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Minor Tangents : Memorials for Tashme Hamatani, Victoria 2019-04-26

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MINOR TANGENTS:MEMORIALS FOR TASHMEbyVICTORIA HAMATANIB.A.S. Design, Carleton University, 2015Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture in The Faculty of Applied ScienceTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAVancouverApril 2019© Victoria Hamatani, 2019John Bass (Chair)Joseph Watson (Faculty Committee) Kelty McKinnon (External Committee)iiiiiABSTRACT In 2017, the 75th anniversary of the beginning of Japanese Canadian internment was celebrated. Methods of remembering this event have been quietly marked over time through art installations, museums, and interpretative signs. Sites that were involved in this history are sprinkled all throughout Canada, many of them are concentrated in the interior of BC, as well as in Vancouver, where Japanese immigration began in the late 1880’s. Now, many sites sit dormant and neutral to their histories, at risk of erasure as the involved generation passes away.  Japanese Canadian internment affected many places, shaping sites now commonly passed by today with little mention like Hastings Park, Roger’s Sugar Factory, Crowsnest Highway, Southern Alberta’s farming community, and the Sunshine Valley. These sites are loaded with significance that begs to be called on and re-evaluated in the new context of today. This thesis will build on this body of work to continue the process of remembrance through rituals supported by sites in the Sunshine Valley, former Tashme internment site. This project deploys a minor methodology to subvert the static, constructed tendency of major memorials to disregard personal experiences and their anecdotes.  A minor methodology employs these anecdotes to generate spaces that recall these experiences, demonstrating the latent authority, depth and nuance to these stories. ivvList of Illustrations  viAcknowledgements xiDedication  xiiiField of Inquiry 1Statement of Thesis  3SECTION 1: THE HISTORICAL CONTENT 5SECTION 2: MEMORIALS + MICRO-HISTORIES  35SECTION 3: TASHME + THE SUNSHINE VALLEY   79SECTION 4: PROJECT PROPOSAL  104 Bibliography  160 TABLE OF CONTENTSviLIST OF FIGURESfig. 1  Sign outside of Kelowna. https://infotel.ca/newsitemisracism-alive-and-well-in-kelowna/it1514 City of Kelowna Archives. (pg. 6)fig. 2  Japanese Canadians being relocated in 1942. www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca /en/article/japanese-canadianst (pg.11)fig. 3  Children look into a store that used to be owned by Japanese Canadians. City of Vancouver Archives/Jack Lindsay Ltd. Photographers Fonds. nationalpost.com/news/canada/rare-views-of-japanese-canadian-internment-19-images-remembering-one-of-canadas-darkest-hours (pg. 12)fig. 4 Cartoon from the Vernon News, January 1942, finding destinations for adult male Japanese Canadians to be relocated proved difficult and created inter-provincial tensions.  ‘When Does the Train Leave?’ Vernon News, 29 January 1942 (pg. 14)fig. 5 Cartoon from 1946 by the Nisei Affairs about Japanese Canadians aspirations for eliminating ‘racial prejudice, insecurity and restrictions’. Nisei Affairs, ‘Canada’s Racial Minorities’ November-December 1946. (pg. 19)fig. 6 Diagram of population dispersion as of 1943 records. Illustration by Author, 2019 (pg. 20)fig. 7 Tashme from above.  (pg. 22)fig. 8 Tashme residents with a red-cross shipment of shoyu outside of the Shinwa-kai building, circa 1943. NNM.2011.279.06.06.‘Red Cross Shipment of Shoyu to Tashme’, Harold Miwa collection, Japanese Canadian Cultural Cen-tre  (pg. 25)fig. 9 Icicles on edge of shacks at Tashme camp.  (pg. 25)fig. 10  Japanese internment houses in front of a grain elevator; Alberta, circa 1942. 1994.69.4.12 Nikkei National Museum Alex Eastwood collection (pg. 27)fig. 11 Sugar beets in Alberta; delivery point for farmers; Alberta, circa 1942. 1994.69.4.2 Nikkei National Museum. Alex Eastwood collection. (pg. 28)fig. 12  Japanese evacuees find themselves in new settlement - Slocan area; New Denver, BC, circa 1942. 1994.69.4.16 Nikkei National Museum. Alex Eastwood Collection (pg. 34) fig. 13  Vancouver’s Victory Square under construction, circa 1924 . www.metrovancouver.org/servces/parks/ParksPhotos/Forms/ (pg. 36) fig. 14  Berlin Holocaust Memorial.  www.top10berlin.de/en/cat/leisure-258/surprising-cultural-highlights-2982/exhibition-under-holocaust-memorial-field-stelae#1 (pg. 38)fig. 15  Map of monuments along the river.  (pg. 40)fig. 16  Photos from ‘Monuments of Passaic’ taken outside of the Passaic High School football stadium. Courtesy of the Estate of Robert Smithson and James Cohan Gallery. www.kabulmagazine.com/robert-smithson-monument-passaic-new-jersey/DIGITAL LIBRARY May 15, 2018 (pg. 40)fig. 17  View of the Square.  citiessquared.blogspot.com/2013/05/art-and-public-places-visible-and.htmlThursday, 23 May 2013 (pg. 43)fig. 18 Underside of stones carved with Jewish cemetery locations. www.jochengerz.eu/works/2146-steine-mahnmal-gegen-rassismusYear 1990 (pg. 42) fig. 19  View of Forum building from Momiji Garden, 1993. Colin Price / The Province.w w w.vancouver isawesome.com /2016/09/30/mom ij i -ga rde n-1993/va ncouve r i s awe some.com/2016/09/30/momiji-garden-1993/vancouveri-sawesome.com/2016/09/30/momiji-garden-1993/ (pg. 43)fig. 20  Plaque mounted on a rock in the Momiji Garden, 2018. By Author (pg. 44)fig. 21  Opening of the Hope-Princeton Highway, 1949  www.archivos.ca/?p=184 Published on May 1, 2011  in Hope/Similkameen  by Brian Wilson (pg. 46) viifig. 22  Highway Legacy Signs. EMELIE PEAwww.hopestandard.com/news/photos-japanese-canadians-who-built-highway-3-forever-remembered-with-mile-9-sign/ (pg. 46) fig. 23  Places of Remembrance, signs and locations, 1993. “Signs from Berlin” presentation at the Jewish Museum in New York 2003/2004, depicting the memorial “Places of Remembrance” in the Bavarian Quarter, Ber-lin-Schoeneberg, Germany (inauguration 1993)www.stih-schnock.de/jmny.htm (pg. 52)fig. 24  Places of Remembrance, signs and locations, 1993. “Signs from Berlin” presentation at the Jewish Museum in New York 2003/2004, depicting the memorial “Places of Remembrance” in the Bavarian Quarter, Ber-lin-Schoeneberg, Germany (inauguration 1993)www.stih-schnock.de/jmny.htm (pg. 53)fig. 25  Stills from video of Beta Vulgaris: The Sugar Beet Projects. www.youtube.com/watch?v=QhTF3O5DOp8 (pg. 54)fig. 26  Stills from video of Beta Vulgaris: The Sugar Beet Projects.  www.youtube.com/watch?v=QhTF3O5DOp8 (pg. 54)fig. 27  View of Beta Vulgaris: The Sugar Beet Projects., 2017.  www.lionsroar.com/zen-garden-made-of-4500-lbs-of-beet-sugar-memorializes-japanese-canadian-forced-labor/ Photos by Kayla Isomura FEBRUARY 26, 2018 Lion’s Roar. (pg. 58) fig. 28  Drawing of a sugar beet. www.istockphoto.com/ca/vector/sugar-beet-gm658879738-120198799 (pg. 58)   fig. 29  Timeline from the Lantic Roger’s Sugar website. www.lanticrogers.com/en/about-us/history/ (pg. 60)  fig. 30  Re-appropriated time-line with Japanese Canadian contribution inserted. Illustration by Author, 2018.  (pg. 60)fig. 31  Vancouver Especially. Photo: Dennis Ha. 221a.ca/vancouver-especially (pg. 63)fig. 32  From Shangri-La to Shangri-La, at Vancouver Offsite.  kenlumart.com/from-shangri-la-to-shangri-la/ (pg. 65)fig. 33  From Shangri-La to Shangri-La, at Maplewood Conservation Area. kenlumart.com/from-shangri-la-to-shangri-la/ (pg. 65) fig. 34  Tashme Museum Shack Replica, Sunshine Valley. By Author, 2018. (pg. 69) fig. 35 -37 Tashme shack, purchased and transported to Corbett Street, Hope.  Google Street View. (pg. 71)fig. 38  Altab Ali Park, ‘Open Air Museum’. issuu.com/mufarchitectureartllp/docs/120118epsa_loreskc (pg. 74)fig. 39  Altab Ali Park. muf.co.uk/portfolio/altab-ali-park/ (pg. 75)fig. 48  Sunshine Valley . Google Earth. (pg.85)fig. 49  Sunshine Valley site plan. By Author, 2018. (pg. 91) fig. 50  Sunshine Valley mountains, frost line.  By Author, 2018 (pg. 92)fig. 51  Sunshine Valley Recreation Building, previously an Apartment Building.  By Author, 2018 (pg. 93)fig. 52  Concrete silos, Sunshine Valley. By Author, 2018 (pg. 94) fig. 53-55  Sunshine Valley. By Author, 2018 (pg. 96) fig. 56 Order of Council PC1486, 1942. 98 redress.causevox.com/blog/order-of-council-pc-1486. (pg. 98) fig. 57  Stih + Schnock style ‘Places of Remembrance’ for Japanese Canadian internment, modified from Order of Council PC 1486, Illustration by Author. (pg. 99) fig. 58  Location of ‘Protected Area’ and internment camps. Illustration by Author. (pg. 100)fig. 59 Names on Houses project.  http://tashme.ca/camp-description/names-on-houses/ JCCC (Toronto) (pg. 109)fig. 60  Detail of Names on Houses project.   http://tashme.ca/camp-description/names-on-houses/ JCCC (Toronto) (pg. 109) viiifig. 61   The ‘quadratic alphabet’, used as a method of communication in POW camps and prisons.  Similar to Morse code, words are spelled out with precise sequence of taps. An example of a minority subverting a majority language through re-appropriation. Illustration by Author. (pg. 111) fig. 62  World War 1 Japanese Canadian War Memorial in Stanley Park, Vancouver.  Built to honour the 190 Canadians of Japanese ancestry that fought and the 54 who gave their lives. www.vancouversun.com. (pg. 113)fig. 63  Remembrance Day gathering at the memorial, 2010, creates a space of communal gathering; a place to lay a wreath.  www.vancouversun.com. (pg. 113)fig. 64  Tashme, BC Site plan 1942. Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 116) fig. 65  Sunshine Valley RV Park Site plan, 2012 . Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 117) fig. 66  Sunshine Valley and Tashme site plans overlaid.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 118) fig. 67   Sunshine Valley RV Park hedge intervention site plan. Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 119)  fig. 68  Section-timeline through hedges from 1944 to 3000. Hedges reserve space inside where 350 internment backyard gardens used to be. Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 120)   fig. 69   Succession takes place long after human use of site. Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 122) fig. 70  View of RV campers pondering the space beyond the hedge. Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 122)fig. 71  Tashme with agricultural land in foreground, 1943. http://tashme.ca/overview/cdm-arphotos-1-0159134full/#main  39.1/1. (pg. 123)fig. 72  Tashme from top of mountain, looking east.  Framed by Ferguson creek and Sumallo Creek.  [Unknown]. (1949). View of Tashme Camp [P]. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0048826. (pg. 123) fig. 73   Wildflower Meadow with grain silos, flower building, and columbarium wall at south of site.   Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 126)fig. 74   Building plans.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 127)fig. 75   Wildflower meadow site plan.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 128) fig. 76 Funeral cortege lined up in front of grain silos and barn, flower wreaths adorn coffin, Buddhist priest at far left. [Unknown]. (1949). Group photograph at funeral ceremony at Tashme Camp [P]. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0048942 (pg. 129)  fig. 77  Funeral cortege lined up in front of grain silos and barn, large flower wreaths at center, 1945.  Canadian Centennial Project fonds, 2010. Nikkei National Museum, Burnaby, BC. (pg. 129) fig. 78   View of vases on wall with woodland star, blue gilia and yellow columbine . Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 130) fig. 79  View of wall and wildflower field . Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 131) fig. 80   View of bath house across Sumallo creek.  Visitors crossing wooden bridge during winter.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 134)fig. 81  Interior view of bath house looking towards one entrance of building.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 135)fig. 82  Bath houses at the end of avenues, 1943 .  Fumiko Yamada (nee Kawata) collection, 2014., Nikkei National Museum, Burnaby, BC. (pg. 136) fig. 83  A view down the Sumallo creek in winter. [Unknown]. (1949). View of river near Tashme Camp in winter [P]. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0048914. (pg. 136)  fig. 84  Women in bathing suits at the edge of Sumallo creek, Tashme, Marie Katsuno fonds.  2001.5. Nikkei National Museum, Burnaby, BC. (pg. 137) ixfig. 85 Site map of bath house.  Following the road south that runs beside the Sumallo creek, where the two cross over is a car park with a pathway that leads to the building. The remote site reminds of the long walk that internees experienced to their shared bath houses. Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 138)  fig. 86   Building plan of bath house and surrounding site.  The bath house is divided into half but each sides shares a central bath.  All partitions and fixtures are hung from the structure and hardly anything touches the ground, providing clear views when inside bath.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 138)  fig. 87   View inside bath of partition through central bath.  People bathing on other side.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 141) fig. 88  Men standing in front of a shipment of miso from the Japanese Red Cross, 1943. [Unknown]. (1949). Group photograph of men at Tashme Camp [P]. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0048844. (pg. 144)fig. 89   Workers in miso factory, Tashme 1943.  © 2010 Natalie Mariko Sheldrake, http://www.discovernikkei.org/en/journal/2010/1/18/sanseis-memory-of-ojiichan/. (pg. 144) fig. 90   Drawing inside keyhole windows of miso/shoyu building. Top window; shoyu pressing and bottles. Bottom window: fermenting of koji and mixing of soy beans, koji and salt.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 145) fig. 91   Isometric view of miso/shoyu building. Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 146) fig. 92   Plan of miso/shoyu building. Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 147)fig. 93  Location of new miso/shoyu building in relation to old one. Their relationship reflected via the Highway 3.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 149) fig. 94   View through building of old miso and shoyu factory across highway 3. Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 150) fig. 95  View into shoyu side of building, man mixing sludge . Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 151) fig. 96  Site Plan of Sunshine Valley with interventions located.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 152) fig. 97- 100 Presentation boards from defense.  Illustration by Author, 2019. (pg. 154)  xxiI would first like to thank my thesis advisor, John Bass for his patience, acceptance and support through this process. I always felt that you could see the steps ahead, but let me find them on my own.I would also like to thank Joseph Watson for comprehending my scattered trains of thought, and for his passionate input. As well, Kelty McKinnon for her support and continued dedication to this cause. Last, a thanks to Trevor Whitten, for his unwavering companionship. xiixiiiThis thesis is dedicated to my late grandparents, Akira + Keiko Hamatani (née Oka), their families, and all the other survivors of internment. Aki + Keiko were sugar beet farmers in Vauxhall, Alberta. xiv1The research for this project will focus on Japanese Canadian Internment in 1942-1949 and the lasting effects it has or has not had on the built environment since.  In a larger context this research hopes to question the ‘grand narrative’ myth of Canadian heritage and identity. These grand narratives often leave out unwanted, shameful or ‘minor’ histories that don’t align with the present collective identity. Japanese Canadian internment is one of these histories.  Although champions of their interests have made great strides in acknowledgement and partial compensation of this event by government and the public, their pursuit has been an ongoing battle that still faces resistances. Canonical remembrance markers commonly honour the heroes of war, but lately there has been a shift towards the remembrance of the victims.  These narrow identities are binary and fail to include all of the roles in between. These methods also fail to acknowledge the role of the perpetrators. Memorials become abstracted and generalized, leaving out nuanced details, complexities and contradictions, and fail to accurately tell the story. Instead, memorials become silent places of remembrance where inquiry further into historical events is inappropriate. Historical ‘summaries’ or ‘generalizations’ in these remembrance markers create room for curation or editing, and thus misinterpretations become widespread.  