhabitationSource: Oke, Kathy. 20194544Domestic Infrastructure and the Public RealmA prioritizing of  particular public spaces and places, such as the harbour front and the road, affects the orientations and adjacencies of  structures within each town, down to the arrangement of  domestic forms.The kitchen window as a visual connector is a great example of  this. Houses in the outports were historically oriented towards the harbour, establishing a connection from a domestic space to the heart of  the community. The harbour was both the social and economic center of  activity, and a visual connection from the kitchen meant keeping track of  what was happening in the town, who was coming and going. fig. 22The Kitchen WindowSource: Oke, Kathy. 20194746In a place where community is a survival mechanism, this visual connection was vital.With the introduction of  the automobile, the road became increasingly important. More than the domain of  the vehicle, the road became a place of  social interaction and interconnection. Walking through town along the roads was equally about commuting between spaces as it was a common pastime. The roads became a corridor, a meeting place, and a space of  fig. 23The Road as Social ConductorSource: Oke, Kathy. 20194948activity.  This shift in social culture meant a shift in importance from the harbour view to the road. As more people used the roads for transportation, the kitchen’s primary viewport also shifted in order to keep up with the goings-on of  the town, reorienting new residential constructions. The kitchen window is just one example of  how a prioritization of  public spaces has affected the form of  the private realm, and how everyday domestic infrastructure was appropriated for use in outport life.fig. 24Visually Connecting Domestic InfrastructureSource: Oke, Kathy. 20195150Socio-Spatial Principles and TypologiesReaching further into my research, I looked at typologies of  spaces in outport Newfoundland, referencing both their forms and functions within my design.A particular typology of  space was of  interest to me: informal hybridized spaces of  both work and social gathering.fig. 25Johnny Ben Kearley, Len Byrne, Gorgen [?] Sheppard, Hubert Baker, Freemen Baker, Jack Sheppard and Watson Baker in a kitchen, likely at Rencontre East, NewfoundlandSource: Ernie Collis Digital Photograph Collection, Memorial University of  Newfoundland, Digital Archives. Accessed 03/25/20195352These spaces are emblematic of  life in the outports. Most significantly, they are often the spaces where locally relevant skills are passed down. These hybridized spaces included the kitchen, the shed, and local typologies such as the stage, and the flakes.fig. 26 (top left)Men on Flakes  ca. 1900Source: Memorial University of  Newfoundland Digital Archivesfig. 27 (top right)Society of United Fishermen on parade, Ireland’s Eye, Trinity Bay, NewfoundlandSource: Resettlement Digital Photograph Collection, Craig Leonard Photograph Collection, PF-328. Memorial University  of  Newfoundland Digital Archives fig. 28 (center)Men working inside a splitting stage, Battle Harbour, LabradorSource: Battle Harbour, Labrador, Photograph Collection. Memorial University Digital Archivesfig. 29 (bottom)Group of Men on a Stage HeadSource: Munn-Godden Collection, Memorial University Of  Newfoundland, Digital Archives5554Definition: FLAKEFlakes are platforms dedicated to the drying of cod fish. Usually raised 8’-10’ from ground for optimal air circulation, flakes were generally located based off of the local winds. These structures were crucial elements of outport community infrastructure well into the 20th century. Definition: STAGEThe stage is a shed dedicated to fishing and related activities including gutting, and cleaning. Usually, the stage straddles the edge of the water, allowing boat access from a wharf which extends into the water off of one face.The stage is the iconic structure of outport Newfoundland vernacular architecture. fig. 30Stages of Petty HarbourSource: The Rooms Provincial Archives Division, A 10-1/Hollowayfig. 31Flakes of Petty HarbourSource: Memorial University of  Newfoundland Libraries, Archives and Special Collections 5756Definition: ROOMA tract or parcel of land on the waterfront of a cove or harbour from which a fishery is conducted; the stores, sheds, ‘flakes,’ wharves and other facilities where the catch is landed and processed, and the crew housed.The room is a complex socio-spatial system which defined the settlement of the outports.  In a room, the space between structures is not negative space, but equally as important as the structures themselves. Just as important as these defined structures are the spaces which are created between them. In outport newfoundland, the space between buildings is not negative space. These spaces are activated, often becoming throughways or workspaces falling into the same spatial typology. The term “room” enclosed all of  these spatial elements.  