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Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape: A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity Mohamed-Khany, Sam Nov 30, 2011

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Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape: A TEMPLATE ON MANAGING URBAN CULTURAL DIVERSITY  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape:  SAM MOHAMAD-KHANY  School of Community and Regional Planning  UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  A TEMPLATE ON MANAGING URBAN CULTURAL DIVERSITY  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape:  A TEMPLATE ON MANAGING URBAN CULTURAL DIVERSITY by  Sam Mohamad-Khany BASc., The University of British Columbia, 2008 BA., The University of British Columbia, 2008 A PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE (PLANNING) in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this project as conforming to the required standard ...................................................... ..................................................... ..................................................... THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 2011 © Sam Mohamad-Khany, 2011  Acknowledgment: This effort has been made possible through the unwavering support and encouragement of Professor Maged Senbel, who gave me an incredible academic freedom and intellectual courage. He truly made my interests those of his own and encouraged me to explore new ideas, turning a series of scattered thoughts into a gratifying endeavor. His sincere and relentless interest in social justice and sustainability has been a constant source of inspiration. I only hope this work is the beginning of a lifelong endeavour and an ongoing relationship with him for the years to come. Similarly, I want to thank Scot Hein for his ongoing assistance and never-ending generosity. I have indeed been lucky to have had unequivocal support of such a great mentor, who I would not be able to thank enough. I also owe some of this work to the countless hours of discussions with the faculty members, fellow students and friends, which were fostered through the great environment of creativity and intellectual engagement provided at the School of Community and Regional Planning at the University of British Columbia. Finally, I dedicate this work to my parents, Dariush and Sorour, who have dedicated much of their own life to me and my sister’s success. Their difficult and yet successful journey as immigrants to Canada will remain the ultimate source of courage for me. I will never forget that they left their homeland, and all that was familiar and good in their life, in order to create a better future for me and my sister. Ultimately, the values that influenced this work and much of my life are the values that have been instilled in me by my two heroes. Openness, caring, passion, integrity, adaptability and eternal optimism are some of the virtues I only hope to have acquired from them. I will never be able to repay their unconditional love and therefore only hope that I can pay it forward to my future family and friends.  i  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  ii  Table of Contents: 1. PROJECT IMPETUS  Page 2  2. PHILOSOPHY  AND THEORY (LITERATURE REVIEW) Page 8  3. DESIGN  PRINCIPLES+ FRAMEWORK Page 20  4. GLOBAL AND NATIONAL SCALES  Page 38 iii  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES  Page 56  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) Page 82  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES  Page 110  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS + TOOL BOX  Page 132  Painting by: Sorour Abdollahi, 2009 36 X 72, Mixed-media on Canvas  The above painting by my mother is very much reminiscent of what Salman Rushdie calls “a migrant’s-eye view of the world ... the very experience of uprooting, disjuncture and metamorphosis (slow or rapid, painful or pleasurable) that is the migrant condition” (“In Good Faith”, 394). What is depicted here is the constant struggle of adaptation and negotiation. The melting layers of landscapes reveal the conflict between the fading past (memories of the Iranian homeland) and the changing present (living in Vancouver, Canada) - a process that is often incomplete, fragmented, and hybrid in outcome. By the same token, this process could be a source of greater understanding, creativity, resilience and new beginnings. The immigrant condition, however, is increasingly a universal human condition, as the border between the ‘other’ and the ‘I’, the ‘periphery’ and the ‘center’, ‘developed’ and the ‘developing’, ‘east’ and ‘west’ has been evermore blurred (Binnie, et al. 2006). A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  iv  Project Impetus  How do cities relate to culture? How can cities be designed for multiple and changing lifestyles? Does diversity increase urban resilience? How can conflict among cultures be managed? What is the role of the process of cosmopolitanization in urban change? What is a supportive and inclusive intercultural city? How is the relationship between various cultures mediated by the urban environment and its systems? How can differences be recognized and celebrated? In a world of increasing sameness, is difference even relevant? What are hybrid vernaculars? How can cities respond to changes in the culture of its citizens? What is the role of planning in tackling urban cultural change?  