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Women on the tenure track : how the policies and practices of the University of British Columbia and… Tong, Laurissa "Rese" 2008-07

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WOMEN ON THE TENURE TRACK: HOW THE POLICIES AND PRACTICES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA AND LANGARA COLLEGE MAY INFLUENCE WOMEN by LAURISSA "RESE" TONG BSN University of Victoria, 2002 A GRADUATING PAPER SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF EDUCATION in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Adult Education) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July, 2008 ©Laurissa Tong , 2008 Women on the Tenure Abstract This scholarly paper explores the literature regarding women in higher education and the policies and practices that affect faculty women' s decision-making concerning motherhood. It explores some of the policies that impact faculty women in two settings, the University of British Columbia (UBC) and Langara College, both in Vancouver, Canada. The author of the paper is a student at UBC and an instructor at Langara. The paper presents various possibilities for fmther research on this topic and concludes that the institutions should consider offering more parental leave-time and the option of a part-time tenure track. 2 . Table of Contents Introduction Selection of the Topic Overview of the Content of the Paper Overview of the Literature Overview of Applicable Theories Feminist Theory Human Capital Theory Social Capital Theory Research Methods Used in the Literature The Literature Women in Higher Education Biological Timing and Age of PhD Attainment Role of Mother and Impact on Career Impact of Motherhood on Tenure Influence of Institutional Culture on Parenting Family-friendly Policies-Making Changes Institutional Policies: Comparing Langara and UBC AboutUBC About Langara Administrative Visionaries? Women on the Tenure 6 6 8 9 10 10 11 12 12 13 13 17 19 20 22 23 25 25 26 26 3 UBC's Vision-Trek 2010 Strategy One Strategy Two Strategy Four Langara's Mission Statement Employment Policies at UBC and Langara Fanlily leave Policies at UBC and Langara Childcare at UBC and Langara Other Options? Conclusion References Appendix A: UBC Tenure Timeline Appendix B: UBC Faculty Recruitment Guide Women on the Tenure 27 29 29 29 30 33 36 38 40 42 . 46 55 56 4 Tables and Figures Table 1. Employment Related Differences Table 2. Leave Differences Women on the Tenure 35 36 5 Women on the Tenure Women on the Tenure Track: How the Policies and Practices of the University of British Columbia and Langara College May Influence Faculty Women The majority of modem women have the choice whether or not to have children. If they decide they want children, the pressing question then becomes when. What factors does a professional woman consider when she is contemplating having a family? In particular, academic women have many burdening issues involved in having a child. They have spent many years in higher education and, iil order to secure their faculty appointments, they often face the lengthy tenure process. Does a woman secure tenure, then have a child, or have a child before that and risk progressing in her career? Women often make childbearing decisions based on practical matters, considering aspects such as accessibility to childcare and the ability to take a work related leave. This scholarly paper explores the literature regarding whether the work of female professors and instructors has an impact on their parenting decisions. It then explores some of the policies and politics that influence faculty women in two settings. The first institution is the University of British Columbia (UBC), a large, research university, and the second is Langara College, a community college. Both institutions are located in Vancouver, Canada. Selection of the Topic Initially, (early in 2006) my writing on this topic was for a graduate class on issues in post-secondary education. I was inspired by a 2005 news story about Adriana Iliescu, a 67 year old university professor who gave birth to her first child as a result of fertility treatment. She stated in interviews that she was previously too busy with her university career and did not have 6 Women on the Tenure time for a family. The media focused on her age, but not the conditions of her employment that may have led to this late-in-life decision. My interest in this topic is both personal and professional. As a mature student I commenced a degree in nursing. At that time I was a manied to a supportive pminer and was a busy mother of my two children, an infant and a preschooler. Therefore, the issue of work/life balance has been a lived experience for me. Women's health is a passionate concem of mine, and this is why I chose to pursue employment as a Registered Nurse at a major matemity hospital working with birthing families. Also, I pursued this position because of my love of babies and helping new mothers. In addition, I am employed as an instructor of nursing and I have taught in both a matemity clinical and classroom setting. My personal efIOli to achieve a balmlced fmnily and work/student life has been challenging mld I have felt compelled to write about it. The selection of the institutions for the comparative policy exmnination in this paper has also been influenced by my personal experiences. As an undergraduate student I chose to attend Langara College because of the reputation of its nursing progrmn. The progrmn offered far more clinical experience than that ofUBC. Also, it was the satellite campus of the University of Victoria where you could complete your degree. Additionally, I live close to the college and did not want to commute. While pursuing my education there, my goals were to work at BC Women's Hospital, and then later return to Langara to become an instructor/educator. After working for several years at BC Women's, I choose UBC for graduate school for its outstanding reputation and its specialized program, the Master's of Education in Adult Education. While I have written a paper on a higher education topic, it is more practical for me to have an Adult Education specialization. As a working parent, I was patiicularly encouraged by the availability of classroom instruction during feasible hours. 7 Women on the Tenure I have recently been employed at Langara as an instructor in their Nursing program. Langara was the only postsecondary institution that I had applied to teach at for several reasons: having attended there I was familiar with the people, campus, and progran1; I live within four kilometres of the college; I met the qualifications (particularly with my Master' s degree in process and having five years clinical experience); and I liked the idea of working in a small, familiar place. Due to the age of my children, family-±i'iendly policies were not part of my concern at the time of my hire at Langara, but the ability to have a flexible schedule and to be close to home were definite contributing factors in my decision. Overview of the Content of the Paper In the first sections of the paper I review selected literature on the history of women in academia, the role of mothers at w1iversities, and the barriers that women have to become mothers as well as complete tenure. I mention some of the theories and methods that have been applied to this work. I look at the parenthood dilenU11a for academic women by examining the literature, which has been organized by the influences on women' s lives, including: career, fertility rates, marital status rates, ability to relocate, ability to take leave, and availability of childcare. In the last section, I compare the policies of the two focal institutions, Langara, where I attended as an undergrad and am presently instructing, and UBC, where I am currently a student. Three of my main concems for the policy examination are: (1) achieving an understanding of the family-friendly policies that have been implemented; (2) questioning of the extent to which these policies are used; and (3) considering the policies that are still needed to help faculty balance work and family responsibilities. Finally, the concluding remarks and implications will be based on two questions: What should we do? What will the future hold? 8 Women on the Tenure Overview of the Literature This very specific subject matter encompasses a number of broader topics that will be touched upon in the exploration of academic women's lives. Due to the complexity and broad nature of this topic, many disciplines are involved in this issue, including medicine, women's studies, psychology, sociology, economics, and education. Imbedded in both theory and the practical aspects of everyday life are feminism, gender roles, infeltility and age, work place flexibility, employment status, and work/life balance. Numerous research mticles were found on the fertility rates of female professors and the pertinent policies during an extensive literatme review. Several women in academia have devoted much of their writing and research to this subject. For example, Mary Ann Mason from the University of Califomia Berkeley is a pioneer on this topic with her analysis of U.S. Govenmlent collected data from 160,000 doctorate eamers from 1978 to 1984. A project by the University of Michigan on Academic Worklife was developed by their Centre for the Education of Women; it includes a research venture on the flexibility of faculty policies. In Canada, there is an institute at York University where they publish the Journal of the Association for Research on Mothering, which devoted an entire issue to "Mothering in the Academy" in the fall of2003. While atticles were a significant source of infonnation for this paper, books about the broader issues were also used. For example, considerable literature was found on the subject of balancing family and work life, such as by Douglas and Michaels (2004); Hakim (2000); Hattery (2001) Houston (2005) and McKenna (1997). The literature on this topic exhibits a mixture of quantitative and qualitative work, and is mainly American, but some British and Canadian studies were found. Although adequate literature for this paper was located, many sources noted the lack of research on tenure-track 9 Women on the Tenure women's fertility rates. I found that more work needs to be done, such as updating several of the longitudinal studies. Also, it must be noted that there have been many articles about low fertility rates in popular local and North American publications. I found examples in the Vancouver Sun, Maclean 's Magazine , and USA Today. The theme of the popular fictional book, The Handmaid 's Tale (1985) by Canadian author Margaret Atwood, was also about low fertility. These popular cultural references show that while low fertility is a concem for academic women, it is not relegated solely to academic contexts. Overview of Applicable Theories Feminist Theory Several theories can be applied to the topic ofthis paper. Feminist theory is the philosophical approach to the roles and lives of women; it focuses and analyzes gender, the unequal power of women, and sexuality. The promotion of women is intrinsic in this theory. This perspective was inherent in much ofthe literature reviewed, including the works by Mason and Goulden, (2002; 2004) and explicitly by Armenti (2004). De Mameffe (2004) states a connection between feminist theory and the topic of motherhood when she stated that, "time with children is often framed in