Currently, society is beginning to question the narratives that were bolstered in the past, suggesting that these are obsolete. Yet there is something to be said for a reminder of the shameful moments of history.  Remembrance of these histories can act as a touchstone for how far we’ve come, or how far we need to go. Vancouver and the interior of British Columbia are particularly concentrated with ‘loaded’ sites that once hosted the horrible events of internment. At the same time, these sites saw perseverance and can reflect on the story of a population that survived this racial oppression. It’s the historical details, artifacts, decrees, and people that are able to tell this story best, and it is the responsibility of architects to create conduits and forums that allow these to engage the public today. FIELD OF INQUIRY  23This thesis foregrounds the affective power of architecture in the history of Japanese Canadian internment. It will investigate how current remembrance marking models, especially those of this event, are no longer serving us in a critical and comprehensive way nor are they substantially occupying their historical territories. This project will propose alternate methods of remembrance marking that will interface the histories of specific sites with their contemporary uses. STATEMENT OF THESIS 45the historical contentCANADIAN CONTEXT               7THE INTERNMENT             13NOTES                                                                                                            40SECTION 1: THE HISTORICAL CONTENT6 section 1fig. 1Sign outside of Kelowna.7the historical contentThe order by the federal government on February 26, 1942 for all persons of Japanese racial origin to leave the protected area may seem like a sudden decision made out of fear and panic, yet when it is put into its historical context, the call seems also opportunistic. This section will overview the Canadian social and political context that produced the call for internment, placing it among other racial tensions at this time. IMMIGRATION + RACIAL POLICIES: This history begins in British Columbia, primarily the coastal region and Vancouver, as this is where the majority of immigration was concentrated to. Japanese immigration began in the 1870’s and started to grow through to the 1920’s.  The Japanese came to the west coast of Canada in search of a better life and a new country to call home.  Fishing, canning, forestry, hospitality, and farming were the most common labour draws.  At one point, Japanese Canadians owned half of the fishing licences and had proved themselves to be highly efficient workers in most all of their sectors1.  This settlement pattern formed a distinct neighbourhood called Japantown which is mainly bounded by Gore on the west, Alexander on the north, Princess street on the east, and Cordova street on the south.  By 1937, more than half of the buildings in this neighbourhood were owned and operated by Japanese and Japanese Canadians2.   This trend in immigration saturated the labour market, and as many of these immigrants came from far worse conditions their work ethics and wage expectations allowed them to be most competitive among their fellow ‘white’ Canadians.  This caused tension among those competing for jobs which quickly turned racial. Assumptions and generalizations were often used to treat this population as if they were second class citizens. This treatment was backed by a number of government policies and regulations restricting the immigration of ‘Asians’, (Chinese were often grouped together with the Japanese) such as CANADIAN CONTEXT 8 section 1the ‘Gentlemen’s Agreement’ in 1908 which restricted Japanese immigration to 400 males per year, or the Chinese Head Tax under the Chinese Immigration Act in 1885 which placed a fee of $500 per person to come to Canada. This racial tension climaxed at the anti-Asian riots of September 1907 where ‘white’ rioters walked through the streets of Chinatown and Japantown destroying property, invading homes, and coming face-to-face with them in the streets. This riot was backed by the Knights of Labour, a conservative labour organization, who were excited to protest. The rioters have been said to have burned an effigy of Lieutenant Governor Robert Dunsmuir for his disagreement with British Columbia’s Immigration Act of 1907 that would exclude all oriental immigration. This riot can be attributed to a number of causes but demonstrates the hostile tensions between races at this time.  The tension was felt on the ground between Asians and their non-Asian neighbours, as well as between company owners and government, often these individuals had their hand in both.  For example, Robert Browser the British Columbia Attorney General who also owned the Nippon Supply Company which supplied labour to the coal mines owned by Lieutenant Governor Dunsmuir. Which makes sense as to Dunsmuir’s refusal to sign the anti-immigration clause as it would cause him to lose profits from employment3.Labour tensions point to potential origins of the climate that produced an incarceratory act over 30 years later.  It also reveals the blatant conflicts of interest that perpetuated the racial divisions.  Japanese and Chinese seen as ‘second class citizens’ by their own government gave validation to ‘white’ employers to pay them lower wages, but also to rely on this labour class for their own financial benefit. RIGHT TO VOTE: Japanese Canadians throughout this time were insistent on proving their loyalty to the country. The Minister of Colonial Affairs and governor of 9the historical contentTokyo, Nagata Hidejiro, used the analogy of marriage to inform the Japanese abroad in Canada on their expected attitude for their new nation: ‘like a wife who commits herself to the prosperity of her husband’s family, the Nisei must devote themselves to their adoptive nation’4. He encouraged them to feel a dual sense of belonging to Japan and Canada, to integrate but remain themselves.  Their resultant treatment by their host nation; disenfranchisement of naturalized Canadians, and restrictions from certain professions such as lawyers, pharmacists, architects, teachers or chartered accountants5. During WWI, around 200 first generation Canadians volunteered their service to the military, they were rejected by BC but eventually accepted by the Alberta Battalions and sent over to Europe.  Those who survived were promised the right to vote when they returned.  The inter-war years possessed small labour victories for the Japanese Canadian population, and tensions seemed to have slowed on this front, although the right to vote, heavily petitioned by the community, has still not been established. For the time leading up to WWII a suspicion still hovers over this population as the years go on. It’s possible that the climax of the anti-Asian riot sent up a warning flag to the Japanese government, an imperial ally of Britain, and thus Canada. Perhaps this is what transformed simmering tensions into a covert surveillance until WWII. MULTICULTURALISM:This narrative is complicated by the multi-ethnic and multiracial populations in Canada, whose stories become subsumed into an overarching tale of landscape. The dominance of landscape narratives evens out difference, so that human subjects become something akin to tiny topographical features like a tree, or a hilltop, or a rill, or a crag. The situation also becomes one of exclusion in terms of the disjunctive stories that cannot be contained without a universalizing landscape narrative that cloaks their disruptive voices. Here, landscape is used 10 section 1as a unifying device premised paradoxically enough on exclusion, not so much through racial or religious cohesion (although such factors are significant) but through sameness by relativization (in the form of multiculturalism).6A concept well known to Canadians today, multiculturalism, has mutated from previous versions such as the ‘melting pot’ from 1908 to the ‘Canadian mosaic’ in 1938. This policy was formalized in 1971 under the Trudeau government to protect and promote diversity and bilingualism. John Porter’s The Vertical Mosaic investigates the reality of class and power structures and the myth that anyone in Canada, regardless of their economic or ethnic background, could ‘make it’7.  If multiculturalism is supposedly reflected in the people of Canada, what does this mean for a Canadian architectural identity? Does national identity mean consolidation of heritage8? After WWII cultural diversity was reconsidered. The Massey Commission of 1949 shifted the national gaze towards arts and culture to promote a better understanding of Canadian heritage.  This 11the historical contentfig. 2Japanese Canadians being relocated in 1942.12 section 1fig. 3Children look into a store that used to be owned by Japanese Canadians. 13the historical contentOVERVIEW: Two years into the war, Japan attacks Pearl Harbour, thus Canada declares war on Japan. It is at this moment that some Canadians constructed the fear that Japanese living abroad in Canada, or anyone of Japanese race for that matter, could be working with the enemy. In their minds they were suddenly surrounded, and in a vulnerable position for attack if they did not act fast. The fear became infectious, the government started to serialize Japanese Canadians, taking away their rights and freedoms one-by-one. They were closely watched by authorities and their neighbours in search of any suspicious behaviour that would warrant some action. The media both perpetuated this fear as well as calmed it. The Vancouver Sun called for ‘wholesale evacuation, or a desertion of our cities and countryside’ while the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation said ‘the Japanese have so far proved themselves to be loyal Canadian citizens … inflammatory statements are not in the general interest’9. The fear existed at multiple levels of society, not just by government. Communities demanded the round-up and removal of Japanese Canadians, they petitioned heavily for it until it was finally passed by the Vancouver city council. On February 24, 1942 over 23,000 Japanese Canadians were ordered to be removed from the BC coast as enemy aliens on the basis of race.  Some government officials claim that this was a protective measure for the Japanese Canadian community from violent anti-Japanese demonstrations. The logistics of relocating this amount of people en masse would require great administrative effort and funds which was deemed the responsibility of the RCMP and Department of Labour. To pay for the facilitation of this, Japanese Canadian’s property was confiscated by the Custodian of Enemy Alien Property as a ‘protective measure’ but was quickly liquidated for a fraction of its worth, never to be returned to them. THE INTERNMENT14 section 1fig. 4Cartoon from the Vernon News, January 1942, finding destinations for adult male Japanese Canadians to be relocated proved difficult and created inter-provincial tensions. 15the historical contentThose residing on the coastal islands were the first to be pooled into Hastings Park.  While stories from people who spent months here tell of boredom through uncertain waiting, it was this long period that the government was scrambling to form a plan for where these people could go.  They looked to each and every province and most provincial and municipal governments rejected the idea of hosting ‘enemy aliens’, knowing that they would probably never return to the coast.  Even towns that were short on labour were hesitant to accept the internees. The lack of acceptance caused internal conflicts as well between BC and other provinces: “isn’t that characteristic of good old Toronto? It clings to the war industries; they provide profit and payroll. It rejects the Japanese, even if the safety of the country requires their removal from the coast defense area … Toronto wants all the advantages that come from war, but passes the disabilities on to somebody else”10 16 section 1TIME-LINE  JANUARY 1941Japanese are not allowed to volunteer for the armed services as there is strong public opinion against them.MARCH 1941 Federal government orders all Japanese Canadians, regardless of citizenship to register with RCMP and to carry identity cards with their name, photo and thumb print as of August 12.DECEMBER 8 1941Government impounds entire fishing fleet owned by Japanese Canadians Shuts down ethnic newspapers and schools. Insurance policies are cancelled.JANUARY 1942 Government declared ‘protected area’, starts to administer the removal of all male Japanese Canadians between the ages of 18-45 to be put on road building projects at Hope-Princeton, Blue River, and Revelstoke-Sicamous FEBRUARY 2  1942Order in Council PC 1486 addressed ‘all persons of Japanese Racial Origin’ ordered a curfew from dawn to dusk, banned possession of cars, cameras, radios and firearms. FEBRUARY 26 1942Federal government orders all people of Japanese race, or mixed race, regardless of legal and civic status, to leave the protected area. MARCH 4 1942British Columbia Security Commission (BCSC) ordered all Japanese Canadians to turn over their property and belongings to the custodian of enemy alien property ‘as a protective measure only’.17the historical contentMARCH 1942 Japanese Canadians from all around the coastal area were  marshaled at Hastings Park, the pooling centre from which they were to be evacuated to internment camps. MARCH 6 1942 BC newspapers publish new regulation demanding the Japanese Canadian families receive permission from the BC Security Council before leaving the coast, combating the voluntary exodus of Japanese. APRIL 21 1942First evacuees arrive at Greenwood, around 12,000 went to internment camps, 1,161 went to self-supporting projects (East Lilooet, Bridge River, Minto, McGillivray Falls, Christina Lake etc Kootenays.JUNE 1942Director of Soldier Settlement is given authority to purchase or lease farms owned by Japanese Canadians.  Buy 572 farms without consulting the owners.JANUARY 1943Order in Council grants the Custodian of Enemy Alien Property the right ti dispose of Japanese Canadian property without the owners’ consent.AUGUST 1944Applications for ‘voluntary repatriation’ are sought by Canadian Government. SEPTEMBER 1945Japan surrenders, atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima. All internment camps except one are closed, settlements of shacks demolished.MAY 1946 Exile boats begin carrying Japanese Canadians to Japan.18 section 1JANUARY 1947 Federal cabinet repealed the forced migration and deportation, following protests from a broad cross section of Canadian Society. 4,000 Japanese Canadians have already been ‘repatriated’.JULY 1947The Bird Commission formed to inquire the losses of property sales by the Custodian and theft. JUNE 15 1948 Japanese Canadians received the right to vote federally. APRIL 1 1948 Final restrictions lifted like carrying identity cards.SEPTEMBER 22 1988Formal apology by federal government Brian Mulroney. 19the historical contentfig. 5Cartoon from 1946 by the Nisei Affairs about Japanese Canadians aspirations for eliminating ‘racial prejudice, insecurity and restrictions’. 20 section 1tashme2,533greenwood1,150japan61alberta3,569population dispersion + locations, 1943saskatchewan143manitoba1,123ontario + quebec3,064self-supporting camps4,853railway linerestricted area boundary 40km0slocan2,703new denver1,135rosebery356sandon768 kaslo872lemon creek1,766vancouver + coastal area24,733camp population percentagetashme 2,533          10.2%greenwood 1,150          4.6%lemon creek 1,766          7.1%slocan 2,703          10.9%new denver 1,335          5.4%sandon 768             3.1%kaslo 872             3.5%rosebery 356             1.4%self supporting camp 4,853          19.6%alberta 3,569          14.4%saskatchewan 143             0.6%manitoba 1,123          4.5%ontario + quebec 3,064          12.4%road camps 376             1.5%special permit 61               0.2%repatriation to japan 61               0.2%100.0%fig. 6Diagram of population dispersion as of 1943 records. tashme2,533greenwood1,150japan61alberta3,569population dispersion + locations, 1943saskatchewan143manitoba1,123ontario + quebec3,064self-supporting camps4,853railway linerestricted area boundary 40km0slocan2,703new denver1,135rosebery356sandon768 kaslo872lemon creek1,766vancouver + coastal area24,733camp population percentagetashme 2,533          10.2%greenwood 1,150          4.6%lemon creek 1,766          7.1%slocan 2,703          10.9%new denver 1,335          5.4%sandon 768             3.1%kaslo 872             3.5%rosebery 356             1.4%self supporting camp 4,853          19.6%alberta 3,569          14.4%saskatchewan 143             0.6%manitoba 1,123          4.5%ontario + quebec 3,064          12.4%road camps 376             1.5%special permit 61               0.2%repatriation to japan 61               0.2%100.0%21the historical contenttashme2,533greenwood1,150japan61alberta3,569population dispersion + locations, 1943saskatchewan143manitoba1,123ontario + quebec3,064self-supporting camps4,853railway linerestricted area boundary 40km0slocan2,703new denver1,135rosebery356sandon768 kaslo872lemon creek1,766vancouver + coastal area24,733camp population percentagetashme 2,533          10.2%greenwood 1,150          4.6%lemon creek 1,766          7.1%slocan 2,703          10.9%new denver 1,335          5.4%sandon 768             3.1%kaslo 872             3.5%rosebery 356             1.4%self supporting camp 4,853          19.6%alberta 3,569          14.4%saskatchewan 143             0.6%manitoba 1,123          4.5%ontario + quebec 3,064          12.4%road camps 376             1.5%special permit 61               0.2%repatriation to japan 61               0.2%100.0%22 section 1fig. 7Tashme from above. 