fig. 32The RoomSource: Oke, Kathy. 20195958Community, flexibility, and function were central to each element of  the room, and continue to be important qualities to the spaces of  the outports.The structures and spaces described above embody the primary socio-spatial principles which defined and shaped outport life: shared space, shared resources, shared labour.The outports were based initially off  of  fishing crews, gradually developing into family-based lots. The isolation and small populations in these places meant that community wasn’t just a pleasant outcome of  these spatial arrangements - it was the ultimate driver. Community meant survival. An all-hands-on-deck approach to life was necessary to maintain a SHARED SPACESHARED RESOURCESSHARED LABOURfig. 33The Spatial Principles of the OutportsSource: Oke, Kathy. 20196160healthy community.  These spaces and principles which shaped them, like the other socio-spatial systems of  outport Newfoundland, are becoming less central to life in the outports. As outport life continues to change with the times, the principles which the outports embody are at risk of  becoming lost, creating a disconnection in the understanding of  local heritage.  Preservation of  these systems has the potential to maintain that connection, creating spaces which continue to carry the relevance and history of  the place. fig. 34The WharfSource: Oke, Kathy. 20196362The Island and the OceanOf Making, of Fishing, of StorytellingTesting the ThesisThe following work outlines the design proposal which comprises the culmination of  the research outlined throughout this report. The project proposes that it is possible to design local tradition and inherited knowledge into architecture not just formally, but at the level of  its function, social and spatial systems, and organization. Beyond this, by collecting and integrating programming which reflects the local culture in a way that encourages participation through creative practices, a building can become a catalyst for the sharing of  heritage, community, and cultural rejuvenation. This thesis tests how – beside protection of  the architectural object – architecture can look beyond the literal built form to the processes and socio-spatial systems around which a place has developed as a means to create locally legible social infrastructure within which a new restorative ritual of  cultural heritage preservation can take place. The site of  this project is a small community near the northeastern tip of  the Avalon Peninsula - the town of  Petty Harbour, Newfoundland. Petty Harbour is a peri-urban outport community located just a 15 minute drive from the heart of  downtown St. John’s, and 11 minutes from the most easterly point of  the continent of  North America. This peri-urban situation is becoming increasingly common in the area, as the city continues to grow and sprawl outwards from its epicenter at the St. John’s Harbour. The communities which predate this sprawl are, unfortunately, at risk of  becoming commuter towns supporting the nearby urban center.fig. 35Map of NewfoundlandSource: Oke, Kathy. 20196564fig. 36Greater St. John’s Area and Petty HarbourSource: Oke, Kathy. 2018fig. 37Motion Bay and Petty HarbourSource: Oke, Kathy. 201867666968The adjacent diagram illustrates the socio-spatial systems which have been explored and described in the prior chapters of  this report. Development PotentialModerate Development PotentialPoor Development PotentialNo Development PotentialNon-Residential BuildingsResidential BuildingsOutbuildingsViews to the RoadViews to the HarbourSpatial Systems of Petty Harbour: Illustratedfig. 38 (prior spread)Site PlanSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 39 (facing page)Petty Harbour’s Spatial SystemsSource: Oke, Kathy. 20197170fig. 40Historical Photographs of Petty HarbourSource: Stoker Family Photograph fonds, Richard Stoker, Memorial University of  Newfoundland Digital Archives7372fig. 41Contemporary Photographs of Petty HarbourSource: Oke, Kathy. 20187574Locally Legible Social InfrastructureThese ideas of  a practice-based method of  preservation are already present on the island. One such example is Fishing for Success. Fishing for Success is located in the heart of  the town of  Petty Harbour. Their mission statement and vision is: Fishing for   Success is a non-profit social  enterprise  dedicated  to living, sharing,  and  celebrating the traditional fishing knowledge   and   culture  that sustained   generations of  Newfoundlanders and Labradorians. One day every child in Newfoundland and Labrador will once again be taught the traditional fishing knowledge and skill of  their ancestors; that this will instill in them a sense of  pride, of  place, and a longing to protect and conserve their natural home.They actively promote the passing down of  traditions through several different programs such as Girls who Fish and their Youth Fishery. They offer tourist “experiences”, which help to fund their locally invested programs.  