2  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  1. PROJECT IMPETUS  Aim: The aim of this project is to develop a cogent framework for planning the contemporary city through an intercultural sustainability lens – with the hope of turning this into an eventual non-profit organization, a think-tank (and/or consultancy) and a life-long academic pursuit. Therefore, through a multidisciplinary literature review, as well as drawing upon my own values and experiences, I crafted a high level normative position, which informs the creation of an intercultural framework and a set of design principles. Of particular interest are the various (physical, social and mental) spaces within the urban fabric that mediate the relationship among multiple cultures, and against the backdrop of a rapidly changing social context. These various threads will be synthesized to form a set of urban ‘sub-systems’ that require relevant tools and techniques for analysis, design strategies, points of community interventions and policy formulation. Together, these urban systems, tools, techniques and its relevant vocabulary will form a toolkit of intercultural planning and urban design framework (with related templates). Parts of this approach are tested through a case-study of Vancouver as well as by drawing from international examples. In the future, and depending on the project, planners and urban designers can expand and adapt this intercultural framework to their specific study area and contextual concerns.  Mission: The main mission of intercultural planning is peace building, seen as essential to the project of sustainability. Creating understanding, acceptance, recognition and greater social cohesion, while embracing diversity, human creativity and multiplicity which are unleashed by the hybrid nature of our 21st century cities are at the heart of this activity.  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  3  Project Impetus  Rationale: The contemporary city is experiencing accelerated change due to multiscalar processes, with transformative influence on the urban landscape. Amongst such processes, ‘cosmopolitanization’ (international migration due to multiple push and pull forces), globalization and urbanization have resulted in noticeable compositional change within cities across the world.  a compelling rationale for researching places that foster diversity. As an immigrant and a minority, the need to gain a better understanding into how such spaces are created, and the role that they play in creating coexistence in a plural society is of supreme importance to me, forming my own normative stance on this subject.  cross-cultural potential of the public realms, turning borders into ‘porous membranes’ or active ‘contact zones’, and making the city legible to all its sub-cultures.  Case Study:  Through an extensive literature review, various theories and approaches I will attempt to draw upon the to the intercultural city will diverse array of scholarship be assembled (chapter 2). in planning, urban studies, Subsequently, an initial set of geography and urban design principles and an intercultural literature, among many planning framework will others, in order to build a be provided based on the In the planning literature, toolkit of theoretical and literature discussed (chapter diversity has often been practical formulations of 3). attributed to a creative the role of place in creating and vibrant urbanism, a sense of belonging and After conducting an overview resulting in hybridity and fostering peaceful diversity of the multi-scalar forces that openness. However, uninfluence cultural change managed change could also in the contemporary, with the role of practitioners and at the city level (chapter be a potential source of 4), I will turn to the urban conflict, misunderstanding, designers in mind. and metropolitan scales, in discrimination and Therefore, I will explore order to further develop the segregation –with the role that an integrated intercultural planning model devastating impact planning process could (chapter 5). Concurrently, on people and their play (physical and social) in these ideas will be utilized environment. mediating conflict, fostering in order to conduct an initial coexistence (recognition ‘reading’ (or analysis) of the The intersection of our of difference), inclusion, case study. Through this first ethical responsibility integration and interaction reading, further sub-systems, towards each other, with issues and tools will be the important role that place among groups. Particularly, I will examine the ways identified, requiring specific plays in creating a shared through which urban design literature for each sub-topic. understanding, serves as could possibly elevate the Therefore more specific 4  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  1. PROJECT IMPETUS  literature will be provided and discussed in each specific chapter (chapter 5, 6, 7,8).  start with a map of Vancouver (and the regional context), analyzing the overall picture and various trends. By better understanding the overall Throughout this work, spatial and temporal changes Vancouver, British in the urban environment, Columbia will be used the hybrid structure of the as the principle location city is identified. Through for much of the case demographic analysis and study (while at times creation of analytical tools, other examples will be such as diversity index and provided). This choice spatial mapping, various is due to the city’s neighborhoods and areas remarkable diversity. of interests will be identified Indeed, Vancouver region (such as border zones, distinct has around 40% of its neighborhoods, subcultures, population as foreign-born etc). residents, making it the second highest migrant Furthermore, the implication for city in North America and various subsystems of the city Australia combined. (buildings, urban fabric, zoning, education and community A multiscalar (and possibly facilities, arts and culture, temporal) analysis of markets, streets and corridors, urban change will be parks and green networks, etc) conducted in this research, will be explored through an while further breaking the intercultural lens at the smaller metropolitan region into scales of the neighborhood and relevant systems and parcel. scales. The research will  While this work will be presented in a linear narrative, in fact the development of the set of principles and the overall framework has been part of an iterative research process. This will not necessarily result in a complete or comprehensive list of possible activities in the cultural realm, rather it will become a selective (and expandable) set of templates, strategies and above all a normative attitude with respect to what might be called intercultural sustainability.  