feminist analyses as a fonn of drudgery unfairly allotted to women" (p.l 0). Another researcher, Sallee (2008) theorizes, with the inspiration of the different ideas on feminism by Fraser and Nicholson (1997), Alcoff (1997), and Littleton (1997), ways to build parental policy. Another feminist, Raddon (2002) uses a feminist post-structuralist framework of discursive analysis to look at the ways in which "women academics with children are both positioned and positioning within the complex and often contradictory discourses sUlTounding 10 Women on the Tenure the 'successful academic' and the 'good mother'" (p. 387). As a feminist I subscribe to the philosophy of this theory and find it suitable for this topic. Human Capital Theory Human capital theory by Gary Becker (1964) has also provided a theoretical outline to explore this topic. Human capital theory states that people invest in hwnan capital (e.g., education, training, and experience) to improve their potential to eam higher wages (Becker, 1964). Economic decisions are made by families who assess how and which member will participate in the labour force, and how this is going to offset the cost and benefits of childcare. Imbedded in human capital's definition is educational completion, years in the workforce, and occupation (Hattery, 2001). An example of this theory is the article by De Wet, Ashley, and Kegel (2002) who found that women geoscientists represent only 12.5 percent of faculty and merely 6 percent of full professors; however, 35 percent of the PhDs are women. The conjecture of the researchers is that women leave the discipline due to their unique burden of childbearing which unfortunately coincides with their tenure path. De Wet, Ashley, and Kegel argue that gender inequity does not make sense; it is not just a problem for women. When female talents and abilities are not fully utilized science loses, which in tum negatively impacts the economy. Schrage (2007) states that there is a persistent negative correlation between women's educational accomplishments and her feltility. She cites a negative correlation between the number of children a woman has and her labour supply or hours spent in paid employment. She explains that these negative cOlTelations are commonly based in Becker's theory. Schrage (2007) finds that these women have less time for child-rearing as it is a time intensive task. She presents a new approach to education and feltility and how women are compelled by policies regarding public childcare. Schrage states explicitly that inexpensive, quality childcare is crucial 11 Women on the Tenure for motherhood and labour market participation to be cohesive. Other studies, such as that by Zhan (2006), use human capital development to understand the role of assets in the economic mobility of single mothers. Also, Lyness, Thompson, Francesco, and Judiesch (1999) state that pregnant women whose employers adapt to their pregnancy were more likely to work until late in their pregnancy and to return to work after childbirth, than women whose employers were less agreeable. Some explicitly applied human capital theory to the topic of women's issues in academia, such as Pema (2001) in her study of junior faculty from 817 wliversities, using data collected from a total of over 25,000 (31 ,354 sent) questiOlmaires. Social Capital Bezanson and Carter (2006) state that the social capital theorists see the family as the most productive location for social capital fonnation. The theory asswnes that the family will bestow role models that support cohesive relationships and civility. These authors note that social policies should recognize social inequities, and be supportive of a universal model of childcare delivery and substantial paid parental leaves (Bezanson & Carter, 2006). Social capital theory fits well with this topic and incorporates a long-term vision of family and society. The model is supportive of two of the major contributing factors for women debating motherhood: paid-leave and accessible child care. Both these issues are discussed later in this paper. Research Methods Used in the Literature The studies range from the large-scale dataset analysis by Mason and Goulden (2002, 2004), to case studies, such as by Wilk (1986). Various other examples of methods and approaches are used. For example, the quantitative studies use various survey methods; McElrath (1992) uses mail-in questionnaires with random sampling. Finkel , Olswang, and She (1994) researched a large research university where they mailed questionnaires to over 2,500 12 Women on the Tenure (1,383 returned) faculty members. The qualitative studies often used interviews, such as Ward and Wolf-Wendel (2004), who spoke to 29 women from various research universities in their study. Overall, the samples of participants varied in their inclusiveness of gender. Almenti (2004) did a qualitative examination of 19 Canadian female professors at one university, who all had or were planning to have children, while Sorcinelli and Near's (1989) sample includes 112 men and women from stratified academic rank and various departments. While this topic is visibly about women, its scope is much broader and does affect men. Therefore, it is crucial that men be not only concerned about, but directly involved in participating and researching tllis matter. Several men were participants in the research process: Marc Goulden, who co-authored with Mary AIm Mason (Mason & Goulden, 2004); Steven Olswang, a professor researching a project on women faculty (Finkel & Olswang, 1996; Finkel, Olswang & She, 1994; Quinn, Lange & Olswang, 2004), Daniel Kegel (De Wet, Ashley & Kegel, 2002), who consulted as an obstetrical-gynecology associate; and Robeti Drago, who is a proponent of the part-time tenure track (Drago, 2007; Drago, et aI. , 2005 ; Drago & Williams, 2000). The Literature Women in Higher Education Historically in Europe, universities were exclusively for men. Knowledge was produced for men, and by men (Smith, 1997). Men only named other men as important thinkers, and did not see women as equals or colleagues; their work did not count (Smith, 1997). Women who eventually entered the academy were relegated to certain faculties and once there, they often had to forego having children to focus on their careers. Women were seen as not capable of managing a career and family (Arnlenti, 2004). Women were not seen as serious academics if 13 Women on the Tenure they had children, and even being a female faculty member was challenging. Rita Simon (2000) states "half a lifetime ago, when I was just starting my academic career, the situation of women on university faculties was very different from what it is today. We have come a long way and the changes are almost all for the better" (p. 131). Even applying for a job was difficult, Simon states: For a woman candidate who was already married, a good paIi of the interview was spent discussing her husband's situation. Did he have ajob in the community in which the candidate was applying for a position? .. Could she assure the Department Head that her children would not be in the way, that they would not interfere with her responsibilities at the university? Would she be able to carryon research, serve on conU11ittees, and meet her classes, aIld pay proper attention to her students? Only if, and then when, these issues were satisfactorily resolved would the discussion described in the typical interview with a male candidate begin (p. 132-133). Those who did have children often gave up their careers (Finkel, Olswang, & She, 1994). Others waited to have children until tenure was granted, although many found that they had waited past their age of fertility (Finkel & Olswang, 1996). Some who did have children went into non-tenure modes, while others left university life altogether; one statistic from 1964 cited in the literature was that 25 percent of women earning a PhD quit their profession to have children (Finkel, Olswang, & She, 1994). With the increasing participation of women in the workplace in the last generation, the roles and expectations of mothers in society have changed. Feminism and feminist theory are explicit in this, as "one of the goals of feminism in the last twenty-five years has been to 14 Women on the Tenm-e dismantle the ideal of the all-giving, self-sacrificing mother, an ideal with which previous generations of mothers did battle" (de Mamefie, 2004, p. 10). This shift in ideals has led to the realization that women could have a career and become a mother. Their domain was not exclusive to the home front. This change has led many women struggling to balance their careers with motherhood. The faculty workforce has experienced a significant transfornlation throughout the Western world. Fifty years ago, the majority of faculty members were men. After the Second World War more students were women; they were largely emolled in programs that would improve their ' social usefulness' and promote their nurtm-ing abilities. 'Unfeminine' programs were resistant to including women (Stewart, 1990). This has meant that women were segregated to certain faculties, such as nm-sing and education, and were almost invisible in others, such as geosciences (De Wet, Ashley, and Kegel, 2002). Even now few women are pm-suing PhDs in science and engineering due to fanlily conmlitments and a lack of female role models (Eisenkraft,2004). In the United Kingdom, the majority of undergraduate students today are women, as well as a sizable number of all postgraduates (David, 2004). In the social and health sciences and humanities, women make up a significant minority of academics; however, they remain extremely rare in the top tenm-e rallkings and in management in British universities (David, 2004). In Canada we have seen an increase in post-secondary participation, especially by women; in 1990, men and women were equally emolled (28 percent of young people). By 2006, 36 percent of young men and 44 percent of women took up studies (22 percent of men and 28 percent of women in university) (Canadian Council on Learning, 2007). The Canadian Council on Learning states that over the last 17 years, male Canadian youth have regularly had lower 15 Women on the Tenure rates of participation in PSE (Post Secondary Education) than their female peers (Canadian Council on Learning, 2007). In the 1950s and 1960s, women accounted for one in 12 doctoral graduates from Canadian universities; today the percentage of female graduate students is 44 percent (University of British Columbia Board of Govemors (1995). While by 1998 in the US, women were the majority of undergraduate students, they only accounted for 36 percent of faculty at colleges and universities (Sallee, 2008). Drago and Williams (2000) state that while there are increased nunlbers of women awarded PhDs, their increase in the number of faculty has been slow. In 1920, just 26 percent of full-time faculty were women, but by 1995 it only improved by five percentage points, to 31 percent. By 1995, women have made gains in all ranks, but only 20 percent are full professors and slightly over 30 percent were professors at the associate level, and this is not equally spread among the faculties (Drago & Williams, 2000). The imbalance in not only injob representation, but in other realms as well. Men who have children within five years of obtaining their PhDs are 38 percent more likely to obtain tenure than women (Mason & Goulden, 2004). When comparing men to women who secure their assistant professorship, it was found that men were more likely to have children. Most men at doctoral level universities reached tenure (73 percent) compared to 44.9 percent of the women (Finkel & Olswang, 1996). Also, men receive tenure in less time, and were paid greater salaries (McElrath, 1992; Pema, 2001). These statistics show that the nature of the scholarship in the modem university remains that of a "solitary male thinker who, upon producing enough intellectual work on a strict schedule, is rewarded with a lifetime position" (Stockdell-Giesler & Ingalls, 2007, p. 38). 