23the historical contentTASHME:A group of about 350 Japanese Canadian carpenters were sent up to Tashme to construct the community.  Some of these men were pulled from local road camp sites to help.  Before this, the site was a mostly unoccupied dairy and livestock farm called 14-mile ranch, 23 kilometers from Hope.  This farm was purchased from Amos Bliss Trites and turned into the town of Tashme, a name that comes from the last names of the three BC Security Commission officers; Taylor, Shirras, and Mead. The selected site was 1,200 acres buried between Mount Potter and Johnson Peak, with the Sumallo river winding through. The building of Tashme consisted of 400 26’ by 16’ wood houses that would house two families in four bedrooms.  “These buildings consist of ship lap walls and floors and common lumber roof covered with rubberoid.  Outside walls and floor also covered with rubberoid. Inside walls not sheeted but covered with light-coloured building paper glued on.”11These shacks would cost about $150 each to construct, funded by the sale of Japanese Canadian property. A memorandum on the status of Tashme by September 4th 1942 outlines how many houses were completed and ready for internees to move in.  It also states the supplies and amenities still needed, holding up the completion are cement and pipes for completing the water reservoir and supply, mattresses requested to come from Hastings Park, and wood for the shiplap siding.  The remoteness of Tashme required that the town be self-sufficient, thus buildings required for residents to carry out ‘regular’ lives were constructed over time such as a fire-hall, post office, school and community hall, church, hospital, bathhouses, a sawmill, general store, slaughterhouse, mess hall, miso factory, power house, animal stables, even a barber shop and shoe repair.  Over the 4 years of Tashme’s existence, residents grew the town into a community by their own means.  24 section 1This was all supervised by the BC Security Commission, with authorities stationed throughout the town.  RCMP were always present at the gate of the camp, watching and enforcing order on the camp and monitoring incoming and outgoing movement.  In the beginning, strict law enforcement was in place and the same rules as those before the evacuation applied, such as ‘restrictions on cameras, radios, local fishing, hunting and trapping activities and communications by long distance telephone’12. Over time, these restrictions relaxed as the residents never demonstrated any resistance. The residents developed a system of self-governance called the Shinwa-kai, and created a circulating bulletin to keep up with local news called the Kairan-ban. The Shinwa-kai ensured that every member of the community was occupied and contributing, keeping the collective morale high.  It organized group events, facilitated the learning of new skills and worked towards negotiating improvements for the residents.  Although this story is one of perseverance, the brutality and hardship that these people were forced to face should not be forgotten.  The thin wood shacks barely held up through the extreme weather of this region.  With no insulation, stories of people waking up multiple times in the night to scrape the frost off their bed-frames paints a picture of what life was like through the winters.  With only one small stove per house, with sometimes only green wood fuel, residents struggled through the snow seasons.  Water pumps and bathhouses were centralized, meaning most people would have to walk a fair distance for basic necessities. Personal gardens were permitted in the zone behind each house, but often the produce from these gardens would have to be surrendered to the general store, only to be sold back to them for a marked up price.  Negotiations by the Shinwa-kai for improvements to the camp were not always met with kindness, for example the response of E.L. Boultbee, general manager of the interior housing in 1942-3, “Every move we make to improve these facilities makes it just that much tougher on the Supervisor in getting these families moved elsewhere … I feel that we should not provide further facilities but make them get along with what they have”13. 25the historical contentfig. 8Tashme residents with a red-cross shipment of shoyu outside of the Shinwa-kai building, circa 1943. fig. 9Icicles on edge of shacks at Tashme camp. 26 section 1Despite their compliance with government orders, there was a constant reminder that ‘they’ were still enemies of the country.  Tashme became a community, and developed into a town with an identity of its own, yet Japanese Canadians were still at the mercy of the government.  At any given moment they could be uprooted once again. Tashme was a temporary holding ground in the eyes of the BCSC, and the ultimate plan was to disperse and isolate the Japanese Canadians from their once concentrated presence in BC. SUGAR BEET FARMS: If it weren’t for a local labour shortage in a southern Alberta industry, the province would have refused the intake of more Japanese Canadians.  Before the war, just over 500 Japanese Canadians lived and worked in southern Alberta, primarily in the farming industry, most of them recruited by the Knight Sugar Factory in Raymond.  These Japanese Canadians didn’t experience as much of the hardship as those evacuated as they had integrated themselves for a generation into the southern Alberta farming community, and established personal wealth and provincial franchise14.  The Alberta Sugar Beet Growers Association (ASBGA), saw an opportunity to assist in the facilitation of keeping sugar beet farming local to Alberta rather than outsourcing it abroad, keeping it cheaper. At the time, the ASBGA was experiencing an extreme labour shortage, thus were enthusiastic about accepting this labour population. Subsidies for local farm hosts to accept new labour were offered, and the Alberta government would cover all costs for the internee’s accommodation. In turn, local farmers were provided with steady labour at least until the end of the war.  Their only responsibilities to the government: surveillance of the Japanese Canadians for any foreign enemy behaviour and. This meant that the treatment of these families by their hosts varied from farm to farm. It also meant that part of the incarceration was shouldered and mediated by fellow Canadians citizens. Their placements were done by family, thus those who 27the historical contentfig. 10Japanese internment houses in front of a grain elevator; Alberta, circa 1942.28 section 1fig. 11Sugar beets in Alberta; delivery point for farmers; Alberta, circa 194229the historical contentchose this placement were ones who chose to stay together. Family, in this placement, was everything.  The agreement was solidified as around 2,000 internees were placed onto farms, far away from each other. Some families were placed on farms in southern Saskatchewan and Manitoba as well. Unlike Tashme and the other internment or self-supporting camps, families on southern Alberta farms were not able to share the same sense of community with others on a similar path.  Although Japanese Canadian families were common to the area, their assembly was not allowed.  Instead their community was with their own family unit, also perhaps in some cases with the more generous hosts, but in general isolation and repetitive labour filled each day. Sugar beet harvest was extremely back-breaking labour, often those unfit for this kind of labour were forced into work.  Living conditions were deplorable, and even got worse as the initial government contract ended.  Sometimes the labour expectation would also change from the initial contract, stretching Japanese Canadians even thinner15.  Despite southern Albertan’s initial denial of Japanese Canadian placements, they felt that upon accepting them they were fulfilling a national duty in protecting their country. As for the ASBGA, productive success can be attributed to this labour agreement as by 1946, 65% of the entire acreage of sugar beet farms in the area were cultivated by relocated Japanese Canadians16. This proved that incarceration through labour was an effective business strategy, similar to slavery and serfdom. THE REDRESS: The above description of Tashme and the Sugar Beet Projects are just two of the sites involved in this history. There are many more which is proof that the BCSC’s intention to widely disperse this population from its concentration in British Columbia was a success.  As the war ended, restrictions on the coastal area were lifted and the interned were free to move back to their homes.  Yet 30 section 1at this point, anything resembling their homes had been sold off, transformed and had moved on without them.  Once again, another forced fresh start to life in Canada.  Some families decided to stay in southern Alberta and continue on sugar beet farming. Others decided to move to the closest cities, experiencing racism once again.  Some families who moved from Manitoba sugar beet farms to Winnipeg, were not allowed to rent apartments in certain buildings17.  Even after this dark period of war, without any violet resistance or attacks from the Japanese Canadians, prejudice prevailed, demonstrating that it ran deeper than wartime fear. In 1988, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney issued an official Redress, which acknowledged that the actions of the government at this time were unjust, and apologizes to the treatment of Japanese Canadians who were uprooted from their homes.  This redress came with a compensation package which was a one-time payment to each survivor and a $24 million donation to establish a Canadian Race Relations Foundation.  Many of the survivors saw this as resolution to a past they felt they should hide away, and a way to heal these old wounds. This redress did not come easy though, Art Miki the President of the National Association of Japanese Canadians (NAJC) and others, went through years of lobbying and negotiations to finally succeeded in the settlement.  This endeavour of redress began around the time of the 100 year anniversary of Japanese settlement in Canada, 1977. It began as well with the development of literature on the silenced history of the Japanese Canadian internment. Previously, most of this story was only known by the documentation from above, through government policies and newspapers.  This story hadn’t yet been told by those who experienced it from the inside.  It started small with organized gatherings of activists.  This activism was perpetuated by literature, such as Joy Kogawa’s historical fiction Obasan of 1981 and Ann Sunahara’s The Politics of Racism of 1981.  This small community of Japanese Canadians nurtured the story of their mistreatment into one of  a tangible demonstration of historic human rights violations. They summarized their economic losses, 31the historical contentgained support from other ethnic, indigenous and religious human rights groups, and even marched on Parliament Hill in April 1988.  Finally, after American President Ronald Reagan made a movement to individually compensate the Japanese Americans, came the Canadian Redress. This was the pinnacle of success for the NAJC, and for the Japanese Canadian community to finally release the unfounded guilt they had felt for a significant number of years, says Art Miki. As well it represents the power of a minor population to make this change “The Japanese are a very small community – that we numbered less than 100,000 in our country and yet could have this achievement done by a small group is certainly a realization that Canada is a great country. Even a minority groups such as ours can make a mark in Canadian society”18.The redress was a major step for the Japanese Canadians to write themselves into the public sphere in their own words.  The redress also trickled down to set up the Canadian Race Relation Foundation and is the Japanese Canadian community’s way of contributing back to Canadian society. Literature on the event continued to be evermore thorough in capturing the details and the complexity of this event such as Ken Adachi’s 1991 The Enemy That Never Was. In 1993, Hastings Park opened a small Japanese garden that occupies the corner of the actual site where thousands were detained, see Section 3. In recent years, a project called Landscapes of Injustice has started a project that seeks to recover and grapple with the event, creating an archive of legal documents, educational and museum content. The redress allowed the people effected to move on from a difficult period of their lives.  What’s more important is the ongoing perseverance to reify this part of  history in Canadian heritage. It is this spirit of the Japanese Canadians perseverance that this project seeks to embody.  One can choose to look at their surrounding built environment and take it at face value. But this is a dangerous mindset when it comes to moving forward.  How do architects grapple with the histories embedded into the built environment that are at risk of erasure? How do we encourage the contemporary site to engage with its past? How is 32 section 1NOTES1. Kluckner, Micahel. “The Kootenays.” Vanishing British Columbia , UBC Press, 2005, pp. 89–112.2. Tiffin, Bejamin. “Revitalizing Vancouver’s Japantown: An Architectural Response to Japanese Food.” Dalhousie University, 2012.3. Barnholden, Micahel. “The Lessons of the Anti-Asiatic Riot.” The Beaver , 2007, pp. 14–15.4. Project, Meiji at 150. “Digital Meijis.” Chapter 9: Interviewing, Questioning, and Interrogation – Introduction to Criminal Investigation: Processes, Practices and Thinking, Justice Institute of British Columbia, pressbooks.bccampus.ca/meijiat150/chapter/japanese-culture-and-language-in-the-prewar-canadian-mosaic/.5. “Reference Timeline.” Japanese Canadian History, japanesecanadianhistory.net/historical-overview/reference-timeline/.6.Lum, Ken. “Canadian Identity Debates Are Broken. Let’s Fix Them.” Ken Lum, kenlumart.com/canadian-identity-debates-are-broken-lets-fix-them/.7. Helmes-hayes, Rick. “The Vertical Mosaic.” The Canadian Encyclopedia, The Canadian Encyclopedia, 7 Feb. 2006, www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/vertical-mosaic.8. Reid Acland, Joan. A Cultural Analysis Of The Architecture Of The Canadian Museum Of Civilization, Designed By Douglas J. Cardinal. Concordia University, 1994.9. Roy, Patricia E. The Triumph of Citizenship: the Japanese and Chinese in Canada, 1941-67. UBC Press, 2014. pg. 21.10. Roy, Patricia E. The Triumph of Citizenship: the Japanese and Chinese in Canada, 1941-67. UBC Press, 2014. pg. 84.11. From a memorandum from J.M.W to MacNamara, September 11, 1942. 