We have similar goals: to provide space in outport Newfoundland for the intergenerational transmission of  locally inherited knowledge. For the purposes of  this project, I’ve adopted them as my client, and their home in Petty Harbour as my Site, expanding on their program, looking forward to how it can grow in the future.fig. 42Splitting and Cooking a Fresh CatchSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019Leo Hearn and Kimberley Orren, owners and operators of Fishing of Success, gutting and cooking freshly caught codfish in their current headquarters - a small stage in the heart of Petty Harbour, Newfoundland. 7776ProgramI’ve extracted three programmatic elements from outport tradition: making, fishing, and storytellingThe programs have been divided into three buildings – the workshop, the stage, and the library.Each of  these spaces are designed around a community based structure, similar to the ways in which makerspaces work. Maintaining and expanding on the structure of  Fishing for Success, each element of  the program is publically accessible, membership based, with a focus on the local people. The aim of  this project is to provide a dedicated yet flexible space for each tradition to not only continue, but to evolve.7978Programmatic OrganizationWhen organizing the programming of  the site, I considered four programmatic schemes - centralized, dispersed, seasonal, and a hybrid. The hybridized version of  site organization allowed the project to take advantage of  the benefits of  the original three - all of  which played into the spatial heritage of  outport life. 1231 The Workshop2 The Stage3 The LibraryThe north and south sides of  the harbour have been connected through the site. The bridges are steel grates, carrying you over the water and allowing a view down through it. Piers and docks have been introduced to provide a variety of  interactions with the ocean – some with community, and some in solitude. The large pier is five meters across, providing ample space for social interaction. The longer dock floats with the tide, and extends the farthest into the harbour. The intention here is to provide the feeling of  having the ocean under your feet. The smaller width of  this dock promotes a moment of  solitude with the ocean. At low tide, a tidal pathway is slowly revealed, leading from the long floating dock, under the library, and back up along the edge of  the site. Another is located underneath the stage. fig. 43Programmatic Organization DiagramSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 44 (facing page)Site DiagramSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019CENTRALIZEDDISPERSEDSEASONALHYBRIDIZED8180fig. 45Design Development SketchesSource: Oke, Kathy. 20198382fig. 46Design Development Sketches, cont’dSource: Oke, Kathy. 20198584fig. 47Conceptual Detail SketchesSource: Oke, Kathy. 20198786fig. 48Site Model PhotographsSource: Oke, Kathy. 20198988fig. 491:100 Model PhotographsSource: Oke, Kathy. 20199190The WorkshopThis space is designed with the progression of  making in mind. Beginning with the loading dock, flanked immediately by a freight elevator with access to the second floor loft, and the community tool library, where members can loan equipment for projects off  site, as well as donate their old or underused tools. In the summer, the large doors at the east and west faces open up, allowing program to spill into this open space. The workshop is pulled back into the site, providing vehicular access and creating distance as a buffer between the noise it will generate and the quieter programs. 9392fig. 50 (previous spread)Workshop Interior RenderSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 51 (previous spread)Workshop PlanSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 52 (left)Workshop Cross SectionSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 53 (right)Workshop Long SectionSource: Oke, Kathy. 20199594The StageThe stage is the primary domain of  Fishing for Success, and has been located where their current stage exists. The stage has been dissected into two separate enclosed spaces, with an open space between. Glazing on the walls facing from either enclosure maintains a visual connection between the two, intending to tie their ultimate functions together. There is a direct line of  sight from ocean to table, through the stage, aiming to draw attention to the fact that these processes are interrelated. What is gutting a fish if  not another form of  food prep. The walls  on the southern face are able to open entirely when the weather allows, connecting both spaces to the center of  the site. 9796fig. 54 (previous spread)Stage Interior RenderSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 55 (previous spread)Stage PlanSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 56(left)Stage Cross SectionSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 57 (right)Stage Long SectionSource: Oke, Kathy. 