16 Women on the Tenure Biological Timing and Age of PhD Attainment In previous generations faculty men relied on stay-at-home wives for childcare. Today, both genders struggle with work/family balance. The trend of our current culture is to delay pregnancy until a career has been established. In her book on reproductive health, Anderson (2005) finds that many women in developed countries choose to delay childbearing w1til their mid-thirties or early fOliies. This is accurate for Canada; in 1987, 19 percent of childbearing women were 30 or older (Johnson, Lero, & Rooney, 2001). By 1997, 31 percent of mothers were 30 or older, and this nwnber continues to increase (Johnson, Lero, & Rooney, 2001). According to the research done by Mason and Goulden (2004), the average age at which a PhD is completed is age 33. Most faculty members do not secure tenure before the age of 40. Usually women faculty members commence their tenure periods during their biological child-bearing time; these circumstances are a given, not chosen (Finkel, Olswang, & She, 1996). It is an undisputed fact that fertility declines with age, progressively after age 30, with a steep decline after age 40 (Anderson, 2005; Mason & Goulden 2002; 2004; Radford, 1998; Vamer, 2000). Based on biology, Radford (1998) argues that having children does not fit well with the current structure of many occupations. Associated with age are: infeliility, sub-fertility, and prolonged time in achieving conception, miscarriage, expensive fertility. treatment, pre-term delivery, genetic abnonnalities and low-birth weight babies. This delay may also impact menopausal health by increasing the risk for cardiovascular disease, hypertension, and diabetes (Anderson, 2005). Neveliheless, around the world there are large numbers of infants that are born to women over 35 years (Anderson, 2005). "In general birth outcomes are quite good among older mothers and their infants if the mother is healthy" (Anderson, 2005, p. 101). This is reassuring news for women. 17 Women on the Tenure Varner (2000) in her article "The consequences and costs of delaying attempted childbirth for women faculty," cites the risks associated with delayed childbitih. Varner (2000) states that reduced pregnancy rates with increasing age are also similar to the chances of pregnancy through in-vitro fertilization (lVF). In other words, science will not necessarily help with conception that needs assistance due to advanced age. She cites that assisted women over 40 had an 8 percent success rate, not to mention the enOllliOUS associated costs and psychological stress (Varner, 2000). Also devastating is the occurrence of miscarriage and the profound loss it can have (Layne, 2003). Infertility also has a detrimental effect on psychological health and relationships; 50 percent of women who had a miscarriage stated that tillS is the most upsetting experience of their lives (Jessup, 2005). If women are unaware of these scientific facts, it can be both shocking and devastating news. De Marneffe (2004) writes that maternal desire is currently seen as 'a problem.' She states that "the taboo against wanting to mother operates as a strange new source of inhibition for women. Some try not to think about motherhood while they pursue more immediate professional goals" (de Mameffe, 2004, p. 4). Some academics recommend having children while in the early years of graduate school to avoid the risk of infertility. In the study by Ward and Wolf-Wendel (2004), they found that women carefully choose the timing of their children, as some waited until doing postdoctoral work and others until they were in a tenure track position. De Wet, Ashley, and Kegel (2002) question whether a woman should choose a healthy baby or publish, should she help preserve her pminer's career while giving up hers, or should she put up with discrimination. They state that "The most fundamental gender specific issue is childbearing. Women face a difficult choice: wait to have children until their professional life is secure, but risk serious health consequences for their children (or selves), or bear their children 18 Women on the Tenure earlier, and risk their professional success" (p.24) This is not a chosen situation; "This kind of emotional dilemma is what may lead some women (to) leave the discipline. Those who stay in the profession experience tension that may seriously impact their quality of life, their career (research productivity, field and lab work), and their ability to successfully compete for jobs and grants" (p.24) De Wet, Ashely, and Kegel conclude that "Due to the inevitable tick of the biological clock, there is an unavoidable collision between a woman's optimum childbearing years and her career trajectory ... Biological realities should to be acknowledged if we are to attain a critical mass of women in the geosciences" (p.24) While the choices may seem binary, due to biological factors, career demands, and the limit of options that there has been this has been the reality for these women. Annenti (2004) concludes that infertility treatments, related to age, would not be needed if an academic career would accept and accommodate women with children. Williams (2004) argues that the timing of career fonnation and childbearing is discriminatory for women. Unfortunately, delaying childbearing until tenure could mean childlessness, and the suggestion that women can defer having children until such an age is unfair as men are not usually faced with these same risks (Drago & Williams, 2000). Finkel and Olswang cite that 49 percent of women faculty postponed having a child with 34 percent of them relating it directly to their career (Finkel & Olswang, 1996). Only 15 percent of the women who said that they postponed children for their career actually went on to have children (Finkel & Olswang, 1996). This is a depressing statistic and gives startling insight into the consideration of this issue. Role of Mother and Impact on Career Annenti (2004) found that most women believed that having children before achieving tenure status was hannful to their careers. Eighty-two percent of faculty women with small 19 Women on the Tenure children stated that the time required to spend with their children was a serious threat to tenure (Finkel & Olswang, 1996). In contrast, Ward and Wolf-Wendel (2004) find that many women, however busy, claim that having children made them more expeditious and organized in their work. Conflicting research findings exist on the career productivity of academic mothers, with some finding a negative correlation with greater amounts of work (Ward & Wolf-Wendel, 2004). Armenti (2004) examined how in the past women would try to time their babies in the month of May (after the school calendar year), for fewer disruptions in their career. Not only is there the dilemma of combining children and their profession during their pregnancy period, it is about when to time their pregnancy. In Canada, May is when sunlmer break begins and was seen as a timely opportunity to give birth and be able to take time off without putting one's career into peril. Women faculty could adjust to motherhood before the next teaching session. This strategy is fraught with difficulty, as women cannot always get pregnant when they want or can they guarantee that a baby will be healthy and teml. Impact of Motherhood on Tenure In her article, "How babies alter careers for academics," Wilson (2003 , December 5) states women who have babies early (within 5 years of a PhD) are 30 percent less likely than peers without children to ever achieve tenure. When compared to men who had children during this same period, 77 percent eamed tenure. In addition, apparently fathers do better than their childless male counterparts, as only 71 percent of non-fathers achieve tenure (Wilson, 2003 , December 5). Indeed, men it srems are rewarded for having children. There is substantial data that shows that for women, academic careers and babies are difficult to combine (Wilson, October 7, 2005). The conclusion is that there is a penalty for women who jump on and off the tenure track due to motherhood. Drago and Williams (2000) state "though woman's rate of 20 Women on the Tenure tenure was the same in 1992 as it was in 1975, men's rate of tenure rose sharply over a similar time period, from 46 percent in 1975 to 72 percent in 1994-1995" (p. 47-48). Thompson, Beauvais and Lyness (1999) state that employees are hesitant to reduce their work hours to be present for their families. They suggest that these employees fear that their lack of long hours would mean that their careers would suffer, and according to their workplace culture, that they were not dedicated to their careers. Drago, Colbeck, Stauffer, Pinetti, Burkum, Fazioli, Lazarro, and Habasevich (2005) quote a focus group participant who stated, "1 think women have an issue of proving they're committed .... It' s always bizane to me that I could have gone through four years of college, five years of graduate school, nine years as a postdoctoral fellow ... and ... [be] in my sixth year here now working my butt off, and people are wondering about my commitment" (p.22-25). Lyness, Thompson, Francesco, and Judiesch (1999) state that a recent survey of professional women fOlmd 73 percent believed that after becoming a mother women would automatically be perceived as being less conunitted to their careers. Drago, et al. (2005) found a total of 18.9 percent of men and 32.8 percent of women did not ask for a reduced teaching load when they needed it for family reasons, "because it would lead to adverse career repercussions" (p. 22-25). As many as 33 percent of faculty fathers and mothers in their study did not ask for parental leave, despite the fact that it would have been beneficial for their family. Just under 20 percent of faculty fathers and mothers did not ask to stop the tenure clock for a new baby, even though they agreed that they it would have been beneficial. Just over fifty percent of faculty mothers went back to work after a baby earlier than they desired. They fear being viewed as not serious about their careers. More troubling were the 37 percent of fathers and 46.2 percent of mothers who reported that they were not in attendance 21 Women on the Tenure for some of their children's important events; they did not want to appear uncommitted to their jobs (Drago, et al. 2005). Influence of Institutional Culture on Parenting While many universities are now providing "tenme-clock stoppage" policies to allow parents to spend time with newborn or newly adopted children, the policies are not enough as institutional culture prevents many parents from taking leave. Competition and knowledge of what their peers have done while on leave raises expectations of one ' s research agenda. Significantly, Y oest (2004) reports that, in relation to the topic of work while on leave, one administrator said, "No research expected, but it frequently happens " (p. 12). Yoest also mentioned a faculty memo regarding stopped clock policy that stated that "work accomplished during the excluded period may be cited in the promotion/tenure case" (p. 12), and that an interview participant said that there was "no bias against clock stop but what is done dming stopped clock is taken into consideration dming tenure decision" (Y oest, 2004, p. 12). Y oest (2004) states that some women have been told by their department chair not to use tenure clock stoppage as it would count against them. This instils the fear that they will be stigmatized by using family-friendly policies like tenure-clock stoppage. Thompson, Beauvais and Lyness (1999) find that the perceptions of how accommodating to work/family culture an employer would be is directly related to the degree of the use of family-friendly policies by employees. This suggests that even with forn1al policies, an unsuppOliive culture will undern1ine their use. UnfOliunately, the literature suggests that there may be evidence that women with families will face consequences for using these benefits (Thompson, Beauvais & Lyness, 1999). Similar findings were repOlied by Waltman and August (2005) where they found that stopping the tenure clock was not associated with success. 