12. tashme.ca13. Sunahara, Anna Comer. The Politics of Racism: the Uprooting of Japanese Canadians during the 2. World War. Lorimer, 1981.14. Dore, Anne. From Harbour to Harvest: The Diverse Paths of Japanese-Canadians to Landownership, Farming, and the Making of Community in the Fraser Valley, 1904–1942, ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 2004.33the historical content15. Ibid.16. Ibid.17. “Facing Injustice: The Relocation of Japanese Canadians to Manitoba.” Absolutely Canadian, CBC/ Radio Canada, watch.cbc.ca/media/absolutely-canadian/season-1/facing-injustice-the-relocation-of-japanese-canadians-to-manitoba/38e815a-00f04ae5e26.18. McRae, Matthew, and Art Miki. “Asian Heritage Month: An Interview with Art Miki.” Canadian Human Rights, Canadian Museum for Human Rights, 3 May 2016, humanrights.ca/blog/asian-heritage-month-interview-art-miki#_ftnref2. Accessed 29 Nov. 2018.34 section 2fig. 12Japanese evacuees find themselves in new settlement - Slocan area; New Denver, BC, circa 1942.35memorials + micro-historiesMEMORIALS                                                                                                        37STIH + SCHNOCK                                                                                           48 MICRO-HISTORIES                                                                                        55  ALTAB ALI PARK                                                                                          72 NOTES                                                                                                              76  SECTION 2: MEMORIALS + MICRO HISTORIES36 section 2fig. 13Vancouver’s Victory Square under construction, circa 192437memorials + micro-histories“Monuments tend to render their sites incontestable, where different readings of space are not permitted and where it is assumed that one system of values is shared unequivocally by all.“1 (Ken Lum on Monument Lab)Recent discourse around monument and memorial building have shown a divergence from the canon.  The most controversial of these is the tearing down of Confederate statues, memorials and figures in various places in the US.  This is a signal that reinforces the above statement by Ken Lum, that many monuments disseminate a mono-historical view, one that excludes other ways of seeing, other stories and entire populations.  Often war heroes are honoured for their victories in killing, or ‘brave’ political figures for their exclusionary policies.  These monuments litter public spaces, reminding passersby of a singular heritage, and if it is unrelatable or offensive to some, too bad. Until recently, monuments like these have remained untouched under the guise of historical accuracy.  Now what’s being reevaluated is the monument’s very existence. The concept of honouring, most often, figures of colonialism and racism has become obsolete. The world of monuments is evolving with specific attention to purpose. By the 1980’s a new type of ‘monument’ started to proliferate, one that would honour the ‘victims’ rather than the ‘heroes’; memorials2. This was largely catalyzed by the Vietnam War. Maya Lin’s well-known Vietnam Veterans War Memorial demonstrated the technique of individuality, inscribing the names of about 60,000 fallen service members onto black granite walls.  Various other methods of memorialization have surfaced. From invisible to informal, every aspect of the traditional memorial is now under critique.  This section will overview some of the methods and concepts of memorial and monument building as they pertain to the creation of a Japanese Canadian Internment memorial. This section will use various precedents and conclude with a full analysis of Renata Stih and Frieder Schnock’s Places of Remembrance in the Bavarian Quarter. MEMORIALS 38 section 2DUALISMS: Instead of trying to cover all possible concepts deployed in memorial making, this section will present a selected few in the form of conceptual dualities. These are: permanent vs. ephemeral, passive vs. participatory, abstract vs. specific, formal vs. informal (or top-down vs. bottoms-up), and centralized vs. distributed. Many projects interface with many of these methods but often they lean to one side or the other on these spectrums.  Examples of permanent memorials and monuments are everywhere, including Vancouver’s own Victory Square. An ephemeral monument is Kelty McKinnon’s Beta Vulgaris which was on display at the Nikkei National Museum and Cultural Centre in Burnaby for three months.  Many ‘passive’ monuments are sites for events on special occasions yet at other times these monuments do not engage, such as the Japanese Canadian War Memorial in Stanley Park, whereas places like fig. 14Berlin Holocaust Memorial. 39memorials + micro-historiespermanent passiveabstractformalcentralizedephemeralparticipatoryspecificinformaldistributedvs.vs.vs.vs.vs.the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe requires spatial engagement with the viewer. This example is also one that holds an interesting level of abstraction.  Other than the title, there is very little that would allow the viewer to extract historical information.  The tactic here is abstraction perhaps to the point of obscurity, and this is made possible by the fact that ‘everybody knows’3. Lesser known histories like the Japanese Canadian Internment may not fare as well in their context. Which is why these ‘minor’ histories tend to be told through specificity, like museum exhibits such as the Jasper-Yellowhead Museum’s exhibit on the history of Ukrainian Internment in the first world war. A common canonical monument theme has to do with the commissioning of these structures.  Many historic figures cast in bronze were commissioned by the party they represented or by associated parties, such as the John A. Macdonald Historical Society in Victoria’s commission of the figure.  Bottoms-up approaches are generally less organized and funded, such as ‘ghost bike’ memorials that usually honour the loss of a cyclist and are a reminded to care to share the road.  Or Claes Oldenburg’s Placid Civic Monument that deployed nighttime ‘gravediggers’ to dig a hole in the ground outside of MoMA. Finally the centralized monument which is something broadly understood, is contrasted by the distributed model, where the memorial is either serialized or place-specific like that of the Places of Remembrance in the Bavarian Quarter by Stih + Schnock. 40 section 2fig. 15Map of monuments along the river.fig. 16Photos from ‘Monuments of Passaic’ taken outside of the Passaic High School football stadium. 41memorials + micro-historiespermanent passiveabstractformalcentralizedephemeralparticipatoryspecificinformaldistributedA TOUR OF THE MONUMENTS OF PASSAICRobert Smithson’s A Tour of the Monuments of Passaic, 1967 was a project that found deteriorating, entropic sites around Passaic, New Jersey and designated them as monuments. These sites are infrastructural remnants of a suburban town.  His method of ‘memorializing’ these sites is done only through his travelogue and documentation of them. Thus, the project engages concepts of ephemeral, specific, and distributed. This project is unusual among what might be traditionally understood as a monument.  It questions the permanence of its content as well as in its declaration as this monument left no trace on the actual sites that it claims. It clouds the distinction between abstract and specific as much of the ‘monumentality’ is left up to imagination, yet the sites are chosen as specific rather than serial. The concept of movement throughout a landscape in the form of a ‘tour’ speaks to the distributed character of the site.  The sites are then centralized as they come together in the travelogue.  The overall impact of the project speaks to the fragility of the landscape, and has the viewer reconsider their understanding of a site at threat of erasure.  It questions what should  be a monument, traditionally decided by historic authorities, providing the answer that these sites in Passaic have just as much a right. 42 section 2fig. 18Underside of stones carved with Jewish cemetery locations.fig. 17View of the Square.43memorials + micro-historiesSQUARE OF THE INVISIBLE MONUMENTJochen Gerz and Thoman Hirschhorn’s Stones Against Racism or Square of the Invisible Monument from 1993 is a project that was originally done in secret where the bottoms of pavers from a square in Saarbrucken were engraved with the names of 2,146 Jewish cemeteries that existed in Germany before WWII. The square is empty except for the people who come to visit it, and one can never tell where they are standing in relation to these engraved stones.  This monument exists physically and invisibly, causing other viewers in the square to act as ‘surrogate figures’ for what is not seen but known. This project is participatory, informal, and centralized. Yet it engages with all of the conceptual dualities listed above.  It stands in as something invisible for something erased, the cemeteries. The project can never be ‘seen’ any further than someone turning over an individual stone. They may find below the name of a single cemetery or they may find a blank.  The stones themselves become the tangible synecdoche for many missing places, that now rest in the bed of this square. permanent passiveabstractformalcentralizedephemeralparticipatoryspecificinformaldistributed44 section 2fig. 20Plaque mounted on a rock in the Momiji Garden, 2018.fig. 19View of Forum building from Momiji Garden, 1993.45memorials + micro-historiesfig. 20Plaque mounted on a rock in the Momiji Garden, 2018.fig. 19View of Forum building from Momiji Garden, 1993.MOMIJI GARDENS:The Vancouver Momiji gardens are one of few memorials to the Japanese Canadian internment.  More information on this garden can be found in Section 3. Briefly, the garden was opened in 1993 in a traditional Japanese garden style.  It occupies a small site at the corner of Hasting Park in east Vancouver. Accompanied by the garden are a few plaques mounted on rocks that have a short statement about the internment.  This garden is informal, abstract, and centralized.  Although the garden is sited authentically on the grounds that participated in this historic event, it is occupation is modest and innocuous.  It hardly impedes on contemporary uses of the site, instead it is introverted and only opens up when engaged with.  It’s bottom’s-up conception is something to be acknowledged.  Initiated by the Japanese Community, the garden represents as an apology to themselves, partially funded by the government and the PNE board. Finally, and perhaps the most obvious in the memorial is the level of abstraction.  The garden itself is perhaps the opposite of ‘specific’ formally, and the information provided in the plaques does not give mention to any of the horrendous details of the actual event.  This could allow the unknowing passerby to miss the point of the memorial altogether. permanent passiveabstractformalcentralizedephemeralparticipatoryspecificinformaldistributed46 section 2fig. 21Opening of the Hope-Princeton Highway, 1949fig. 22Highway Legacy Signs 47memorials + micro-historiesHIGHWAY LEGACY SIGNS:Eight interpretive signs are installed at sites across the interior of BC to highlight the history of Japanese Canadian internment as well as their contribution to road building during this time.  The project was spearheaded by the Japanese Canadian Legacy Committee and the Ministry of Transportation in BC. Each of the signs contains information on a camp of a group of camps, either road, internment or self-supporting camps.  BC drivers can stop on the site of the road to read about the history of the areas they are driving through.  This project is specific and distributed.  Like the Square of the Invisible Monument, this commemoration can never be full ‘seen’, rather each piece stands in for the expansive territory that was involved.  The signs themselves are called ‘interpretive signs’ that contain enough information to impart a story to whoever chooses to engage.  Like the Momiji gardens, these signs are easy to miss if they aren’t previously known about.  To engage, one must pull over their car, get out and approach these signs, read them and then form an opinion.  Although this project integrates into authentic sites that are loaded with meaning that might otherwise go unnoticed, it is still modest and only leads the horse to water. permanent passiveabstractformalcentralizedephemeralparticipatoryspecificinformaldistributed48 section 2This next section is an overview of a project done in 1993 by Renata Stih and Frider Schnock called Places of Remembrance in the Bavarian Quarter. The Bavarian quarter is a middle-income area in Berlin’s Schoenberg where 16,000 Jews once resided.  Now, bright signs attached to light poles that possess simple, colourful graphics on one side and Nazi decrees on the other. These signs arrived timely as many victims from this period have already passed away and there is a renewed urgency for discussion on how to educate the younger generations. From the position of the perpetrators, the signs say things like “Jews are allowed to buy bread only between the hours of four and five o’clock”, or “Jews are not allowed to join singing clubs”. These words have been taken from actual Nazi decrees, adapted to be short enough to read when quickly passing by.  The historical date of their issue is posted below.  The locations of these signs are the foundation to this project.  As mentioned above, the use of actual sites from historical events brings a level of authenticity to the site, without replication.   People are confronted with these in their daily life and have to make a decision on how react. In some ways, this effectiveness could be called aggressive or confrontational, it is essentially forcing people to react to it, while also offering a small piece of historical information. It also interfaces the historical site with the contemporary site.  For example, for those signs that are not placed at a particular historical site, a contemporary equivalent is integrated. “In bakeries and cafes, signs must be posted stating that Jews and Poles may not purchase cakes” is placed outside a delicatessen, so that everyone coming out would see this as they leave. Since they are in the present tense, these signs were sometimes interpreted as anti-Semitic4. Two installers were arrested, 18 signs were taken down, and they received continuous complaints.  When one of the signs was being installed, someone drove by and yelled out their car window “Jewish Pigs!”5. These reactions speak to the mixed perspectives on this topic so many years later. This project also received a lot of resistance from authorities and the media, eventually ending in a compromise by Stih and Schnock. Small tags had to STIH + SCHNOCK49memorials + micro-historiesbe placed at the bottom of the signs saying this is a ‘memorial’. If anything, reactions like these reinforce the need for a memorial that makes waves.METHODOLOGY:This project provides an alternative to traditional, centralized memorials and offers a different way of learning and remembering.  The artists say that until 1945, memorials were places where rallies, parades and public functions were held, after 1945, memorials and museums split the duty of remembrance, museums would absorb all of the historical information so that memorial sites could remain bare as a place for people to ‘lay wreaths’ and remain silent. Stih and Schnock claim that this new memorial fills remembrance with content6. This monument is de-centralized and distributed, rather than collecting people together in one place.The form that this installation took on was a series of 80 similar format signs, installed on street lamp poles around this area. The format of the signs never deviates from the same size, other than switching from portrait to landscape. Its always double sided “pop art”; elemental images on one side and a contextually selected excerpt from Nazi decrees and the date on the other. This is a streamlined, effective format that is generous in its variety, but each piece is similar enough to the next to understand these as a series. The images are also similar to language learning cue cards, that help for memorization, which inscribes the information associated with the picture into the viewer’s mind, probably without them even realizing. They chose these poppy graphics so that children would ask their parents “what is that?”, and the parents will have to come up with an answer.  This dialogue, Stih and Schnock claim, is one that is starting to ask the right questions7. A feeling of un-comfort is one of the main driving forces of the project, probably something that they kept in mind when making all decisions. It is also something that makes the project impactful because it interrupts people’s 50 section 2daily lives, they don’t get to choose to experience the project or not. The project confronts everyone. It is ingrained into the city context that people have grown to experience as innocuous. APPLICABILITY It can be seen as radical to take a critical approach to the ‘traditional’ monument. But it is crucial for individuals to derive their own critical point of view on historical events. The less the historical information is embedded in the monument itself, the less room there is to deviate from a given view. This separation of information from significance is subjective and thus prescriptive for the audience. While it will never be possible to avoid this entirely, efforts towards providing objective information in a monument will better allow for the audience to draw their own conclusions and create their own sentiments. Similar to the micro-historical methods of artifact replicas which will be discussed next, Stih and Schnock bring historical artifacts into a new context. Their artifacts are Nazi decrees, they’ve been transformed slightly but their impact lies in how they are read in a new context, in this case the new context is time, rather than space.  