20199998The LibraryThe library extends out over the water, prioritizing the view across the ocean. Upon entrance, you enter the community gallery, a programmable space prioritizing local contemporary art. Through the gallery, we enter the library, hosting a curated collection of  Newfoundland literature and poetry. The upstairs loft is pulled back, allowing a view down to the main floor for events such as readings and performances. 101100fig. 58 (previous spread)Library Interior RenderSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 59 (previous spread)Library PlanSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 60 (left)Library Cross SectionSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 61(right)Library Long SectionSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019103102105104In ClosingMuch like the concept of  the room, the spaces created within the site are just as important and the structures themselves. The space between the buildings is open and flexible, making it possible for the program of  the buildings to spill out into the space. The Island and the Ocean is a project whos aim is two-fold: to create dedicated yet flexible spaces for the intergenerational transmission of  locally inherited knowledge; and to reconnect the people of  Petty Harbour to the ocean, reigniting the harbour as the heart of  the community.fig. 62 (previous spread)Walkway DetailsSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 63 (right)Daytime Exterior Site RenderSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019fig. 64 (following spread)Evening Exterior Render from BoatSource: Oke, Kathy. 2019107106109108Bibl iographyWorks Referenced in Appendix C & EArendt, Randall, and Elizabeth A. Brabec. Rural by Design: Maintaining Small Town Character. Chicago, Ill: Planners Press, American Planning Association, 1994.Ed. Asquith, Lindsay and Vellinga, Marcel. Vernacular Architecture in the Twenty-First Century: Theory, education and practice. New York, NY: Taylor & Francis, 2006Bassler, Gerhard P., “Develop or Perish: The Challenges of  Newfoundland 1950-1953”,  Alfred Valdmanis and the Politics of  Survival. University of  Toronto Press, 2000. Botz-Bornstein, Thorsten. Transcultural Architecture: The Limits and Opportunities of  Critical Regionalism. New York, NY: Ashgate Publishing, 2015. Bradley, Russ V. V., “A Critical Analysis of  the Writings of  Amos Rapaport”, Journal of  Architectural Education (1947-1974), Vol. 24, No. 2/3 (April 1970) pp. 16-25Brennan, John. “The Use of  Narrative in Contemporary Rural Architecture.” Architectural Research Quarterly 10, no. 1 (2006): 13–23.Bunster-Ossa, Ignacio F. Reconsidering Ian McHarg: The Future of  Urban Ecology. Chicago: APA, American Planning Association, Planners Press, 2014.111110Condello, Annette, Lehmann, Steffan Ed., Sustainable Lina: Lina Bo Bardi’s Adaptive Reuse Projects. Switzerland: Spinger International Publishing, 2016. Denslagen, Wim. Romantic Modernism: Nostalgia in the World of  Conservation. Amsterdam: Amsterdam U. Press, 2009. Dick, Jerry. “Making the Newfoundland Outport.” Masters, Memorial University of  Newfoundland, 2011. Fisher, Thomas. Architectural design and ethics: tools for survival. Oxford: Taylor & Francis, 2008. Frampton, Kenneth. Labour, Work and Architecture. Phaidon Press, 2002Frampton, Kenneth. “Towards a Critical Regionalism”. The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture. New York: New Press, 1998. Fulkerson, Gregory M., Thomas, Alexander R. Re-imagining Rural: Urbanormative Portrayals of  Rural Life. Maryland: Lexington Books, 2016. Glassie, Henry. Vernacular Architecture. Material Culture. Philadelphia : Bloomington: Material Culture ; Indiana University Press, 2000.Gmelch, George, and Barnett Richling. “‘We’re Better Off  Here’: Return Migration to Newfoundland Outports.” Anthropology Today 4, no. 4 (1988): 12–14. Hanrahan, Maura. Through the Mirror Dimly: Essays on Newfoundland society and culture. Newfoundland: Breakwater Books, 1993. Heath, Kingston Wm., Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design: Cultural Process and Environmental Response. Oxford: Elsevier, 2009. Heath, Kingston Wm., “Assessing Regional Identity Admist Change: The Tole of  Vernacular Studies”. Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, Vol. 13, No. 2, Special 25th Anniversary Issue (2006/2007), pp. 76-94Hornstien, Shelley. Losing Site: Architecture, Memory, and Place. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2011Hough, Michael. Out of  place: restoring identity to the regional landscape. New York: Yale U. Press, 1990. Iverson, Noel, and Ralph Matthews. Communities in Decline: An Examination of  Household Resettlement in Newfoundland. Newfoundland Social and Economic Studies, v. 6. St. John’s: Institute of  Social and Economic Research, Memorial University of  Newfoundland, 1968.Ivkovska, Velika. “Reinventing Vernacular Traditions to Reveal National Identity: A Case Study of  the“Macedonian Village”” Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, Vol. 27, No. 2 (SPRING 2016), pp. 71-83Jackson, John Brinckerhoff. Sense of  place, a sense of  time. New York: Yale U. Press, 1994. Lima, Zeuler. “Preservation as Confrontation: The Work of  Lina Bo Bardi.” Future Anterior: Journal of  Historic Preservation, History, Theory, and Criticism 2, no. 2 (2005): 24–33.Lima, Zeuler, and Sandra Vivanco. “Culture Translated and Devoured: Two Brazilian Museums by Lina Bo Bardi.” Journal of  Romance Studies 2, no. 3 (January 1, 2002). Lynch, Kevin. Managing the sense of  the region, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1976.Marx, Leo. The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.Matthews, Ralph. There’s No Better Place than Here: Social Change in Three Newfoundland Communities. Canadian Experience Series. Toronto: P. Martin 113112Associates, 1976.McHarg, Ian L., and Frederick R. Steiner. The Essential Ian McHarg: Writings on Design and Nature. Washington, DC: Island Press, 2006.Mellin, Robert. Newfoundland Modern: Architecture in the Smallwood Years 1949-1972. McGill-Queens U. Press, 2011. Mellin, Robert. Tilting: House Launching , Slide Hauling , Potatoe Trenching , and other tales from a Newfoundland Fishing Village. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2003. Michl, Jan. “Taking Down the Bauhaus Wall: Towards Living Design History as a Tool for Better Design.” The Design Journal 17, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 445–53. Ebersberger, Eva and Zyman, Daniela, ed. Jorge Otero-Pailos : The Ethics of  Dust . Köln: Verlag der Buchhandlung Walther König, 2009Otero-Pailos, Jorge. “Historic Preservation: Thinking Past Architecture and Preservation”, Future Anterior: Journal of  Historic Preservation, History, Theory, and Criticism. Vol. 2, No. 2 (Winter 2005), pp. ii-vi. Otero-Pailos, Jorge. “Surplus Experience: Kenneth Frampton and the Subterfuges of  Bourgeios Taste”, Architecture’s Historical Return: Phenomenology and the Rise of  the Postmodern. Minneapolis: U. of  Minnesota Press, 2010. Pocius, Gerald. A Place to Belong: Community Order and Everyday Space in Calvert, Newfoundland. Georgia: U. of  Georgia Press, 1991. Quinn, Mark. “Northeast Avalon home to half  the province’s population by 2025, survey predicts”, CBC News Newfoundland and Labrador, December 7, 2016, Accessed Feb 28, 2016. Rapaport, Amos. “A Framework for Studying Vernacular Design”, Journal of  Architectural Planning Research, Vol. 16, No. 1 (Spring 1999), pp. 52-64Sharpe, C.A., Shawyer, A.J., Sweat Equity: Cooperative House-building in Newfoundland. ISER, Institute of  Social and Economic Research, 2016Statistics Canada. “Population, urban and rural, by province and territory (Newfoundland and Labrador)”, 2011 Census of  Population, 2011. Accessed Feb 1, 2018. Statistics Newfoundland and Labrador. “Unemployment Rate, Monthly, Canada and Provinces, Unadjusted”, Statistics Canada, Labour Force Survey, February 10, 2017,  Accessed February 24, 2018.  Steffler, John. The Grey Islands. Ontario: Brick Books, 1985. Stevens, Dominic. “Field Work: Work done, lessons learnt” AlterRurality: exploring representations and ‘repeasantations’, Createspace: Charlestown. 2015Versteegh, P; Meeres, S. AlterRurality: exploring representations and ‘repeasantations’. Createspace, Charlestown.    2015.Degrees of  Film, Social, and Cultural History: The Fogo Island Film Project of  1967 and the ‘Newfoundland Renaissance.’” Acadiensis 39, no. 2 (2010): 48–69.Quinn, Mark. “Northeast Avalon home to half  the province’s population by 2025, survey predicts”, CBC News Newfoundland and Labrador, December 7, 2016, UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLOMBIASCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE AND LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTUREARCHITECTURE PROGRAMREADING ROOM AUTHORIZATIONIn presenting this report in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the advanced degree in the Architecture Program at the University of British Colombia. I agree that permission for extensive copying of this report for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Chair of Architecture of by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permissionName of Author: Kathy OkeDate: April 26, 2019Signature:Program: Master of ArchitectureYear of Graduation Ceremony: 2019


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