22 Women on the Tenure Thompson, Beauvais and Lyness (1999) contend that managerial support and understanding of their employees ' family commitments reduce work/life stressors and contribute to balance. Sallee (2008) encourages faculty members of both sexes to stop the tenure clock after the birth of q baby. She argues that making the clock stop for both parents is essential to promote equality in parenting. Indeed, if all faculty were onboard in stopping the tenure clock and management were supportive, fertility rates would undoubtedly be increased. For men and women who want children, the desire to be a parent is not only wanting to have babies, it is also the desire to care for them (de Mameffe, 2004). Approximately 66 percent of female faculty, and 33 percent of men, state they are overwhelmed by the combination of childcare and employment (Pema, 2001). Twenty-eight percent more women than men experience conflicts between work and childcare (Pema, 2001). Childcare can vary in coordination, management, and type offered (Skinner, 2003). Many parents are very concemed about the quality of childcare and what it does to children. Without a national childcare system, the increase in mother' s labour participation has not only had an impact on the view that a good mother should be involved in parenting, but that a good father should be as well (Reynolds, Callender, & Edwards, 2003). While more fathers drop off and pick up their children to daycare than before, this is primarily done by the mother (Douglas & Michaels, 2004). Family-Friendly Policies-Making Changes Yoest (2004) states that paid family leave should work in the academy where the commitment to social justice is typically high and the incentive to recruit and retain female faculty is prominent. Flexibility will be necessary as women become empowered as employees. Smith (2005) states that "The deep epistemological problems for sociology posed by the 23 Women on the Tenure women's movement originated historically in a division between men' s and women's work in Europe and North America that assigned women to the domestic sphere and excluded them from the male-dominated sphere of intellect, science, and rationality" (p. 62). Women have come a long way since the beginning of the woman's movement, yet academic culture in many ways is slow to change, especially in the top positions of professorship. Changes in policy and practice with the guidance of feminism have been proposed to level the playing field for parents, and particularly women in academia. Research lmiversities are more likely than other types of institutions to have ' family-friendly' policies, often due to the nature of the tenure system and its impact on family life. (Ward & Wolf-Wendel, 2004). UnfortLmately, numerous studies have found that faculty typically underuse proactive work/fanlily policies. Those faculty who do have children often avoid using available policies for fear of reprisal. Stockdell-Giesler and Ingalls (2007) confirm this in their study of American faculty by stating that while "the AAUP (American Association of University Professors) and other groups have urged colleges and universities to strike a work/life balance, academic culture is slow to change" (p. 38). They further state that "It's time to rewrite the rhetoric of motherhood in higher education, and we can use AAUP recommendations to help" (p. 38). In 2001, the AAUP introduced a policy resource with their "Statement of Principles on Family Responsibilities and Academic Work" American Association of University Professors, 2001). This statement is meant to encourage institutions to be equal, fair, and considerate for families. They want faculty and administrators to be familiar with the benefits of the U.S. federal Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) and promote general policies that address family responsibilities and specific policies such as tenure clock stoppage for new parents. Their overall goal is to have more "responsible and flexible" workplaces, while promoting a viable 24 Women on the Tenure career path, maintaining quality faculty work, and offering high quality education. Policies should be at an institutional level, not on a case-by-case basis American Association of University Professors, 2001). These recommendations are similar to those that will be mentioned in Trek 2010. Wilson (2006, June 23) wrote about changes at Harvard University, where the institution will spend $7.5 million over a three-year period to advance the working climate for its professors. The report cites that women represent less than 25 percent of tenured faculty (in 10 of its 13 colleges and schools). Harvard has committed this flIDding to add 100 new daycare spots and will contribute money to childcare reimbursements for faculty and staff. In addition they would pay professors for an entire semester off from teaching after the biIth or adoption of a child. It will be interesting to see how this transpires and a long-term research study could investigate whether fertility rates increased and whether leaves are used. Also, it would be interesting to see if any other U.S. universities follow suit and how these advancements have been perceived in Canada. Institutional Policies: Comparing Langara College and UBC AboutUBC UBC is one of the top ranked universities in Canada, and more prestigiously it is often rated in the top 50 in the world. It is located in the Point Grey area of Vancouver, with another campus located in the Okanagan; it is home to over 40,000 students. UBC has recently (2008) been recognized as one ofBC' s 'best places to work' and is one ofBC' s Top 40 employers UBC Public Affairs, 2008). UBC is composed of 12,648 faculty and staff, with just over 4,500 under the ' faculty, research, and associated' category. Although UBC counts sessional and extra-25 Women on the Tenure sessional appointments in their faculty statistics, in 2003 their University teachers were 32 percent female; this is comparable to other lmiversities in Canada (SFU Human Rights Policy Office, 2005). About Langara Langara College straddles the east and west side of Vancouver. It is a member ofthe Association of Canadian Colleges. The majority of its students are taking their first and second years of post secondary education, and intend to transfer to a university to complete their studies. Recently, the college has offered several degree granting programs, including a Bachelor of Science in Nursing and a Bachelor of Business Administration. The college has approximately 23 ,000 students enrolled armually, 8000 of whom are pursuing academic studies. Administrative Visionaries? Both Langara and UBC have similar govemance structures, and both are headed by a president with considerable power. Langara is organized with a head, President Linda Holmes, a board of govemors, a college executive, four deans, a bursar, and a human resomces director (Smalley, 2008, March 20). Notably, there is a coordinator of human rights and employee development. The UBC president is the Chief Executive Officer and has notable power. Among these are: the ability to recommend appointments, promotions, and removal of members of administrative and teaching staff and employees and officers of the university and to Slll1mons meetings (UBC President's Office, 2006). Martha Piper was president and vice-chancellor ofUBC from 1997-2006 and was well respected during her time of leadership; she was particularly recognized for her establishment of the Trek visions. Notably, fom:er UBC president Martha Piper and current president of Langara, 26 Women on the Tenure Linda Holmes, were both the first female presidents at each institution. While the literature cites the lack of women at administrative top levels, it is significant that at one point both institutions, have, or had, female presidents. I am encouraged by this fact; it means that I am associated with modem, inclusive institutions. More cynically, I hope that they have not merely been ' token' figures. In a conversation with Stephen Toope about what initially attracted him to UBC, the first thing he mentioned was Trek 2010. He has been quoted as saying, "I see the full implementation of Trek 2010 as my primary job" CUBC Public Affairs, 2006, July 6). I am supportive of his outlook; it is essential to have a long-term vision to be effective as a local, national, and global competitor. UBC's Vision-Trek 2010 In 1998, Martha Piper launched Trek 2000; it was the first time in almost ten years that UBC had developed a long-~ernl vision. This was done, according to the website, with "extensive consultation with members of the community, as well as university faculty, staff and students" CUBC Public Affairs, 1998, November 20). Trek 2000 was composed of a series of principles, goals, strategies and timetables to establish UBC as a local , national, and international leader. It focused on five areas: people, learning, research, community and internationalization. Trek 2000 was followed by Trek 2010 that was fonnulated in 2003 , "which emphasizes UBC' s unique focus on global citizenship for all members of the campus community" CUBC Public Affairs, 2005, March 24). Both the 2000 and 2010 Trek strategies emphasize people as UBC' s principal asset, and that: 27 Women on the Tenure UBC' s first goal should be "To attract and retain outstanding faculty, students, and staff." To that end, the Univ~rsity established an overall academic plan to set priorities and provide guidelines for faculty growth and renewal; increased student financial assistance at both graduate and tmdergraduate levels; developed new opportunities for students, faculty, and staff to live on campus; greatly improved transit access; streamlined and upgraded services to students; and hired over 260 new faculty members between 1998 and 2003 (Trek 2010: UBC's Vision, 2006). Indeed UBC has significant goals for all people involved in the University. As part ofUBC's Mission statement, Trek 2010 is composed of five pillars: people, learning, research, community, and internationalization. Under the people category "Focus on People: Workplace Practices at UBC" it outlines the University' s commitment to supporting and developing its people (Trek 2010: UBC' s