This re-contextualization brings a new meaning to the space by linking it back to a certain period of time, via the artifact.  The effect of this is measured by people’s reactions to it.  It is also a reminder that these artifacts, historical documents of Nazi regulation, existed.  The signs in their new context are a marker for how far society has come since this point. Parallels can be drawn from this project to the remembrance of Japanese Canadian Internment. An important aspect of Japanese Canadian internment was the vast territory that was affected by government regulation.  First, there was a spike in immigration from Japan to the West Coast of Canada, with populations settled all over the coast but mostly in Vancouver and surrounding area. Then, there was the internment which collected a somewhat dispersed 51memorials + micro-historiespopulation through a controlled portal: either Hastings Park or through railway transportation.  There is concentration where there used to be dispersion.  The next movement is utilizing geography for dispersion and isolation. Thousands of people are moved into housing centres, creating re-shuffled concentrations. There were a number of different placements for these people that spanned all of Canada, some even resulting in repatriation. So even though these sites were new zones of concentration, the sites themselves were also dispersed. Even for the families who were placed on farms in Southern Alberta and Manitoba, they were not allowed to form assembly, and they would rarely encounter each other from day to day. Stih and Schnock’s project layers historical artifacts back onto authentic sites. It places information into the everyday city, which is completely the opposite of a centralized memorial that defines an ‘other’ space in the city for specific functions.  These two things combined are what make this project so powerful and it is a model that could be effective towards some sort of marking of Japanese Canadian Internment. This speculation will be played out on a site in Section 3. 52 section 2fig. 23Places of Remembrance, signs and locations, 1993.53memorials + micro-historiesfig. 24Places of Remembrance, signs and locations, 1993.54 section 2fig. 25Stills from video of Beta Vulgaris: The Sugar Beet Projects.fig. 26Stills from video of Beta Vulgaris: The Sugar Beet Projects.55memorials + micro-historiesMICRO-HISTORIES“We should not delude ourselves that we could understand what other people felt in different times in different contexts, there is no empathy.”8“the sea exists in every drop of water”9There are multiple ways to understand the concept of a micro-history.  In some ways, it’s about the small details, the micro-scale material, the ordinary human interactions.  In this same way it’s about ‘everyone else’, the individuals that ‘conceived broad processes’ rather than a passive mass that had structures or forces imposed on them10. Additionally, it’s about a ‘minor’ population, one that has been oppressed through dismissal from popular attention.  Jacques Revel explains micro-histories by two categories: episodic and systematic. For the purpose of this thesis, the episodic micro-history is most helpful.  This is described as ‘scrutiny of a specific encounter’ which allows for an illustration of the society and culture that contributed to this encounter11. For the case of Japanese Canadian internment, a micro-historical study of, for example, one family’s journey through the various uprooting over the period of 1942-1949, would tell us a lot about the way things were in Canada in the war years.  It would tell us about the racial opinions of government authorities as well as everyday citizens.  A study into a family’s life inside an internment camp might reveal something about their treatment, about the rationing of materials, about interactions between other families and about the things that enabled them to make-home of their situations. This method of inquiry encourages the importance of relating people’s behaviours to macro-historical processes. Carlo Ginzburg says the aim of micro-histories is to ‘construct better generalization’12. In other words, it’s the small and forgotten, made large. THE CHEESE AND THE WORMS:To understand the purpose of micro-histories a little better, the following is a summary of Carlo Ginzburg’s story The Cheese and the Worms.  Ginzburg 56 section 2chronicles the story of Menocchio, a 16th century Italian peasant who is put on trial twice and then eventually sentenced to death by the Inquisition.  His is a rare case for a number of reasons. He was literate due to the circulation of certain literature which allowed him to develop opinions about the way the world was formed that didn’t always align with those of the Catholic Church.  Menocchio was stubborn and felt passionate about espousing his world views out in the open.  This is what got him put on trial.  Ginzburg was able to reconstruct this story through the transcripts from trials that he uncovered from archives.  Generally, these kinds of stories aren’t told, and if they are, they’re told from the perspective of the court, or the church and everything else that does not comply with them is destroyed from history. From Menocchio’s story, other societal and political conditions are made clear.  Oppressive practices by the Catholic Court through the use of Latin, so that peasants, especially illiterate ones, were completely unable to have a chance at defending themselves as Latin was not generally known by this level of civilians. As well that espousing views that did not support those of the Catholic church were quickly abolished even when they were not considered a powerful force.  Menocchio was an unassociated individual, meaning he did not seek gains of political or monetary power, nor societal upheaval, his case was an isolated one that came from commitment to belief. This erasure of non-compliance from the literal history books is not unique to the case of Menocchio, it likely happened repeatedly throughout time. This practice is embedded into history making, repeated and perpetuated by attempts at consolidation of heritage.  Generalizations are made about how Nations are formed, leaving out the ugly, often regrettable details.  History relayed through a ‘top-down’ structure provides a partial story, one that is abstracted and historicized.  How can we expect to understand the actions (and reactions) of people in the past without an understanding of the ‘complex networks of social and political relations rooted in long-term historical developments’13? The answer is we can’t. But taking a micro-historical ‘history from below’ gets us closer. Without this type of approach, historical mistakes are at risk of repeat. 57memorials + micro-historiesBETA VULGARIS: THE SUGAR BEET PROJECTIn 2017 Kelty McKinnon and her cousin Keri Latimer took a road trip beginning at Hastings Park in Vancouver, all through the interior of BC, stopping at internment camps and eventually ending up in Southern Alberta, where she grew up.  The trip was part of a project called Beta Vulgaris: The Sugar Beet Project which consisted of 4000lbs of granulated sugar poured into a dry Japanese garden, with large molten sugar boulders, and a contemplation platform.  Video and soundscape from the trip rolled in the background. The project was installed at the Burnaby Nikkei Centre for several months in 2018. The installation ties together seemingly disconnected components, all related by the story of Japanese Canadian internment.  The result is an incongruously peaceful experience. Stepping into this for the first time, someone might be at a loss for the relationship between the pieces, for others the connection is unsettlingly vivid. The project is the final link between so many forgotten stories from this time.  In a lot of ways, the project is the result of a micro-history.  It can be seen as growing from a single point of entry into this history – sugar – and all things surrounding it.  As the web surrounding it fills in with connections, quickly sugar beets are pulled in, then southern Alberta, and suddenly Japanese Canadian internment. Japanese Canadians were said to have contributed about 60% of the total production of sugar beets from this time.  The history of sugar in Canada during the 1940’s and the history of Japanese Canadians are intertwined, one cannot be told without the other.  See Section 1 for further description of Sugar Beet Farms. The micro-historical web pulls in other story-lines as well.  Inquiry further into this brings up questions about the people behind these agreements and forces. For example, the Roger’s Sugar Corporation, now Lantic Rogers, created originally by Benjamin Tingley Rogers who opened a sugar refining factory 58 section 2fig. 27View of Beta Vulgaris: The Sugar Beet Projects., 2017.fig. 28Drawing of a sugar beet. 59memorials + micro-historiesnear the port of Vancouver in 1890. The company’s history in Vancouver is about as long as the Japanese’s. Upon deciding where the Japanese Canadians should be evacuated to, the Roger’s company struck a deal with the BC Security Commission, knowing that keeping sugar beet farming within Canada would be far cheaper than sourcing from abroad.  This agreement guaranteed farmers Japanese Canadian workers for at least the war years.  This agreement allowed huge growth of this industry, and many families that ended up here are still in the industry.  This  deal made the Rogers family very successful, commissioning the most expensive mansion in Vancouver at the time it was built; Gabriola on Davie street. Now, in Taber, Alberta, the only sugar beet refining factory west of Ontario still exists, supplying sugar to the rest of Canada. After this exhibition, the innocuous substance, an everyday product, is recast into a new context.  It has become an analogy yet asks for further investigation when presented without its contextual backdrop. From the perspective of the Rogers’ legacy, not a single mention of Japanese Canadian labourers.  This footnote has been dropped from reputation of this corporation. Menocchio’s 16th century non-compliance burned from ‘the history books’ is today’s ‘delete’ from reputation.  Erasure is ongoing.  McKinnon’s project is a reminder of how fragile our records are.  And how easy it is to let these ‘minor’ stories slip out of common knowledge. 60 section 2fig. 29Timeline from the Lantic-Roger’s Sugar website.  61memorials + micro-histories1942Alberta Sugar Beet Growers Association Strikes Deal with BC Security Commission to accept Japanese Canadian labourers for unpaid, back breaking sugar beet labour.1942-46Japanese Canadians are incarcerated by their fellow Canadians through labour.  Forced into unfit living conditions, their assembly restricted.65% of acreage cultivated by evacuees. fig. 30 (over)Re-appropriated time-line with Japanese Canadian contribution inserted. 62 section 2SCALE REPLICAS:McKinnon’s project re-contextualizes lost meaning into an everyday substance. These next projects will describe similar phenomena through simulation and dispersion. Ken Lum is a well-known Vancouver-born artist. His work takes on the political and economic, often contrasted with its change over time. Something unique about his work is that it often takes from its surroundings, rather than synthesizing his work is extraction from context so that when it is re-contextualized in a new way, it also takes on new meaning.  VANCOUVER ESPECIALLY A very well-known project for Vancouverites sits at 271 Union street.  It’s a scale replica of the widespread 1970’s stock home the Vancouver Special, 10, 000 of them built from 1965 -1985.  These homes are still seen scattered around the city, many of them have been renovated to suit evolving needs. These houses were built for affordability in their time, and went for $45,000, now these wouldn’t be found anywhere for under $1 million.  The scale of the replica was originally planned to be scaled to what $45,000 would buy today, but that scale would deem the replica almost invisible so the house is scaled up 8-fold.  The final result, a 1:3 model, ‘an enlargement of accepted value’14. The replica is uncanny.  Complete with every single detail from drain pipes to interior curtains. Even the stucco is stained with signature Vancouver mold. At night, a warm light from within gives the illusion that someone is home. The piece is eerie but sophisticatedly charged with commentary.  Vancouver Specials are seen everywhere, usually passed by without any extra attention paid to them.  This one though, is striking and immediately the viewer knows that it has something to do with Vancouver’s concurrent affordability crisis.  Lum’s methodology is simple but effective in relaying a clear message.  Through the use of detailed simulation and manipulation of scale the object prompts 63memorials + micro-historiesfig. 31Vancouver Especially 64 section 2investigation into the links between seemingly disconnected fragments of a story.  Lum’s project asks the audience to question the history of Vancouver Specials, to imagine a time when this was considered affordable, and then to piece together what happened between then and now.  What’s revealed are the larger socio-economic forces that slowed the production of these homes and turned instead towards urban densification. Investigation into this reveals a whole other world of development and third-party interests, often involving international forces and leaving the local behind15.  The particular attention to details is not the main objective of this installation, but they are required to be there and be accurate to ensure that the attention is paid instead to the disorienting scale.  Through these two things, details and scale, an architectural history is made large to tell us about the intricate dynamics that they are imbedded in. FROM SHANGRI-LA TO SHANGRI-LA:Another similar installation also by Ken Lum is the From Shangri-la to Shangri-la, which was installed at the Vancouver Art Gallery Offsite from January to September 2010. Again, Lum uses replication and de-contextualization to reveal dispersed simultaneities and contested dynamics.  The installation is a replica of the Maplewood mudflats in North Vancouver, an infamous squatter community that occupied the tidal zone just below the Ironworkers Memorial Bridge.  The Vancouver Art Gallery Offsite is a plaza directly adjacent to the also infamous Shangri-La luxury tower. These mudflats existed until 1971 and were ‘paradise’ to those who built them.  As time went on, this way of living became less and less common, and by 1971 would seem primitive or compromised by those on the side of towers.  Placing these two ‘ways of living’ side-by-side starts an obvious 65memorials + micro-historiesfig. 32From Shangri-La to Shangri-La, at Vancouver Offsite. fig. 33From Shangri-La to Shangri-La, at Maplewood Conservation Area.66 section 2dialogue about wealth.  The original structures were burned down in 1971 to make way for a new shopping development,  which was luckily halted due to an environmental awareness group, which allowed the site to become the Maplewood Conservation Area.  Lum’s simulation and then re-contextualization, is what composes two things that already exist together but are geographically disconnected.  What is interesting for this project is that when the exhibition closed, the structures were donated and moved to the Maplewood Conservation Area. In a way these structures were ‘coming home’ and hypothetically they are re-contextualized. It must remain that they are still replicas, they are scaled 1:3 and they are not inhabited, instead they are a generous symbol placed in-situ that marks a historically significant place16.  In their new context of the Conservation area, these structures are still out of place.  Similar to Stih and Schnock’s Places of Remembrance, historical ‘artefacts’ are re-situated in their contemporary context, actings as a reconstitution of contemporary space by the past. As a whole, the new contemporary context is layered and loaded, informing its future development and interpretation.  These methods differ from those of preservation as the ‘artefact’ has been transformed or simulated. Traditional preservation methods generally don’t allow the ‘artefact’ to interact with its contemporary context, whereas the above methodology demystifies the preciousness of the object through replication, allowing it more freedom and interaction.   