The Case for Sustainability: Sustainability is of paramount importance to the vitality and long term viability of urban areas. Social well being of cities both impacts the way society interacts with it’s environment, but is also impacted by the environmental context. Globalization and liberalization have increased levels and rates of human A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  5  Project Impetus  migration, resulting in unprecedented levels of change. While diversity could result in greater resilience and vitality for urban centers, rapid and un-managed shifts in population could also be a source of greater conflict. Such conflicts could be exasperated, as environmental change (such as climate change resulting in rising sea levels or increased floods associated with environmental degradation) arguably bring greater waves of immigration. Already, geopolitical pressures (at times linked to environmental pressures such as rising food prices) have contributed to major migration of people and subsequent clashes between the local population and new settlers. Such conflicts, if unmanaged, can in turn lead to greater environmental degradation, depletion of resources and further suffering and migration. For example, conflicts over shared resources (such as a river) could result in mismanagement of them  6  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  and even overly competitive utilization of natural capital.  With the aim to meet the goal of:  Therefore, planning for intercultural cities is of paramount importance to the sustainability agenda, requiring it’s own methods of understanding and research. In this project, a multiscalar template for better understanding of social change (in terms of culture) and it’s impact on the urban environment (built and social) will be developed. The following sections will form the basis of the type of analysis that an intercultural planning lens will require.  The city of multiple cultures and a common future.  Research Question:  What is a culturally sensitive urban design?  This research will be emphasizing the linkages that might exist between social and physical spaces of our urban environments in intercultural settings. Thus the overarching concern for this work will be to address the following question: How can a coherent mental image of the city be created for different cultural groups in the city, in order to foster intercultural sustainability?  However, other relevant questions will also be part of this exploration: How can the city (and its urban fabric) be made legible to all cultures while recognizing (and celebrating) difference? How can bridges and connections (physical, social, economical) be fostered in a city of many cultures?  How can vulnerable populations be protected in rapidly changing urban environments? What ethnographic strategies are required in an intercultural planning approach?  1. PROJECT IMPETUS  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  7  Philosophy + Theory  “We couldn’t get in. We couldn’t get out.” Lacey Jane Roberts, Hand-woven wire, crank-knit yarn, steel poles, assorted hardware. 10’ x30’. 2006-2007  8  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  2. PHILOSOPHY  AND THEORY (Literature Review)  Background: Arguably cities from their very inception have been sites of diversity, specialization of labour and convergence of various populations with different characteristics (Madanipour 2004, 268, Aristotle 1992). This is however much more pronounced today, as many global cities have witnessed a tremendous compositional change, with their populations rapidly becoming culturally and ethnically diverse. The immigration induced diversity today is due to numerous multi-scalar push and pull forces, which are often attributed to globalization, liberalisation, and post-colonial world order (Mendieta 2001). Despite the nation-state’s concerted efforts to shape these complex processes, and to participate in the global networks, it is the city and the metropolitan region that has been directly impacted by such forces (Castells 2000). Therefore, contemporary cities, as nodes within the global network, have become the center stage for hybridity, diversity and difference, unparalleled in history in terms of extent and velocity (Binnie, et al. 2006, 22; Castells 2000). Global migration of people is of course not a new phenomenon, as Homo sapiens have continually spread and moved around the planet for thousands of years, albeit at considerably different degrees throughout history (Figure 2.1). Colonialism and imperialism brought even higher levels of population movement and settlement, which has left a legacy of immigration for many modern nation-states that were former colonies. Therefore, even prior to Figure 2.1 The successive waves of humans spreading around the globe, going as far as 60000 years ago  (Data based on the Genographic Project by the National Geographic <https://genographic.nationalgeographic.com/genographic/atlas.html> Image Source: < http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Human_spreading_over_history.png> )  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  9  Philosophy + Theory 10  the heightened globalization of recent decades, countries with a history of international migration (such as Canada and Australia) had attempted to deal with their increased ethnic diversity through official policies at their national level.  