Vision, 2005). This focus will be closely examined for the influences it could have on female faculty considering employment at UBC, those employed and considering children, and those who already have children. As part of Trek 2010's people pillar, the People Plan is a discussion paper for faculty and staff to express their concerns, suggestions, and feedback on how their employer can endeavour to be more healthy and sustainable (The People Plan is now ... , n.d.) Through this process five strategies were developed for their future ; Strategy One: Develop a sustainable, healthy workplace; Strategy Two: Retain faculty and stafftlu'ough positive opportunities and incentives; Strategy Three: Foster leadership and management practices; Strategy Four: Attract outstanding faculty and staff; and Strategy Five: Identify and share institution-wide goals. These strategies 28 Women on the Tenure are separated into short (3-6 months) and longer tem1 (12-24 months) goals and practices to attend as ongoing priorities. Relevant to the topic of this paper are strategies One, Two and Four. Strategy One A majority of the UBC staff and faculty who contributed to the consultation process indicated that attaining a healthy workplace was a first priority; many stated that they were "stretched or even overwhelmed by multiple demands and are time-pressured from work and family responsibilities and life events." Trek 2010 emphasizes the importance of providing "the best possible environment for all members of the campus community," and proposes the promotion of "health, wellness, and safety in the UBC conmmnity throughout the year through a variety of programs, such as public lectures or annual symposia." This Strategy could address Ward and Wolf-Wendel's (2004) concems about female attrition in academia. Addressing burdens of faculty members, regardless of their parenthood status, would benetit their personal lives. Strategy Two The second Strategy of Trek 2010 is to retain faculty and staff through positive opportUnities and incentives. This strategy explicitly refers to the expansion of childcare within the longer time frame. In July of 2007, the Board of Govemors approved an expansion of childcare spaces and states their plan to develop services at UBC's Okanagan campus. In the literature review, Pema (2001) cites how parents were overwhelmed by the combination of childcare and their work. Strategy Four In order to attract outstanding faculty and staff, UBC plans to improve the recruiting processes for faculty and staff through the use of web-based tools and a review of the financial 29 Women on the Tenure assistance options available through the Employee Housing Program. The strategy also states that UBC plans to repeat the commitment by completing expansion of childcare spaces approved with its implementation by July, 2007. Additionally, the establishment of guidelines for a fomlal spousal work program and a resolution method for process issues will be implemented. Williams (2001) and many others cite that the availability of spousal work is often problematic. Interestingly, I found no studies that mentioned the difficulties of employee housing; it would seem that UBC has addressed problems that are specific to the Vancouver context. Even for dual earning professionals, Vancouver housing costs are extremely expensive. The strategies put forward on the UBC's Focus on People policy document addresses several of the key problems identified by people at UBC, as well as those previously outlined in the literature. These strategies acknowledge the themes I found in my review ofthe literature: that work and family life are difficult to combine, that daycare is impOliant, and that part of the motivation for implementation of family-friendly policies is to attract top talent. As an area of future research, it would be impOliant to know how these strategies impact faculty women and menatUBC. Langara's Mission Statement Langara, being a smaller institution and community college, is not as research focused; therefore, it does not have anything similar to the elaborate Trek missions ofUBC. During my orientation to the college I was handed the Langara College vision, mission, goals and objectives that were approved in late October 2002. The vision statement motto is "Freedom through Knowledge." The Mission Statement reads: Langara College provides accessible education that meets the needs of our diverse community. The education and services provided are comprehensive, current, and 30 Women on the Tenure innovative. Our curriculum is based on an integrated and cross-disciplinary approach designed to enhance the learner's ability to apply and transfer knowledge. We value and are committed to a leaming and working environment characterized by encouragement, free enquiry, integrity, mutual respect, professionalism, recognition of achievement, and social responsibility (Langara College, 2002, Oct. 29). In Langara's Mission Statement there are six goals, each having several objectives. These are: educational offerings, leaming environment, quality, access, employees, and community. The goal for their employees is that: "Langara College will promote a working environment that enables employees to develop and apply their expel1ise and innovative abilities" (Langara College, 2002, Oct. 29). The objectives ofthe college are stated as: Langara College will: 1. Promote a work enviromnent that: a. enables employees to be accountable for staying current and maintaining their expertise; b. encourages and assists employees to identify and access training and development opportunities; c. enables employees to apply their innovative abilities; d. facilitates the sharing of each employee ' s expertise, innovative skills and best practices. 2. Ensure that training is provided for each employee when new tecimology, policies or procedures are introduced. 3. Promote an environment and facilitate events that encourage recognition of employee contributions. 31 Women on the Tenure 4. Inforn1 employees of learning opportwlities and best practices in a timely manner. 5. Evaluate employee development opportunities and recognition practices on an ongoing basis. (Langara College, 2002, Oct. 29). Through the Mission Statement, goals, and objectives, Langara has expressed that it is an institution very focused on its students and how faculty members can provide quality education for them. It does not concentrate on their personal lives, but rather on their professional lives. department, as well as the extensive continuing studies. Langara does try to appeal to its faculty in several different ways; there is a faculty member in charge of the Employee Development Centre. The Centre offers fi'ee activities such as yoga, and more academic offerings such as short educational courses, for exan1ple, the Instructional Skills Workshop (ISW). Langara offerings are aimed at the type of educator they want to produce, as well as those that promote faculty socialization. I have been invited to many social events hosted by the college. None have indicated that I could bring my children, or that childcare would be provided. This may not provide an inclusive solution for all faculty members who want to attend. Some information about balancing work with family life was given to me during my college wide orientation day; I was given a pamphlet about the Employee and Family Assistance Program. This service offers free (employer paid) counselling, 'worklife' solutions, and a 24 hour toll-free help line. It would be interesting to see how many faculty, in particular women, use this service to solve their 'worklife' problems. Also, in the employment for faculty ' overview, it states that "Langara College values its employees and we encourage all qualified individuals to pursue a career with us. We strive to offer an inspiring work environment and encourage 32 Women on the Tenure employees to reach their potential both personally and professionally" (Langara College HWllan Resources, 2008). I found in this statement a different focus from the mission statement, goals, and vision. I think that if you are a devoted, dedicated educator, you cannot necessarily meet all of your personal potential - unless of course it is all work related. I also found that Langara does not seem to have any explicit policies on hiring people from diverse backgrowlds. Employment Policies at UBC and Langara UBC has an explicit set of instructions for their recruiting process. It is very detailed to the consideration of hiring women, aboriginal people, visible minorities and persons with disabilities (see Appendix B for selected excerpts that pertain to women that are from the nine outlined recruitment steps). At UBC the hiring requirements state that the minimwn qualifications for appointment at the Assistant Professorship level is a PhD; this is consistent across every department with one exception again being Nursing. In Nursing, successful candidates will be expected to have a PhD, ,but those near completion will also be considered, likely as a consequence of labour-force shOliages in the health sector that make academic positions less attractive. To be a sessional clinical faculty in the Department of Nursing a minimum of an undergraduate degree is required, as well as membership with the regulatory body, a 'strong' clinical background, two or more years of recent experience in a clinical setting, teaching experience, and/or a keen interest in teaching, and ' exceptional' interpersonal skills. It must be noted that all nursing students in the Province of British Columbia are required to have a baccalaureate degree as the minimal entry to practice. 33 Women on the Tenure Generally, Langara College requires its instructors to have a Master's degree and some teaching experience, the exception being in the Faculty of Nursing where they have a serious shortage of instructors. Although Langara would prefer candidates with doctoral degrees, they will consider a Master's degree in process. They also require five years of practice experience, three years teaching experience, membership in the regulatory body, CPR certification, and scholarly capabilities. At Langara there is a continuing contract instead of tenure. At least three years after being on an ongoing contract, five years being the average, employment becomes secured. Although this process can be considerably slower if you are part time or covering for the term on a short-term contract (Langara Faculty Association, 2006, Oct.). This process consists of an extensive initial and yearly process of evaluation of the individual by the department; it is repeated in the third year and then every three years. I was told that it is very ditlicult to temlinate a member after an initial satisfactory third year review. In comparison to Langara, tenure at UBC is a much longer process, as the faculty member can only be promoted from Assistant Professor when they "have maintained a high standard of perfOlmance in meeting the criteria [of teaching, scholarly activity and service] .. . and show promise of continuing to do so" and that "the decision to grant a tenured appointment shall take into account the interests of the Department and the University in maintaining academic strength and balance" (Policy 4.01(a) and 4.01(d), (UBC Human Resources, 2006). This process typically takes seven-eight years with two preappointment reviews, a periodic review, and a tenure review. This is not to mention the process to move from Associate Professor