DISPERSION, DISPLACEMENT:The From Shangri-la to Shangri-la project has the unplanned ending of displacement, which solidified its connection to its origin. It’s purpose of 67memorials + micro-historiesreplication of artefact was able to live out multiple lives, at the Offsite and at the conservatory.  Each context that is has lived in created a new meaning for it.  Now, these contemporary sites, the Shangri-La Plaza and the Maplewood Mudflats, are linked in history through this new object.  Another well-known story is the dispersion of pieces of the Berlin Wall.  Since its dismantle in 1990, these fragments have become a symbol of democracy, something that many people are eager to get their hands on.   Now, pieces of the wall are scattered all around the world, many of them in places unimaginable.  Some of the pieces are so fragmented that their origin is obscured, and they could be misunderstood as just crumbling concrete, others remain quite intact and have been reconstructed as memorials or ‘stonehenges’ in various places17.This dispersion of pieces reveals the relationship between artefact and history. In this case, it argues that the history is tied to the authenticity of the artefact. This mobility of historical material debunks the theory of authenticity of place. A miniature memorial is embedded into each person’s fragment, regardless of where they are in the world. In some ways, this is an effective educational dissemination method. Someone holding their piece in Nova Scotia, feels the space between them and Berlin in a compressed way. These dispersed artefacts have a way of condensing time and space, linking the history of the Berlin Wall to their own continuation of the object. This phenomenon parallels the history of Japanese Internment as it is a story that involved a spectacular geographical area, the dispersion of individuals from a concentrated area, and multiple cases of displacement. Ryan Ellan of the Tashme Historical Museum remembers a compelling anecdote from the time when the camp occupied the Sunshine Valley.  As the internees moved out of the camps after the restrictions were lifted, the shacks were mostly demolished and auctioned off for lumber, except for a few that were sold intact and then moved to nearby Hope.  Three of these structures still exist today, modified over the years to suit the needs of the new owners, yet their proportions give them away. 68 section 2This dispersion of people through war-measures fractured a community into individual fragments.  In many cases, these fragments did not ‘come back home’, instead they started a new life in their new places. Artifacts from this time, such as home-wares, letters, photographs, even buildings still exist. Currently in the Sunshine Valley, a Tashme shack has been reproduced at one to one scale.  Visitors can enter into the replica and understand the size of the living conditions internees were forced to have.  Its detail is granular, and evokes more of an idea than a simulation, yet its existence as a replicated historic artifact has merit. It doesn’t occupy the exact site that it would have but it is close.  Certain details contribute more than others to its simulation, such as the wall assembly, which is historically accurate.  Inside, the cold from outside is felt creeping in, and all accumulated heat quickly slips out through the air gaps.  The resulting chill provides a backdrop to the rest of the visual simulation. 69memorials + micro-historiesfig. 34Tashme Museum Shack Replica, Sunshine Valley.70 section 271memorials + micro-historiesfig. 35Tashme shack, purchased and transported to Corbett Street, Hope. fig.36Tashme shack, purchased and transported to Corbett Street, Hope. fig. 37Tashme shack, purchased and transported to Corbett Street, Hope. 72 section 2This next section is an overview of MUF art and architecture’s project for the refurbishment of the Altab Ali Park in London, 2012.  MUF is a unique practice in London in which their projects generously dwell in what architects would call the ‘pre-design’ of ‘discovery’ phase of a project.  This is non-conventional as many development companies see this phase as superfluous and instead look for tangible, quantifiable data that will drive the project towards making a profit.  MUF rejects this standard and spends time in this phase of the project on the ground to get closer to the users of the future spaces. As a result, their architecture projects often pull in other disciplines and involve participatory events. METHODOLOGY:The site that becomes the Altab Ali park is understood as a microcosm for its surroundings, this specific site was one where Bangladeshi migrants gathered casually due to the neighbourhoods around it.  The site is also a former graveyard that had a church.  Their design process involved an archaeological dig on the site to uncover any artifacts that may have been left behind.  This event was made open to the public and was partnered with the Museum of London to organize students and volunteers to participate.  It also drew a lot of attention from passerby, who were invited to contribute objects that they had in their pockets to the artefacts found in the dig.  Archaeologists, historians, scholars and everyone else all came to the event.  Once finished, the dig became an ‘open air museum’ and a ‘museum of the everyday’ combined into a single space.  This event brought users of the park and those interested in the history together in one afternoon, where relationships between otherwise unrelated people now had a forum to develop. MUF then folded their findings into the design for the park, where the church used to stand an embedded terrazzo marking, an exact replica of the Shaheed Minar Monument in Dakha as a nod to the Bangladeshi users of the park, church furniture integrated into new play structures for children.  The resulting park public space that came of this process ends up as a combination of play landscape and historical marking18.  What they’ve done is intend to leave these MUF STUDIO: ALTAB ALI PARK73memorials + micro-historiestwo functions of the park up to the user, rather than calling it one or the other. There are multiple components that make up this park, and in this way its intending to address the many interests of the users of this park.  Its mosaic appearance resembles the neighbourhoods surrounding it and using it, which is a successful result. Additionally, many people now have a memory attached to the space and feel that they have contributed to its evolution. APPLICABILITY:Accessing histories of sites and interacting them with contemporary uses is a form of micro-historical analysis. Not only did this archaeological dig provide artefacts and information on a buried history, it also reconnected this lost past to its current use. There are few built projects that engage with history in such an active and non-precious way. This project also describes an alternative role for the architect, as it is clear that MUF studio takes a non-typical approach to most of their projects, spending extra time in the ‘pre-design phase’.  This carving out of space for architects is important, although the MUF partners state that they get worried when they hear about young architecture students looking up to them as role models because currently this model is not one that is profitable and requires a lot of extra uncompensated time19. Regardless, this model is repeatable and far more engaging than conventional ones.  It allows them to integrate the public into the design process in an entirely different way. Their methodology brings historical sites to participate in their contemporary uses.  Often these histories are buried throughout time, forgotten or erased.  The new use of sites feels like their only use. Since Japanese Canadian internment occupied a multitude of sites, what might an archaeological dig reveal? What does a comparison of objects uncovered and objects from today say about the transformation of the site over time? This speculation,  as well as other micro-historical speculations on selected site will be elaborated in Section 3. 74 section 2fig. 38Altab Ali Park, ‘Open Air Museum’.75memorials + micro-historiesfig. 39Altab Ali Park.76 section 2NOTES1. Lum, Ken. “On Monument Lab” Ken Lum, kenlumart.com/861-22. Stevens, Quentin, and Karen A. Franck. Memorials as Spaces of Engagement: Design, Use and Meaning. Routledge, 2016.3. Brody, Richard. “The Inadequacy of Berlin’s ‘Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe.’” The New Yorker, www.newyorker.com/culture/richard-brody/the-inadequacy-of-berlins-memorial-to-the-murdered-jews-of-europe.4. Stih, Renata, and Frieder Schnock. Berlin Messages. Museum Of Art: Fort Lauderdale, 2005.5. Ibid.6. Ibid.7. Perman, Stacy. “The Right Questions.” Tablet: Visual Art and Design, 25 July 2007.8. Williams, Megan. “Historian Carlo Ginzburg Describes His Fascination with the 16th Century Peasant Who Stood up to the Inquisition with His Entirely Unique Vision of the Universe.” CBC, CBC/ Radio Canada, 8AD, www.cbc.ca/radio/ideas/a-peasant-vs-the-inquisition-cheese-worms-and-the-birth-of-micro-history-1.4034196. Accessed 23 Oct. 2018.9. Ibid.10. Gregory, Brad S. “Is Small Beautiful? Microhistory and the History of Everyday Life.” History and Theory, vol. 38, no. 1, 11. Ibid.12. Williams, Megan. “Historian Carlo Ginzburg Describes His Fascination with the 16th Century Peasant Who Stood up to the Inquisition with His Entirely Unique Vision of the Universe.” CBC, CBC/ Radio Canada, 8AD, www.cbc.ca/radio/ideas/a-peasant-vs-the-inquisition-cheese-worms-and-the-birth-of-micro-history-1.4034196. Accessed 23 Oct. 2018.13. Gregory, Brad S. “Is Small Beautiful? Microhistory and the History of Everyday Life.” History and Theory, vol. 38, no. 1, 14. “Vancouver Especially (A Vancouver Special Scaled to Its Property Value in 1973, Then Increased by 8 Fold).” 221A, 221a.ca/vancouver-especially.15. Ibid.16. St. Denis, Jen. “Squatters’ Shacks Now a Work of Art.” North Shore News, 77memorials + micro-histories10 Aug. 2012, www.nsnews.com/news/squatters-shacks-now-a-work-of-art-1.347285.17. Wagman, Shawna. “Chasing Pieces of the Berlin Wall.” University Affairs, 25 Nov. 2015, www.universityaffairs.ca/news/news-article/chasing-pieces-of-the-berlin-wall/.18. Martin, Claire, and Ricky Ricardo. “Making Space for Doubt: Muf’s Katherine Clarke.” Architecture AU, Architecture Media Prty. Ltd. , 2011, architectureau.com/articles/making-space-for-doubt-mufs-katherine-clarke/. Accessed 21 Nov. 2018.19. Ibid.79tashme + the sunshine valleyINTRODUCTION                                                                                           81 TASHME TRAVELOGUE                                                                                 82SUNSHINE VALLEY                                                                                      88NOTES                                                                                                              103 CHAPTER 3: TASHME + THE SUNSHINE VALLEY80 section 381tashme + the sunshine valleyThis section will investigate the Sunshine Valley, where Tashme internment camp used to be.  Here, 2,644 were interned for 4 years.  Tashme developed into a self-sustaining town.  As the war ended, inmates were dispersed once again, back to Japan, a place some had never been before, or east of Hope where they would have to fare on their own.  Swiftly after this, the 347 paper shacks were demolished and sold for lumber, erasing the noticeable traces of Tashme’s existence.  Now the Sunshine Valley is a resort for leisure-seekers, RV campers, and whole-earth-cataloguers.  This history was expunged from the site and the Sunshine Valley developed a new identity without it.  INTRODUCTION82 section 3TASHME TRAVELOGUEWe are driving in what feels like city forever, I was expecting ‘brush’ way sooner even though I’ve driven this route several times in my life.  I’m eager to try and imagine what it might have been like to travel out here 75 years ago, not knowing where I might end up.  I know I can’t ever imagine it but I want to try.  Soon urbanity seems to deteriorate, replaced by farm, tractors, perfect rows of crops, greenhouses that I imagine are crystal palaces.  Driving east I never lose site of the mountains.  The larger they get, the more relaxed I feel; this type of mountain drive is something I’m used to. For a while I thought there was a shadow across all of the mountain tops, the further out we get I realize this is a frost line.  Its contrast is stark, I can see the temperature difference, I can feel it from the comforts of this hermetically sealed car. These treed mountains are a comfortable scenery.  They look soft from far away, like a textile, something about them is sheltering and paternal. At times the CPR joins us and runs adjacent.  Sleeping trains rest next to the highway with their graffiti a reminder of their contemporary life.  I still can’t stop trying to imagine what it would have been like to come out here by train.  The car trip feels panoramic and clear.  A train trip would feel uncertain, the dark smell of the engine, the chugging of the railcar inching up the track. These safe mountains looking ominous and angry, punishing a child with fear of the unknown for something they didn’t do. Highway signs are the official language out here.  ‘Highway 1: Discovery Heritage: Circle Route’, ‘Number 1 for a reason’ – a 83tashme + the sunshine valleycheeky one. Junction signs reduce routes to single, thick lines that weave over and around each other. The route feels fluid.We pass through a zone of low fog.  It obscures the horizon, and even the sun.  For a moment we are completely in the middle of it.  Even the car in front of us is barely visible.  For the first time I’m nervous, I can’t see what’s ahead or on either side.  I feel vulnerable and tense, ready to react if something sudden were to happen.  I’m a passenger, my fate is up to the driver, so my readiness will not prevent anything. I wouldn’t call it out of control, I’m just there.Where highway three diverges from highway one, we stop for gas.  With the car engine off, I can hear a distant train horn. Every other sound is absorbed by the walls of the mountains. The air is damp, there’s fog that sits low and thin, it weaves between the mountains, it looks like one is telling a secret to another across the highway. When we turn on to the three, a new sense of remoteness is present.  It feels like wandering, even though we are following a path.  The only other vehicles out here are big trucks, they are taking their time up the mountain, flashing their hazards. It’s a different world here. I’m lost in the scenery when we arrive, a quick divert off to the right.  After our highway speed, this sleepy town feels like it’s so slow its moving backwards. Here the fog hides the tops of the mountains, a thick grey roof over the Sunshine Valley. All the images, maps, stories I have read hit me at once and I can’t orient myself. Immediately upon entry there is an official looking 84 section 385tashme + the sunshine valleyfig. 48Sunshine Valley86 section 3sign that says Tashme in a forest green. People’s hedges are high and thick, they want privacy. I feel intrusive, like this isn’t my place. We make a wrong turn and drive up a small road that is immediately treed. The road is adorned on both sides with continuous cabins, all unique to their neighbours.  A geodesic dome is next to a steep A-frame. At the top we reach a gate and cannot go any further.  I’m surprised that a community so remote has an additional layer of exclusion. I can’t recognize a single building, of which there are many, except for one. A huge barn with an orange roof, its shape and size are distinct and I remember it from old black and white photos.  We pull up to a small black, tar paper shack and I know this is the replica. Inside the museum, the owner and creator of this place is warm and on my side.  He reiterates the things I have been feeling but with authority.  Without him and his pulling together of this micro-history, Tashme would have been forgotten.  He told us that he felt it was the only thing he could do when he bought this old building that was full of artifacts from the internment. It was the place where all of the things that didn’t have a home would be ditched, later to be discovered as a gold mine for a history deemed forgotten. He tells me that after everyone moved out of here from internment, most of the shacks were demolished and sold for their lumber.  Except a few.  12 were sold to residents of Hope, and 3 remain standing on Corbett street.  