governments, has thus left a gap at the local level, where Multiculturalism in Canada, increasingly social meaning is as a policy framework and a constructed in response to the public philosophy, has evolved global processes mentioned and permeated various levels earlier (Castells 2000). of government (mostly federal and provincial), establishing Therefore, while institutional support and “multiculturalism” has been capacity for the acceptance a much needed progressive In the case of Canada, of different ethnic groups, policy at the higher levels of an active governmental recognizing the language and the government, it has not policy under the umbrella cultural needs of minorities been effectively translated of “multiculturalism” has in the country. Therefore, on the ground, at the city been in effect since 1971, to this date, Canada’s and neighbourhood levels, enacted at the time by multicultural policy remains where majority of people the Liberal government one of the most progressive live their daily life and of Prime Minister Pierre policy responses adopted attempt to reconcile their real Elliott Trudeau (Hutton, at the nation-state level differences. In fact, while et al. 2001; Sandercock worldwide (Hutton, et al. 2001; this policy embraces cultural 2000; Sandercock 2004). Sandercock 2000). difference and diversity of This broad national policy ethnic identities, it leaves attempted to recognize the However, these attempts to out much of the burden to new emerging Canadian deal with a diverse immigrant meet the needs of a diverse identity as one of a mosaic population at the higher population to the local of cultures, religions and levels of government, predate governments. This has left a ethnicities, while officially the acceleration of change tremendous pressure on local guaranteeing rights of that has been experienced governments, which have also migrants in the Charter at the local level due to the witnessed the simultaneous of Rights and Freedoms forces of globalization. As withdrawal of government (Citizenship and Immigration it will be shown in chapter assistant as part of the Canada n.d.; Sandercock 4, immigration manifests neoliberal framework (Hutton, 2004). Similarly, Australia itself most concretely at et al. 2001; Sandercock 2000; has defined its multicultural the urban and metropolitan Sandercock 2004). Therefore, policy as one that manages scales within the landscape ethnic and cultural diversity the consequences of cultural of the nation-state, requiring needs to be addressed at diversity in the interest of deliberate policy responses all levels of government, society and its members from the local and regional particularly at the urban and (Department of Immigration governments. Multiculturalism, metropolitan scales. and Citizenship n.d.; Hutton, as a response by the national Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  et al. 2001).  2. PHILOSOPHY  AND THEORY (Literature Review)  Increased cultural and racial diversity is not a uniquely western scenario, as non-western cities from Dubai and Kuala Lumpur, to the city state of Singapore have witnessed their own unique expressions of diversity within their urban fabric. Additionally, postcolonial cities in Latin America, Asia and Africa have had to mediate between their colonial and pre-colonial cultures, creating a delicate cultural synchronism (and hybridity) omnipresent in their contemporary society. Border cities such as Ciudad Juárez in Northern Mexico and Spanish exclaves of Melilla and Ceuta, situated in North Africa, have become stepping stones for a diverse group of international migrants attempting to make their  way to the Global North. Therefore, while ethnic and cultural diversity is generally a common thread in the contemporary city, there remains a diversity of outcomes and trajectories in the way population diversity manifests itself in each locale. Indeed, diversity can be seen as either a positive urban experience or a possible negative source of conflict. Some scholars have argued that population diversity can be an incredible source of urban creativity and vitality, leading to cross-pollination of ideas, greater economic activity, increased resilience and better understanding among cultural groups (Fainstein 2005; Florida 2002; Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010; Talen 2008; Walker and Salt 2006; Wood and Landry 2008). On the other hand, strong arguments have been made against dangers of increased cultural diversity, pointing towards real  possibilities of conflict, tribalism and segregation (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010, Rees 2006, Rapoport 1977; Yiftachel 2008). In reality, the experience of many cities has demonstrated that diversity does not always imply a peaceful coexistence. Unfortunate episodes of ethnic, racial and sectarian violence of the last several decades, which have marred various regions of the world in Africa, Balkans, Asia and the Middle East, as well as increased tensions in Western Europe and North America, provide real challenges to celebratory framing of the issue. The arguments for and against diversity, and its implication for urban planning, will be expanded upon in the subsequent sections of this chapter as well as in chapters 5 and 6. Indeed, much discussion is needed on the shape, form and type A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  11  Philosophy + Theory  of diversity, which will be covered in Chapter 3 and onwards. However, it is important to stress in this introduction that both in situations of conflict, as well as more delicate situations of relative peaceful coexistence, place can and does play a crucial role - in forming social meaning for residents and in mediating among different groups (Arvot 2002, Benton-Short 2006, Elkadi 2006, Mehrhoff 1990, Mendieta 2001, Ouf 2001).  