to Full Professor. Further details are available in Appendix A. 34 Women on the Tenure 35 Table 1 summarizes and compares the employment-related policies ofUBC and Langara, as discussed above. Table 1: Employment Related Differences Policy Aspect Langara UBC Recruiting Focus No explicit policy although there Explicit policy on considering is a human rights coordinator diversity when hiring (See Appendix B) Credentials Master's degree required. Will PhD or tenninal degree consider Master's in progress required. Will consider PhD (esp. for nursing faculty) in progress (esp. for nursing faculty) Job security 3 year appointment (full-time) 7 -8 year tenure track system then security (See Appendix A) The workload and commitment to the much longer tenure process at UBC (as compared to Langara) has a greater effect on women who want children. Likely, women at UBC would need to strive harder to have a balance between their work and personal life. Even the difference in requirements for employment at the two institutions of a Master's and PhD is considerable. A PhD is a lengthy undertaking as it takes an average of five years to complete (Mason & Goulden, 2002). The difference between obtaining a Master's and PhD could mean risking fel1ility problems and childlessness; if the woman waits until tenure is secured she could, as the literature predicts, end up childless. This challenging process is why the choices of when and whether or not to have children is such a contentious issue for women in higher education. I have seen the implications of these policies in my own experiences at UBC and Langara. One of my coworkers at Langara is 26 years old; she worked full-time while completing her Master's degree and therefore has the required five years of clinical experience. Women on the Tenure 36 She is married and plans to start her family in the next two or three years. This likely would not be the circumstance had she chosen to pursue a PhD and employment at a lmiversity. Many of my nursing faculty colleagues are mothers but the coworkers with Doctoral degrees have fewer or no children. More research could discover the difference in feliility rates between these two qualifications. Also, there could be a comparison between doctoral degree holders at Langara and UBC, and more generally between faculty at Langara and UBC. Could this mean that that work/family balance is less of an issue at Langara? Is Langara a better workplace for women to start families? Should women make these ' compromises' by working at a community college? Research studies would be beneficial in establishing the answers. Family Leave Policies at UBC and Langara Canadian universities need family-supportive policies to remain competitive. All faculty members at UBC and Langara have access to matemity/parentalleave(s) (see Appendix A). The length of the leave is based, in part, on Canada' s Employment Insurance (EI) and the federal/provincial act pertaining to maternity and parental benefits. The topping up of wages varies according to the agreement with their employer. Langara and UBC vary in their policies, as noted in Table 2. Table 2: Leave Differences Policy Langara UBC (Langara College Faculty (UBC Human Resources, Benefits, 2006) (UBC Contract, August 1, 2006) Human Resources, 2008) . Collective Agreement Between Langara College and Langara Faculty Association. Effective April 1, 2004 to March 31, 2010, Women on the Tenure 37 2004). Leave policy Guaranteed a position "Stop the clock" policy for parents (maternity that was comparable and/or parental) on the tenure track, unless waived before the arrival of their by the member child. Retain existing seniority and accrue seniority during their leave period. Maternity top The birth mother(only) 17 weeks at 95 % pay up (over the gets 6 weeks at full time Federal EI) pay Parental top up 12 weeks unpaid with 37 weeks either parent; 12 weeks at 95 % pay (over the premium benefits also Federal EI) covered for the duration of their leave. 12 weeks 55% top-up to EnlploymentInsurance benefits for the birth mother, birth father, or other parent Adoption 5 days paid parental leave 37 week unpaid leave, 12 weeks at 95% pay. and 52 weeks leave 5 additional weeks if child is 6 months or older without contract at adoption and has a physical, psychological or tennination, with emotional condition requiring longer care. premium benefits covered The UBC maternity and parental policy is considerably better than Langara' s. Langara has fulltime pay for six weeks and 55 percent for the rest of the leave(s), while UBC' s is 95 percent for the entire time. Langara' s adoption policy is considerably poorer than UBC' s with only five days of full pay compared to 12 weeks at 95 percent. Also, UBC, under special adoption circumstances, allows five more weeks. In my opinion, adoption policies should provide benefits equivalent to that given to birth mothers who have the ability to take the combination of topped-up maternity and parental leave. This is especially impOliant given the feliility-implications of academic positions for faculty women who intend to be mothers. Women on the Tenure Canadian policy is quite inclusive of fathers as parents, particularly when it comes to paid leave; we do not have the 'women-only ' policies cited by Yoest (2004). The tenure/appointment clock can be stopped by either gender at both institutions. These policies are recent developments, however. I was unable to find out how many men actually take parental leave, or if this type ofleave is mainly taken by the mother. A study on this would be valuable. Considering Sallee' s (2008) findings, how does this legitimize traditional gender roles? Given these leave considerations; UBC is a far more attractive employer for men and women considering families . However, a study would be required as to how much the policies are actually used, particularly across the various faculties and departments. This would be especially important considering the present competitive research environment. It would be interesting to know how many faculty members are aware of these benefits, and how much, if any, weight they have in choosing their employment and family planning. Although some employers have substantial offerings, it must be noted that the American government and institutions have far less generous matemity or parental leave policies. These differences have made Canadian universities very competitive when compared to similar institutions in the US (Eisenkraft, June/July 2004). Yet it seems that despite these generous policies, Canadians do not fully utilize them (Eisenkraft, June/July 2004). It would be interesting to compare equivalent institutions in the US and Canada to note parenthood differences in the faculty ranks. Do American female professors have fewer children? Childcare at UBC and Langara Both UBC and Langara have on-site daycare, although UBC's daycare has a problematic waitlist. Langara has on-site childcare that is located in the centre of the campus. It can be seen by the classroom and office windows in the inner square; it is noted by its large outdoor 38 Women on the Tenure playground structure. It is available for students, faculty and staff. It must be noted that limited information was available on the daycare from the internet and due to there being no ethical agreement in place to gather data for this paper I was unable to fornlally ask them. According to a Ubyssey article (Tang, 2006, Dec. 5) the "Trek goal for daycare expansion failed, expansion plan only alleviates ten per cent of the total 1,200 waiting list applicants." At the time of publication, the daycare ' s application numbers had been rising every year for three years and the waitlist was extremely long (more than two years). The daycare is used by those who have priority, namely faculty, staff, and students. The daycare is divided into three age groups and admittance into one group does not guarantee entry into the next group; often parents are given one month's notice that there is not a space for their child. The journalist concludes that UBC needs to focus on being prepared for the overwhelming and increasing demand for these services. Funding was problematic; the Infrastructure Impact Charge (lIC) money went instead to the construction of a new underground bus exchange. The article concludes with a statement by the AMS (Alma Mater Society) Vice-President who expressed that she thought more of the lIC money should have been spent fixing childcare The faculty association expresses grave concem about the inaccessibility of daycare at UBC. They state that there is a crisis for access to these services; they are not only concerned for themselves, but also for their students and in the recruitment of faculty members. There is an increased demand, and an over two year waitlist. The association recommends that due to the failure of the commitment to provide of quality childcare as outlined in Trek 2010, the university should make this a top priority by expanding and meeting demands. They state that it is vital to uphold the goals of the People Plan regarding childcare (UBC Faculty Association, 2008). It would appear that the waitlist has not improved since the AMS and faculty statements were 39 Women on the Tenure made. In fact, by May 2007, the waitlist had grown to include over 1500 children waiting a period of36 months (UBC Faculty Association, 2008; UBC Daycare Parent COlmcil, n.d.). UBC Childcare Services is an employer run daycare and each space is subsidized by the University. The Childcare Services cites several reasons for the length of the waitlists including "the lack oflicensed daycare spots in Vancouver (particularly for children under 3), new residential developments on campus, and recent hiring of large numbers of new, young faculty members" (UBC Child Care Services: A Division of Housing and Conferences, 2008). I would strongly support the recommendations put forth by the faculty association. I feel that with upcoming retirements, and potential recruits who desire to have children, this measure will be essential. Other Options? In their 2000 publication, Drago and Williams drafted the creation of a pati-time tenure track plan, where pre-tenured faculty members could assunle a part-time appointment for between two and twelve years. During this time, pay and responsibilities would be reduced by half while they continued to work on their tenure. This would be a short-term solution while tenure track members are balancing their family responsibilities. Drago and Williams state that while a part-time tenure track would not be the solution for every problem, it would be an improvement from the cunent choices available and would aid women to stay on the tenure track. They stated that 42.5 percent of all college and university teachers are part-time, with a substantial majority of them being off the tenure track (and female). They state that an academic appointment with no opportunity for tenure was the very epitome of the 'mommy track.' They theorize that if this were an option, more parents would choose the slower career path, rather than one partner working an extreme amount of hours and the other off the career path. Drago 40 Women on the Tenure and Williams state that their half-time tenure would also favour colleges and universities as they could consider all talented recruits, not only those available to work long hours. Drago and Willian1s acknowledge that many faculty members could not afford this policy, particularly