I look them up. They are almost indistinguishable now, but the proportions give them away.  I 87tashme + the sunshine valleywonder who lives there now, and if their walls speak to them. Perhaps they insulated and drywalled them right away, otherwise they would be unfit for living. Walking around the grounds still feels disorienting.  I still can’t see or feel the map in my mind, so much has changed.  Two stout grain silos sit alone in a field, graffitied around the base.  They look out of place to me, like giant tombstones that beckon me over, up close I get no response from them.  They aren’t a symbol or a metonym, they are just there. Leaving the site we drive past where the shacks were, now an RV and rental cabin resort.  A row of wood cabins unfold, they resemble the shacks but are bigger and sturdier.  Their entrances are on the short side rather than the long side.  I don’t see any but I can picture Adirondack chairs on the porches, with people slumped in them enjoying their isolation. The cabins look like gapped teeth, their spacing and lengths varying.  They occupy the exact spot that a row of shacks once did.  The rest of the RV park is organized with hedges that grid the site into sections. From above, this looks like a marking of where the shacks use to be, but its not, its just there. I feel relieved to have met someone in the same world. It makes the space between Vancouver and Sunshine Valley disappear.  On the drive back I can’t help but think about displacement. Thinking about the movement of people, of buildings, of supplies is causing me amnesia. Distance seems to be continuously conquered by privilege. It’s a tool. It’s a punishment. What incarcerated people 75 years ago, is now sought out as backdrop to respite. I can’t draw a conclusion other than I still haven’t imagined what it might have been like here, and I’ve always known that thinking I could is a delusion.  88 section 3THE SUNSHINE VALLEYSituated between Johnson Peak and Mount Potter is what used to be the single largest Japanese Canadian internment camp – Tashme – now a sleepy leisure retreat the Sunshine Valley.  Sprinkled with 70’s era geodesic domes and alpine style cabins, the site resembles the opposite of oppression, instead it has the feeling of a mountain hideaway for hippies rejecting the city. Aside from the new Tashme museum and its one to one model of the internment shack, the site barely mentions its dark history.  Ryan Ellan, owner and creator of the Tashme museum has set out to change that, with his ongoing project of preserving the remaining fragments from this time.  He has composed these fragments into a comprehensive experience that is installed inside what used to be the butcher building in the time of Tashme. Found objects such as pots and pans, wooden skis, shack windows, rudimentary tools, trunks as well as archival photographs, maps, aerial shots, and documents clad the walls of this small wooden building.  The chill from the exterior is omnipresent in early December, a reminder of how much worse the conditions were in the coldest winter in BC history in 1942. He is riddling off exact dates, first and last names, locations as if they are second nature.  It is clear that this is his passion and that he is an expert. Only nine buildings from this camp are still standing, and only one of them is purpose built from 1942, the RCMP building.  Some of the others have been taken over with a new use, the miso/shoyu factory and one of the apartment buildings, now used for snow equipment storage and recreation respectively. Where the rows and rows of shacks used to be are now resort grounds for RV’s and rental cabins.  People come through to ski, hike, ATV and breathe the redolence of ‘natural abundance’. The spot is easy to miss on the highway 3, many people would probably drive through onto something with more flare. Probably why those who live here choose the spot, to remain isolated and free from much interruption.  When it was occupied by Japanese Canadians, there was no leaving, as the closest civilization would be a week-long walk through the bush.  89tashme + the sunshine valleyUntil Ellan’ project, the territory of this history had moved on without it. For years, the site was forgotten by those who wished to inquire into it.  A local property owner in the area with military involvement in WWII still held a grudge against people of Japanese origin.  The community feared intervention or even mention of this history here due to this.  Two years ago, after his death, the story slowly re-emerged, marked by the 75th anniversary of Japanese Canadian Internment. Although small right now, the ambitions of Ellan’ plans for the Sunshine Valley are expanding, and so is the territory of his knowledge; Ellan is helping to write the new BC curriculum on the subject. The history of the Sunshine Valley is a shining example of a micro-history. What happened here is everything that happened in the story of Japanese Canadian internment. A ghost town was bought by the government, overnight a village of shacks was constructed, evacuees moved in, they made home, they were incarcerated by labour, their earnings were used to support the camp, they experienced racial prejudice, they experienced generosity, they made-do, they were uprooted once again, the town was demolished and sold for lumber, and the story was erased from place and memory for the purpose of moving on.  This is the case for many of the internment camps, many of the sugar beet farm placements.  This isn’t to say that understanding one of these instances means understanding them all, yet Tashme stands in as an analogy for understanding the context of the story. 90 section 3recreation centreapartment building 1942grain towerstashme museumbutcher building 194291tashme + the sunshine valleyrecreation centreapartment building 1942grain towershighway 3 - crowsnesttashme museumbutcher building 1942sunshine valley resort cabinsshacks from 1942fig. 49Sunshine Valley site plan.92 section 3fig. 50Sunshine Valley mountains, frost line. 93tashme + the sunshine valleyfig. 51Sunshine Valley Recreation Building, previously an Apartment Building.  94 section 3fig. 52Concrete silos, Sunshine Valley.95tashme + the sunshine valleyfig. 53Sunshine Valley.96 section 3fig. 54Sunshine Valley Resort rental cabins.97tashme + the sunshine valleyfig. 55Sunshine Valley Resort rental cabins.98 section 3fig. 56Order of Council PC 1486, 1942.99tashme + the sunshine valleyJaps shall be at their place of residence each day before sunset and shall remain there until sunrise on the following day.February 26, 1942No Japs shall possess any motor vehicles.February 26, 1942fig. 57Stih + Schnock style ‘Places of Remembrance’ for Japanese Canadian internment, modified from Order of Council PC 1486,101tashme + the sunshine valleyfig. 58Location of ‘Protected Area’ and internment camps.102 section 3103tashme + the sunshine valleyNOTES1. Whysall, Steve. “With a Nod to History, Garden Marks Japanese Canadians’ Cultural Role.” Vancouver Sun, 17 Apr. 1993.104 chapter 4105the interventionsINTRODUCTION                                                                                          107 A MINOR METHODOLOGY          108THE HEDGES                                                                                       114WILDFLOWER IKEBANA              124BATHING            132MISO / SHOYU FACTORY                                                                                142CONCLUSION            153NOTES             159 CHAPTER 4: PROJECT PROPOSAL106 chapter 4107the interventionsINTRODUCTIONThe research began with a close look into the events of Japanese Canadian internment during the second world war, the people effected and the territory involved. It became apparent that there is currently a gap in the contemporary marking of this history as it has been suppressed by various forces throughout time.  Investigation into current memorial markings suggest that there has been an inflection point away from canonical forms of marking, and that right now is a phase of ‘righting’ historical wrongdoings. This history certainly fits this category, and our current memorializations of this history are at risk of overlook.  Similarly, existing artifacts currently stand unprotected from contemporary unknowing. This project will propose an addition to the body of current markers.   The interventions will re-claim sites through their histories calling for a contemporary re-evaluation.The following are 4 minor interventions, all largely initiated by an anecdote drawn from historical artifacts from the site such as archival photographs, and video interviews. The methodology for each case study is the result of following, or rather chasing, an artifact or anecdote off on a long tangent and allowing it to generate a new way of occupying and transferring knowledge in the Sunshine Valley.  Through this process, these anecdotes revealed their underlying depth and authority in describing intangible things about Tashme.  108 chapter 4A MINOR METHODOLOGYThe drawing to the right is of Tashme, where over 2,500 Japanese Canadians were interned in 1942.  75 years later the Japanese Canadian Culture Centre gathered with some former internees and began the endeavour to locate which families lived where and compile this into an altered version of a site plan.  This is called the names on houses project, and this drawing acts as a spatializing tool for a finer-grained understanding of everyday life here.  Some houses have three family names, which eludes to the impermanence and constant shuffling of lives or the closely confined spaces that multiple families were forced to live in.  Other houses have just a number; a family’s presence slipped through the cracks and lost in the process.Although this drawing is presented in an impossibly objective view – plan; a projection which often is associated with master planning or a majoritarian language, this drawing is minor.  It is minor because the multiplicity of the names subverts the concept of a singular author. It is an accumulation of small artifacts.  This drawing is evidence of a minority reterritorializing the space of major incarceration. The idea of the minor, is a term borrowed from Jill Stoner’s Toward a Minor Architecture, has been the foundation for entering into this project.  This concept for a methodology would allow exploration of new perspectives on the relationship between historical space and the transfer of knowledge through the built environment.  ‘In 1942, over 21,000 Japanese Canadians were unjustifiably removed from British Columbia’s coast. Tashme internment camp held over 2,644 men, women, and children who lived in 347 crude tarpaper shacks.  Despite horrible living conditions, the community organized stores, schools, churches, and a hospital at this site.’ 1This is read from a plaque that is stationed on the road in to the Sunshine Valley, a small town about 15km east of Hope, BC, where Tashme was located. 109the interventionsfig. 59Names on Houses project. fig. 60Detail of Names on Houses project. 110 chapter 4Since then, Tashme has been recognized by the Heritage Conservation Act as a place of regional significance. And in 1988 the Canadian government signed the Japanese Canadian Redress Agreement which offered an apology and symbolic compensation to those still living who were affected.  The internment during WWII is often seen as a minor-scale event, due to the amount of people affected, and in the context of greater Canadian history. Collective narratives are created for large scale digestion of trauma. Major monuments are centralized to honour the heroes of the stories, offering communal spaces to gather and remember.  Acknowledgement and respect is verified with bronze or abstracted into concrete. This is how we are used to memorializing Canadian histories.  In the case of Japanese Canadian internment, a major memorial would be a betrayal of this history, instead, this project turns to the minor as a methodology to subvert this static, constructed tendency. The words from the plaque have been reproduced many times as a way to tell this story and for the general population to grapple with these wrongdoings. But there is far more to the history than can ever be summarized and engraved into stone.  There are 2,644 underwriters that could tell you thousands of different versions.  Jill Stoner introduces the minor in terms of architecture as elusive and hard to define yet effectively subversive to major power structures. A minor architecture is understood best in its opposition to a major one. A major architecture is about consolidating power and capital, constructing ‘meaningful cultural objects’ and exerting political force through the built environment.  The minor alters these constructs by dematerializing and demystifying the major through re-appropriation, often done by a minority population.   The minor is an important mode of operation in architecture for agency being expressed as manifold; as dispersed ‘lines of force’. 111the interventionsThis term is borrowed to think about how a deploying the minor can offer an alternative design methodology that is based around individuals’ experiences, microhistories and anecdotes as an expansive lens to read and learn from the site of Tashme.A1 B C/K D EF2 G H I JL3 M N O PQ4 R S T UV5 W X Y Z1 32 4 5fig. 61 The ‘quadratic alphabet’, used as a method of communication in POW camps and prisons.  Similar to Morse code, words are spelled out with precise sequence of taps. An example of a minority subverting a majority language through re-appropriation.113the interventionsfig. 62Left: World War 1 Japanese Canadian War Memorial in Stanley Park, Vancouver.  Built to honour the 190 Canadians of Japanese ancestry that fought and the 54 who gave their lives. fig. 63Right: Remembrance Day gathering at the memorial, 2010, creates a space of communal gathering; a place to lay a wreath. 114 chapter 4THE HEDGESThe first case study began from an uncanny observation of land use at the site today. Where 2,500 internees used to reside are now 99 mobile RV parking stalls.  350 backyard internment gardens are now compacted gravel, replanted with Cypress shrubs that provide privacy between campers.  Where Tashme was organized on a utilitarian grid, the Sunshine Valley RV park is organized around a 5th wheel turning radius. On the ground this was experienced as relentless reiteration of mass anonymity and repetition, but it was also overcome by multiplicity. The Adachi’s knew the Tonogai’s house because it was the one with the Koinobori on the roof. The Uede’s knew the Okada’s because it was the one with the most beautiful flowers out front. The everyday was serialized for the people of Tashme, but their intrinsic impulse to peacefully resist was achieved by individualized home-making. A man named Tak Negoro who lived in Tashme as a young teenager, describes how he and his father built a root cellar under their house: ‘Early in the spring of 1943, I noticed some residents digging under their units to create a basement, presumably to increase storage space. I took a shovel and started digging behind our house. My father joined in and we earnestly excavated until we had a full basement under our house. His process was to sift the diggings so that the soil was deposited in the back for a garden (which every family in Tashme seemed to have) and the tailings were wheeled to the banks of the Sumallo Creek, just beyond our garden. The entrance to the basement was some ten feet wide to ease access. With the use of ‘house jacks’ to support the floor, and the lumber from the factory, he shored the walls to prevent cave-ins. The floor of the basement remained as dirt which served as a root cellar for ‘hard vegetables’ like potatoes, turnips, carrots which were grown in the garden.’ 2115the interventionsAlthough they were placed here unwillingly, internees rooted in, accepting this new and incarcerating soil as their own. Although Tashme was demolished in 1946, traces remained in the ground where they lived.  This ground has since been compacted and capped by its new use for recreation vehicles.  Also encapsulating any traces of root cellars or root vegetables left behind.  To demarcate the unique layout of Tashme amongst the new program of RV park, a new planting strategy and parking layout is devised. Where 19 rows of internment shacks used to be are now dense holly hedges that enclose the territories of the internee’s former backyard gardens.  These territories are now inaccessible and reserved despite the new uses of the sites. RV campers now drive and park on Tashme’s avenues and are no longer superimposed with where they used to live. The hedges are in place not only to mark the extents of the housing, but also to reserve the swaths of land through the current program of RV camping.  In the long term, these protected spaces are turned over to secondary succession, eventually allowing for embedded, and buried strata to surface.  The compacted gravel conditions of the site will be remediated through the replanting of Daikon radishes, a root that was once grown in the gardens of Tashme.  A few seasons of this crop will slowly till the soil creating better conditions for succession.   The hedges intersect with the new roads, buildings and campers that now occupy the Sunshine Valley.   Maintained at a height of 8’ tall and planted to grow dense and impassible, campers will wonder what lies inside this barrier. As much as we might want to understand Tashme, its people, and what life was truly like here at this time, we can’t.116 chapter 4fig. 64Tashme, BC Site plan 1942.Legend:a. 347 internment shacksb. backyard gardensc. out housesd. avenuese. bath housesf. miso/shoyu factoryg. road to Hope117the interventionsfig. 65Sunshine Valley RV Park Site plan, 2012Legend:a. 99 RV parking stallsb. green spacec. recreation buildingd. poole. rental cabinsf. utility buildingsg. extant building - storage118 chapter 4fig. 66Sunshine Valley and Tashme site plans overlaid. Tashme and Sunshine Valley RV Park Overlaid25m119the interventionsfig. 67Sunshine Valley RV Park hedge intervention site plan.Legend:a. holly hedgesb. inaccessible reserved spacec. 62 RV parking stallsd. recreation buildinge. rental cabinsf. extant building - storageg. highway 3 to Hopeh. highway 3 to Princetoni. greenspace120 chapter 4fig. 68 Section-timeline through hedges from 1944 to 3000. Hedges reserve space inside where 350 internment backyard gardens used to be. 121the interventionsfig. 69 Succession takes place long after human use of site. 122 chapter 4fig. 70View of RV campers pondering the space beyond the hedge123the interventionsfig. 71Top: Tashme with agricultural land in foreground, 1943fig. 72Bottom: Tashme from top of mountain, looking east.  Framed by Ferguson creek and Sumallo Creek. 124 chapter 4WILDFLOWER IKEBANAThe second case study started from an interview with a woman named Shizuko Kadoguchi, where she describes how women in the camp were encouraged to learn the Japanese art of Ikebana, or flower arranging, in preparation for leaving the camp and entering back into the world.  Knowing this universally accepted skill, she was told, would make it easier to get along with others, in a time of racial discrimination.  ‘A man came and told us: It’s better to learn Ikebana, why? He said, when you are going out to other places, if you know how to entertain with flower arranging, nobody can say ‘I don’t like flowers’. A lot of people think that all Japanese people know Ikebana, but they don’t, so it’s better to learn how to arrange the flowers.’ 3Numerous photos of the repetitive shacks often had beautiful flowers out front. The internees took a lot of pride in beautifying these shacks they made homes. This included flower beds in the front and vegetable gardens in the back. As people lived here for several years, they naturally encountered death. Funerals were held and sometimes bodies were cremated.  The community here grew close, and funerals had large attendances. At these funerals, large wreaths were made from tree branches and flowers from the gardens of Tashme.  I found two photographs that capture the funeral cortege lined up in what was assumed the centre of the town, in front of a large barn and two grain silos. These silos remain standing, but most of the surrounding buildings have since been demolished.  Behind the silos is a large open grass field that will be replanted with wild flowers and grasses. Visitors to Tashme can practice ‘wildflower ikebana’, foraging the meadow, arranging flowers and grasses in vessels and then finally resting them on the low wall located to the south of the silos. The meadow 125the interventionsis bound by the fir trees to the north and east and extends out to the road at the south and west of the site. When fully occupied with arrangements, the wall might resemble a columbarium from the same view as the old funeral photographs.  To diversify the wildflower species, the silos contain a variety of seeds that will need to be sewn annually. The meadow is maintained by mowing seasonally so that unlike the reserved section of the hedges, over time the meadow does not flow into succession. Ikebana has formally evolved over many centuries, yet the purposes behind it still hold influence. Most importantly to find the process of arranging restorative to the mind, rather than a focus on aesthetics.  A conceptual aim in ikebana is finding balance and exploring tensions between opposites within a composition, such as life and death, often expressed through seasonality, and the cycle of growth and decay.  A visit in May might capture woodland stars at the end of their bloom season beginning to wilt, yellow columbine and blue gilia blossoming, and reedcanary grass as a bristly backdrop. The composition of the meadow, like the composition of an arrangement, can render the passing of time in a single instant. 126 chapter 4fig. 73 Wildflower Meadow with grain silos, flower building, and columbarium wall at south of site. 127the interventionsfig. 74 Building plans. Legend:a. flower assembly buildingb. tool siloc. seed silo d. columbarium walle. tap128 chapter 4fig. 75 Wildflower meadow site plan. Legend:a. flower assembly buildingb. tool siloc. seed silo d. columbarium walle. wildflower meadowf. roadg. forest boundary129the interventionsfig. 76Funeral cortege lined up in front of grain silos and barn, flower wreaths adorn coffin, Buddhist priest at far left. Yamada fonds.fig. 77Funeral cortege lined up in front of grain silos and barn, large flower wreaths at center. 130 chapter 4fig.78 View of vases on wall with woodland star, blue gilia and yellow columbine131the interventionsfig. 79View of wall and wildflower field132 chapter 4BATHINGThe next case study originated from an interview with Sid, who lived in Tashme as a child, about his experience at the bath houses.  Bathing in Tashme was communal, there were 4 bathhouses for over 2,500 people.  Most people had to walk a long distance to and from, often becoming chilled by the time they returned home. Along the avenues were wooden boardwalks, and when people would walk to the bath houses their wooden sandals would knock up and down these boardwalks. ‘They had these big bath houses, and these bathhouses were separated in half, and they had a bathtub and a baffle that went through the centre of the tub and there was only about 8 or 6 inches of space from the ground.  You had to wash outside, rinse yourself and then go into the hot tub.  At that time being young boys, we said lets see we what could see on the other side. So we dive down under the hot water, we look and look and you know all you could see are women’s feet, women’s feet! And I said what a waste of time, getting a headache to look at some woman’s feet.’ He laughs and says, ‘those are the things I remember.’ 4Sid has nothing but funny stories about Tashme as a kid, he said they were always making things and playing out in the woods.  One time, he said that he was out by the Sumallo creek with a friend and they saw a deer.  They had made their own bows and arrow, and they decided to try and shoot the deer across the creek.  They aimed, pulled the arrow back and it landed it about two feet in front of them.  The deer hardly noticed and went back to grazing.  The Sunshine Valley is a beautiful site that feels like true British Columbian wilderness.  As a child in Tashme, this backdrop was always at their disposal and was a paradise for imagination.  For adults, it was different, knowing more of the story tainted these surroundings.  Either child or adult, internees were often looking for ways to escape the reality of their situation.  For many, the bath houses provided this escape. Undressing, purifying and immersing the 133the interventionsbody was a source of temporary relief from the rest of the world. As another method of temporary haven, internees would hike up the mountains, deep into the dense forest, for a different vantage point on their situation. Unlike the American internment camps, Tashme had no fences, it was the harsh wilderness and inevitable failure of escape that prevented them from ever trying to leave.New residents in the Sunshine Valley retreat deeper and deeper into the privacy of this forest.  The restored activity of bathing will also recede deep into this mountain forest where visitors can hike up to this experience. By following the road that winds alongside the Sumallo creek south, a pathway to the bath house will soon reveal itself. A small wooden boardwalk crosses the river and leads directly to the building. Drawing upon details from Sid’s story the bathhouse is divided in half by a hanging partition that dips into the hot central bath.  The faucets and mirrors also hang from the building’s beams, so that hardly anything touches the floor. When inside the bath, where eye level traces at a lower level, and all that is seen are people’s feet. 134 chapter 4fig. 80 View of bath house across Sumallo creek.  Visitors crossing wooden bridge during winter. 135the interventionsfig. 81Interior view of bath house looking towards one entrance of building. 136 chapter 4fig. 82Bath houses at the end of avenues, 1943fig. 83A view down the Sumallo creek in winter. 137the interventionsfig. 84Women in bathing suits at the edge of Sumallo creek, Tashme, Marie Katsuno fonds. 138 chapter 4139the interventionsfig. 85 Over: Site map of bath house.  Follow the road south that runs beside the Sumallo creek, where the two cross over is a car park with a pathway that leads to the building. The remote site reminds of the long walk that internees experienced to their shared bath houses. fig. 86 Above: Building plan of bath house and surrounding site.  The bath house is divided into half but each sides shares a central bath.  All partitions and fixtures are hung from the structure and hardly anything touches the ground, providing clear views when inside bath.  Legend: a. new bath houseb. old bath house no. 1c. parking d. Sumallo river forest service roade. pathway to buildingf. sumallo riverLegend: a. bridge over riverb. boardwalkc. entryd. undressing areae. washing tapsf. soaking bath140 chapter 4141the interventionsfig. 87 View inside bath of partition through central bath.  People bathing on other side. 142 chapter 4MISO / SHOYU FACTORYThe final case study comes from a story that was read early on in the research, and it took a very long time to understand the depth of its meaning.  There are very few buildings that remain standing from the time of Tashme, and one of them is what used to be a miso and shoyu factory.  This story is also by Tak Negoro:“my father convinced the ‘powers that be’ to set up a miso/shoyu factory that would generate revenue by exporting staples to other camps. They agreed and allowed him to set up shop in a building across from First Avenue. They gave him virtual ‘cart blanche’ to requisition manpower, supplies, tools, etc. He had a staff of about five or six men,. A key person on his staff was a finishing carpenter. They proceeded to fit out the building with their needs: an oven to roast the grain, a steam room to cultivate spores, large fermentation vats, and a deck about four feet off the floor to facilitate mixing with a long hoe like mixing paddle. The products of the factory were sold at the commissary and shipped to other camps such as Kaslo, Slocan, New Denver, and others.” 5The fermentation process can take up to 3 years. This means that when the Tak’s father began the endeavour to set up this factory, he knew that he would not yield product for quite a long time.  Internees were never told a timeline for their incarceration; in fact, they were not told much at all about what would happen to them.  Nevertheless, they continued their daily lives, they continued to be the same people they were before all of this.  Tak’s father had accepted his indefinite future here.A new miso and shoyu factory would draw the descendants and the sympathizers back to the site of Tashme and would pique the curious passerby.  This new building is located in the field opposite the highway and looks back at the old factory.  143the interventionsMiso and shoyu are processed separately but under one roof.  Salt brine is a necessary by-product of both of these processes, so each zone of the building is held by a shallow concrete basin that would collect this runoff and separate it from the earth it sits in.  Surrounding it, salt loving plants are situated as a barrier of extra protection. Visitors can enter through doors off the dividing path through the centre of the building.  The inside is dark, save for a few keyhole windows that allow a preview inside and the walls are thin as seasonal temperature fluctuation is needed for proper fermentation. Visitors participate by stomping together soybeans, koji and salt before it is packed into barrels, or they can press shoyu sludge through a straining cloth. Most of this year, the building and its contents will sit alone in the field, with periodic visits in February for set up and October for yield.144 chapter 4fig. 88 Men standing in front of a shipment of miso from the Japanese Red Cross, 1943fig. 89 Workers in miso factory, Tashme 1943. 145the interventionsfig. 90 Over: Drawing inside keyhole windows of miso/shoyu building. Top window; shoyu pressing and bottles. Bottom window: fermenting of koji and mixing of soy beans, koji and salt. 146 chapter 4fig. 91 Isometric view of miso/shoyu building.Legend:a. miso rampb. koji, soybean +, salt mixingc. koji roasting / fermenting roomd. miso packinge. fermentation vatsf. shoyu rampg. fermentation vats and deckh. shoyu presseri. bottling + packaging j, walkwayk. salt water drainage channell. crushed rock m. salt-absorbing plants147the interventionsfig. 92 Plan of miso/shoyu building. Legend:a. shoyu presserb. fermentation vats and deckc. bottling + packagingd. entry e. koji roasting / fermenting roomf. koji, soybean +, salt mixingg. fermentation vatsh. small batch fermentationi. walkway j. crushed rock salt water drainage channel148 chapter 4149the interventionsfig. 93Location of new miso/shoyu building in relation to old one. Their relationship reflected via the Highway 3. Legend:a. miso + shoy buildingb. old miso + shoyu buildingc. Highway 3 Crowsnestd. old Hope-Princeton Highwaye. trench linesf. Dewdney Trunk road, original pathway150 chapter 4fig. 94 View through building of old miso and shoyu factory across highway 3151the interventionsfig. 95View into shoyu side of building, man mixing sludge152 chapter 4fig. 96Site Plan of Sunshine Valley with interventions located. 153the interventionsCONCLUSIONThis history was expunged from the site where it happened. The Sunshine Valley developed a new identity without it.  These interventions are another layer onto this site that allow a new performance of memorialization rituals to happen. These interventions aim to serve two main goals; one, to provide an alternative type of space to traditional memorials, one that is imbued with meaning and information about the history it remembers, a place where the transfer of knowledge can take place between generations, or to those who happen upon the site, and second, it aims to reclaim a territory that has tried to forget it.Achieving these goals was something that a minor methodology was able to do better than a major one.  Deploying personal stories and their anecdotes revealed their underlying capacity to transfer knowledge more specifically and deeply. An endeavour which is lost, forgotten or silenced through a major methodology. These 4 interventions are meant to test the potency of a minor methodology in yielding its own authority. 154 chapter 4fig. 97-100Presentation boards from defense. 155the interventions156 chapter 4157the interventions158 chapter 4159the interventionsNOTES1. Province of British Columbia. (2017). [Cast Iron Plaque Sign]. Sumallo River Road, Hope, BC V0X 1L5. British Columbia, Canada.2. Takashi (Tak) Negoro ‘The Last Japanese Family to leave Tashme’. 3. Shizuko Kadoguchi #5 Universal Appeal of Ikebana [Interview by P. Wakayama]. (2016, November 15). Retrieved March 12, 2019, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KjfVtd0hXSY4. S. (2010, November 20). Japanese Canadian Experience Conference: Sharing Your Stories of the War Years. Sid [Interview]. Retrieved March 12, 2019, from http://www.sedai.ca/archive/videos/subjects/tashme/sid/5. 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