single parents. I think that what women need are choices; options that include having children, and having the number of children that one would prefer. I think the part-time tenure option, while not perfect, is one of the best alternatives for reasons argued in feminist, social capital, and human capital theories. Almenti (2004), in her explicitly feminist publication, states that a part-time tenure option should be available. Some of the recommendations need to be culturally and institutionally acceptable before parents will utilize them. For example, being on a part-time tenure track needs to be seen as acceptable to all faculty members. Prui-time faculty should not be seen as ' inferior' members. While searching through the job openings at UBC, I did not notice any part-time tenure track positions. Perhaps there are not any, or is it that they are all filled? Researching this type of position would be an extremely interesting study. In the Nursing Department at Langara there are many part-time pennanent positions. The head of our department is very flexible in accommodating our mainly female faculty ' s lives. Some of this flexibility is for women with families ; a couple of my coworkers have four children. She also accommodates employees with other occupations, as almost all part-time workers have other teaching or nursing jobs. The Nursing Depruiment Head has expressed to me that the President jokes in an irritated way with her; complaining that she accommodates too . many people and that she is only making more work for herself. I cam10t speak about other 41 Women on the Tenure departments, but I understand from coworkers that this is not conU110nplace in other departments. I feel fortunate to work at Langara in this flexible depruiment. Fulton (2007) comments on Drago ' s assumption that all female academics desire to work at elite universities and that success is measured by being on the tenure track. In fact, Fulton (2007) argues that many teachers have an1bitions to work at a conU11Unity college where they do not need to sacrifice family life for their careers. Similru-ly, while I have admired the professors I have had at UBC, I have no desire to work there. My personal an1bitions confirm Fulton' s argument; I am content to work at a community college ru1d proudly strive to meet the objectives and missions of my employer, Langara College. I recognize that this would not be every ' woman's choice and that there are lower salaries, prestige, and research oppOliunities. In fact, the pay at Langara is lower than my hospital job. I would argue that while women cannot necessarily have it all, there should be several desirable career choices for women choosing to have children. Conclusion Traditionally the rigid leave policies have hampered the promotion of women, and tenure has been very inflexible. The model was designed by and for men. In the literature, there are a variety of opinions about how to resolve this issue and implement change. Radford (1998) was pessimistic, stating that "having children does not fit well with the CUlTent structure of many occupations - some more than others. Of course these structures are amenable to change, but the radical shift that would be necessary seems unlikely in the foreseeable future" (p. 180). More optimistic was Armenti (2004), who considered a career path where a faculty member could make the transition between part-time and full-time work, or have job sharing to obtain an easier 42 Women on the Tenure work/life balance. However, when both men and women are encouraged to re-exan1ine gender roles and timetables, the process can provoke discordant emotions (Wilk, 1986). What should we do? Most ofthe research cited in this paper was undertaken by women. More men need to be part of this research agenda, as scholars and participants, to enact change in the workplace. The research on tenure track women has led me to conclude that regardless of family choices, the structure of the traditional tenure system needs to be revised, institutional culture needs to change, and men need to be more supp0l1ive of their partner's work, as well as caring for their children. Women should be both inforn1ed and supported in their choices to have a family and, if desired, to pursue studies to qualify to work at research institutions rather than community colleges. Based on my review of the literature and policy environment, I think that women at UBC should have the option of having a part-time tenure track position. Perusal of the faculty job openings at UBC did not reveal any such options, but the nwnber of part-time tenure track positions should meet faculty demand. In contrast, Langara has many part-time options. Flexibility with meeting times, classes and examinations are important to be more agreeable with people's lives. The mission by UBC to aid both partners who work in academe should be upheld, either hiring their spouses/partners to positions, or at least, providing assistance for them to find jobs in the area. Institutional policies for leave should not only include maternity; but also make available family inclusive policies to aid with work life balance in order to attract and keep female talent. The stopping ofthe tenure clock for childbi11h or caring for an infant is imp0l1ant for everyone: 43 Women on the Tenure the infant, the parents, seasoned faculty who are seen by new faculty as mentors, and future mentors. Tenure clock stoppage policies should be used by men and women. Further research needs to be done to exanline what institutional implementations and attitudes have been effective at fostering change. For example, would the instalment of accessible quality daycare improve work/life conditions for faculty parents at UBC? Interesting studies could include comparing the number of children of women professors to women working in other capacities in the sanle university, given the same access to childcare. Another study could look at faculty members at a university and a commlmity college to determine differences between the groups of women. While UBC does well at supplementing federal employment benefits, Langara could improve its employee contributions and be vastly more supportive of its faculty who choose to adopt. In my opinion, adoption leave should equal the length of maternity and parental leaves available to biological parents in order to benefit the bonding of this new family. As the educational and early career phases of faculty positions have been shown to have a negative impact on women's fertility rates, adoption policies should be particularly important to institutions that wish to recruit and retain female faculty. While not expressed in employment policies at UBC or Langara, teaching commitments could be structured to be more amenable to family care. At both Langara and UBC there is a strong push by students to have more online courses. It would be interesting to study what impact online teaching has on parenthood, work, and childcare. I taught a mixed mode course in the January term and spent many hours working at home in front of my computer while my family was present. The parental benefits of online teaching and leaming would likely extend to faculty as well as students. 44 Women on the Tenure Finally, little mention was made in the literature or policy review about gay or lesbian faculty parents and how their circumstances should be reflected in family-friendly policies. While no literature on this was specifically found, it could be the subject of a larger study. This matter was brought to my attention when I learned that UBC was recognized for its "Positive Space" campaign, which aims to "create an inclusive working envirOlill1ent for LGBT employees across the university campus" (Canada's Best Diversity Employers, 2008). It would be interesting to know how policies and practices surrounding motherhood affect gay, lesbian, and transgender faculty, and their partners. This is just one of the interesting and under-researched aspects of faculty parenthood that could be w1dertaken. What will the future hold? What will the next generation of educators be like? Will they sacrifice their fan1ilies for their work or even will they want to have a family at all? Perhaps we should consider the motto ofUBC: tuum est, it's up to you. Time and further research will likely provide the answers to the many questions posed in this paper. 45 Women on the Tenure References American Association of University Professors (2001). Statement of principles on family responsibilities and academic work. Retrieved June 7, 2008, from Anderson, B. A. (2005). Reproductive health: Women and men 's shared responsibility. Toronto: Jones and Bartlett. Armenti, C. (2004). May babies and post tenure babies: Maternal decisions of women professors. The Review of Higher Education, 27(2),211-231. Becker, G. (1964, 1993, 3rd ed.) . Human Capital: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis, with Special Reference to Education. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. Bezanson, K. & Carter, E. (2006). Public Policy and Social Reproduction: Gendering Social Capital. Downloaded: _ 0662438930 _ e.pdf Canada's Best Diversity Employers (2008). Canada' s best diversity employers: Recognizing the employers that offer Canada's most inclusive workplaces 2008 winners. Retrieved April 11,2008, from http://www.canadastopIOO.comidiversity/ Canadian Council on Learning (2007) Learning to know: Participation in post secondary education. 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Work/lifestyle choices in the 2Ft century: Preference theory . New York: Oxford. Hattery, A. (2001). Women, work, and family: Balancing and weaving. Thousand Oaks, CA.: Sage. Houston, D. M. (Ed.). (2005). Work/life balance in the 21st century. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Jessup, B. W. (2005). When a couple cannot conceive: Traumatic consequences of infertility. In D. R. Catherall, D. R. (Ed.), Family stressors: Interventions for stress and trauma (pp. 115-141). New York: BrUlU1er-Routledge. Johnson, K L. , Lero, D. S. & Rooney, J. A. (2001). Work/life compendium 2001 : 150 Canadian statistics on work, family & well-being. Guelph, Ontario: Human Resources ' Development Canada. Langara College (2002, Ott. 29). Langara College Vision, Mission, Goals and Objectives. Retrieved April 4, 2008, from http://www.langara.bc.calabout-langaralvision.html; http://www .langara. bc. cal about -langaralmedialpdfs/vmgo. pdf Langara College Faculty Contract (Aug. 1,2006). Contract no. 16263. Retrieved April 4, 2008, from http://www.langara.bc.caladministrative-services/human-resources/mediaidocuments/benefit-booklets/GSL_LFA.pdf Langara College Human Resources (2008). Overview. Retrieved April 4, 2008, from http://www.langara.bc.caladministrative-services/human-resources/index.html Langara Faculty Association (2006, October). FAQs for new faculty. Retrieved April 3, 2008, 48 Women on the Tenure from AQs.doc Layne, L. L. (2003). Motherhood lost: A feminist account of pregnancy loss in America. New York: Routledge. Lyness, K. S., Thompson, C. A , Francesco, A M. & Judiesch, M. K. (1999). Work and Pregnancy: Individual and Organizational Factors Influencing Organizational Commitment, Timing of Matemity Leave, and Retum to Work. Sex Roles, 41(7/8) 485-508. Mason, M. A & Goulden, M. (2002 Nov.-Dec.) Do babies matter? The Effect of Family Fom1ation on the Lifelong Careers of Academic Men and Women. Academe, 88(6), 21-27. Mason, M. A & Goulden, M. (2004 Nov.-Dec.). Do babies matter (part 2)? Closing the baby gap. Academe, 90(6), 11-15. McElrath, K. (1992) . Gender, Career disruption, and academic rewards. The Journal of Higher Education, 63(3), 269-281 . McKenna, E. P. (1997). When work doesn 't work anymore: Women, work, and identity. Adelaide: Hodder & Stoughton. Perna, L. W. (2001). The relationship between family responsibilities and employment . status among college and university faculty. The Journal of Higher Education, 72(5), 584-61l. Quinn, K. , Lange, S. E., & Olswang, S. G. (2004) . Family-friendly policies and the research university. Academe, 90(6),32-34. Raddon, A (2002). Mothers in the Academy: positioned and positioning within discourses of the 'successful academic' and the 'good mother. Studies in Higher Education, 27(4) 387-403. 49 Women on the Tenure Radford, J. (Ed.). (1998). Gender and choice in education and occupation. New York: Routledge. Reynolds, T., Callender, C. & Edwards, R. (2003). Caring and counting: The impact of mothers' employment on family relationships. Bristol: The Policy Press. Sallee, M. W. (2008). A feminist perspective on parental leave policies. Innovative Higher Education. 32181-194. Schrage, A. (2007). Low Fertility of Highly Educated Women: The Impact of Child Care Infrastructure. _fertility _ WP421.pdf Simon, R. J. (Ed.). (2000). A Look backward andforward at American professional women and their families. New York: University Press of America. SFU Human Rights Policy Office (2005). SFU employment equity summary from Brenda Taylor. Retrieved May 14, 2008, from http://www.sfu.calhro/EquitySummary2005.pdf Skinner, C. (2003). Running around in circles: Coordinating childcare, education and work. Bristol: The Policy Press. Smalley, Melissa (2008, Mar. 20) The Voice, 40(18) , 1,3. Retrieved April 19, 2008, from http://www.langara.bc.calvoice/voice_200810/Archives_Mar20.htm Smith, D. E. (1997). The underside of schooling: Restructuring, privatization, and women's unpaid work, Journalfor a Just and Caring Education, Fall, 14-29. Smith, D. E. (2005). Institutional Ethnography: A Sociology for People. Lanham MD : ROWlnan Altamira. Sorcinelli, M. D. & Near, J. P. (1989). Relations between work and life away from work among university faculty. The Journal of Higher Education, 60(1) , 59-81. 50 Women on the Tenure Stewart, L. (1990). "It' s Up to You": Women at UBC in the Early Years. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Retrieved April 4, 2008, from Stockdell-Giesler, A. & Ingalls, R. (2007). Faculty mothers. Academe 93(4), 38-40. Sullivan, B., Hollenshead, c., & Smith, G. (2004) . Developing and implementing work/family policies for faculty. Academe, 90(6) , 24-27. Tang, C. (2006, Dec. 5). The Ubyssey 88(26), 1-2. Retrieved March 22, 2008, from archives/pdfs/ubyssey/UBYSSEY_2006_12_05.pdf The People Plan is now ... Focus on People: Workplace Practices at UBC (n.d). Retrieved March 12, 2008, from Thompson, C. A., Beauvais, L. L. & Lyness, K. S. (1999). When Work-Family Benefits Are Not Enough: The Influence of Work-Family Culture on Benefit Utilization, Organizational Attachment, and Work-Family Conflict. Journal o/Vocational Behavior 54(3),392-415. Trek 2010: UBC's Vision (2005). Principles, goals, and strategies: People. Retrieved March 12, 2008, from; Trek 20.10: UBC's Vision (2006). The future of Trek and UBC's long-tell~ planning: Discussion paper. Retrieved March 12, 2008, from University of British Columbia Board of Governors (1995). Employment equity (Policy No. 2). Retrieved April 3, 2008, from UBC Child Care Services: A Division of Housing and Conferences (2008). Other child care 51 options. Retrieved March 22, 2008, from http://www.childcare.ubc.caloptions/option_main.htm Women on the Tenure UBC Daycare Parent Cowlcil (n.d.) Advocacy. Retrieved March 22, 2008, from http://www.parents.childcare.ubc.caladvocacy.html UBC Faculty Association (2008). Daycare crisis at UBC. Retrieved March 22, 2008, from http://www.facultyassociation.ubc.calnewsevents/daycare.htm UBC Human Resources. (2006). Benefits. Leaves of absence for faculty members, librarians and program directors. Retrieved April 4, 2008, from UBC Human Resources (2006). Faculty Relations. Tenure, promotion and reappointment for faculty members. Retrieved April 4, 2008, from http: //www.fJJ:.ubc.calfaculty _relations/tenure/fac ulty .html#g UBC Human Resources (2008). Faculty relations. Tenure, promotion, and reappointment for faculty members. Retrieved April 4, 2008, from ty _ relations/tenure/ eligibili ty .html UBC President's Office (2006). Mandate of the office: British Columbia University act. Retrieved April 10, 2008, from http://www.president.ubc.calmandate.html UBC Public Affairs (1998, Nov. 20). UBC President Martha Piper launches Trek 2000 - A vision for the 21 st Century. Media Release. Retrieved March 13, 2008, from http://www.publicaffairs.ubc.calmedialreleasesI1998/mr-98-124.htm} UBC Public Affairs (2005, Mar. 24). Dr. Martha Piper to leave UBC presidency in 2006. Media Release. Retrieved March 13, 2008, from http://www.publicaffairs.ubc.calmedialreleasesI2005/mr-05-04O.html 52 Women on the Tenure UBC Public Affairs (2006, July 6). A conversation with President Stephen Toope. UBC Reports, 52(7). Retrieved March 13, 2008, it-om http://www.publicaffairs.ubc.calubcreports/2006/06j ul06/president.html UBC Public Affairs (2008). UBC Fact and Figures: 2005/2006. Retrieved March 13, 2008, from http://www.publicaffairs.ubc.calubcfacts/index.html Downloaded: March 13,2008). Varner, A. (2000). The consequences of delaying attempted childbilih for women faculty. Retrieved January 2006 from Waltman, J., & August, L. (2005). Tenure clock, modified duties, and sick leave policies: Creating "a network of support and understanding" for University of Michigan faculty women during pregnancy and childbirth. Retrieved March 15,2006 from University of Michigan, The Center for the Education of Women Web site: http: // http://www.cew.umich.edulresearchlrespubs .html Ward, K. & Wolf-Wendel, L. (2004). Fear Factor: How Safe Is It to Make Time for Family? Academe 90(6), 28-31. Ward, K. & Wolf-Wendel, L. (2004). Academic motherhood: Managing complex roles in research universities. The Review of Higher Education, 27(2),233-257. Wilk, C. A. (1986). Career women and childbearing: A psychological analysis of the decision process. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Williams, J. C. (2004, Apr. 23). Singing the baby blues. Chronicle of Higher Education, p.2. Williams, W. M. (2001, July 20). Women in academe, and the men who derail them. Chronicle of Higher Education, p. B20. Wilson, R. (2003, December 5). How babies alter careers for academics. Chronicle of 53 Women on the Tenure Higher Education, p. 1. Wilson, R. (2005, Apr. 29). Tales of academic parenthood, continued. Chronicle of Higher Education, p.12. Wilson, R. (2006, June 23). Harvard to encourage female professors. Chronicle of Higher Education, 52(42) A12. Yoest, C. (2004). Parental leave in academia. Retrieved November 9, 2007 from http://www. faculty. virginia.edulfamilyandtenure/. Zhan, M. (2006). Economic Mobility of Single Mothers: The Role of Assets and Human Capital Development. Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare, 33(4), 127-150. 54 Women on the Tenure 55 Appendix A: UBC Tenure Timeline (UBC Human Resources, 2008) Name: Dr. Future Nobel Laureate Scheduled Activity Effective Date(s) Initial appointment at UBC January 1, 2007 to !tme 30, 2010 Start date of tenure clock July 1, 2007 Year in rank for purpose of 0 placement on the CPI scale Start date of sabbatical accrual January 1, 2007 1 st Reappointment Review 2009/2010 , 1 st Reappointment July 1, 2010 to June 30, 2013 MaternitylParental Leave September 1, February 28, 2010 2011 Tenure Clock Extension End date of current appointment changed to June 30, 2014 1 st Periodic Review for Promotion 2012/2013* 2nd Reappointment Review 2013 /2014 2nd Reappointment July 1, 2014 to June 30, 2016 Tenure Review (mandatory) 2014/2015 Women on the Tenure 2nd Periodic Review for Promotion 2014/2015* If Tenure Denied, Tenninal Year 2015/2016 Appendix B: Faculty Recruiting Process The Faculty Recruitment Guide is designed to assist selection committees in re~ruiting, interviewing, and selecting the best candidate for tenure and tenure track faculty positions. We hope this guide provides you with the tools to develop a selection process that is bias-free, that complies with federal govemment regulations on hiring foreign academics and avoids potential complaints about human rights and privacy violations. (UBC Human Resources, 2008) UBC's Recruiting Process 1. Prior to Recruiting Are members of the groups designated in UBC's Employment Equity Policy - women, aboriginal people, visible minorities and persons with disabilities - represented at all levels of employment? 2. Preparing the Advertisement Prepare the advertisement using inclusive language in order not to exclude designated employment-equity group members-women, aboriginal people, visible minorities and persons with disabilities. 3. Placing the Advertisement Consider advertising positions in the Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women (CRIAW) or other specialized publications such as the Canadian Joumal of Native Studies, Society for Canadian Women in Science and Technology Newsletter, or Senior Women Academic Administrators (SWAAC). 4. Selection Committee Ensure that members of employment-equity groups are included on selection committees. 5. Selection Process: General Guidelines In order to comply with provincial Freedom of Infom1ation and Protection of Privacy (FOIPOP) and Human Rights legislation, all members of the selection committee should ensure an objective and transparent process. 6. Selection Process: Screening Applications 56 Women on the Tenure Ensure that you do not wrreasonably exclude part-time and sessional faculty from the search process, given that women and visible minority faculty may be more represented in these ranks. Ifmembers of employment equity groups do not make it to the shOli-list, review the applications to ensure the list does not reflect bias. For example, stereotypical assw11ptions about the importance of an uninterrupted work record may disadvantage women, persons with disabilities, or recent immigrants. Ask yourself: is an unintelTupted work record a valid test of a candidate's ability to meet the requirements of a position? 7. Selection Process: Interviewing Candidates Prior to the interview, develop a set of questions based on job-related criteria and ask all candidates, including intemal ones, the same questions. For example, if the job requires travel, do not ask female candidates to describe their family responsibilities. Ask all candidates - men and women alike - if they are available to travel. In this way you can make valid comparative judgments. Ask questions that relate directly to the BFORs of the position and avoid questions relating to protected human rights grounds, such as sex, ancestry, disability, or sexual orientation. For guidelines on questions employers may ask to gather information that relates to ability to do the job, review The Employers Guide to Human Rights and A Guide to Screening and Selection in Employment. 8. Identifying the Successful Candidate 9. The Appointment Process The Department is responsible for preparing the necessary documentation for submission as follows: See guide. 57 


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