The importance of place has been discussed widely by a variety of disciplines and scholars. The field of environmental psychology has established that ‘place attachment’ is an integral part of human condition, while arguing that different neighbourhood types can foster unique forms of relationships among their residents (Gifford 1987; Altman and Wandersman 1987). Others have shown that particular vernaculars remain an important part of the immigrant experience, as migrants bring new typologies to their host society (Salazar 1998). In  12  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  turn, other scholars have documented the role that aesthetic contestation can play in diverse societies, as new architectural forms are constantly challenged by the dominant culture (Gale 2004; Lu 2000; Yiftachel 2008). Philosophers and theoreticians such as Ludwig Wittgenstein have argued that place and architectural ‘gestures’ of a culture have the propensity to become strong symbols of historic grievances and shared memory for a certain group (Elkadi 2006). Therefore, both acts of ‘preservation’ as well as ‘demolition’ of architecture, and other urban places, can serve as political gestures, through which any memory of peaceful coexistence in the past can be denied, omitted or deleted from the collective consciousness (Elkadi 2006). Therefore, place is not only important during times of peace - for the integration of new migrants and refugees into their host society - but in fact it is also critical in more extreme situations of violent conflict and postconflict reconstruction. The legacy of Balkan wars serves as a sober reminder  of such processes, in which the destruction of buildings becomes as critical as the act of murder, to the mission of destroying all records of a plural society that previously allowed for the possibility of coexistence (Riedlmaye 1994). The experience of post American invasion of Baghdad – with subsequently intense segregation of neighborhoods along sectarian lines - also attests to the delicate and often fragile nature of coexistence in a previously diverse society. While these are extreme examples of conflict ridden environments, their subsequent reconstruction efforts and the role that place has had, in both mediating conflict as well as promulgating tensions, is valuable to the discussion of place and its mediating role in a diverse society (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010). I There are also ample examples of how place can play a positive role in bringing people together in a more positive and cooperative fashion (chapter 7). Morales (2009) has  2. PHILOSOPHY  AND THEORY (Literature Review)  argued for the integrative and positive impact that carefully planned and well positioned urban markets can play in fostering collaboration between immigrants of different backgrounds looking for low barrier to entry entrepreneurial opportunities. Similarly, Rishbeth (2004) have stressed the positive potential that urban community gardens can play, while Matsushita, Yoshida and Munemoto (2005) have uncovered the relevance of work place and third-spaces (such as pubs and clubs) in forming positive social ties. Beyond the physical aspects of place, social dimensions of place in creating sustainable forms of diversity need to also be considered, as shown through social capital literature as well as  strategies such as intercultural festivals and carefully planned social activities (chapter 8) (Cheong 2006; Friedmann 2009; Sime 1986; Smets 2011)  some scholars have argued for a more inclusive city, one which allows for all its members to participate equally in the city’s activities. (Sandercock 2004, Sandercock 1998). Hence, the potential for Immanuel Levinas’s philosophy placement of carefully is particularly insightful, as his conceived hybrid typologies phenomenological approach at different scales of urban to understanding ethics of the environment, coupled with ‘other’ reveals to us an ethical social strategies and mediation responsibility towards that of conflict through public spaces which is not the narcissistic and ‘micro-publics’ point ‘I’ (Critchley and Bernasconi towards the real possibility 2004). of peaceful coexistence, albeit often in an unbalanced For Levinas, the ‘other’ is geometry of power (Salazar an entity that exceeds the 1998, Binnie, et al. 2006, bounds of self’s knowledge Sandercock 2004, Lu 2000). and therefore demands acknowledgment. In a face-tocontact with the’ other’, the Ethics and Philosophy face need for such acknowledgment of Intercultural becomes transparently clear Planning: and failure to do so results in ‘tragedy’ (even acts of Given the important role of murder)– such as that of the place and placemaking in Nazi Germany (Critchley and mediating cultural diversity, and Bernasconi 2004). Therefore, the rapidly increasing number the responsibility of one of heterogeneous cities globally, towards the ‘other’ is a call for A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  13  Philosophy + Theory  the recognition of the other as completely different than the self, given that its demands on the self are vastly different than those one puts on oneself. Hence, as an individual’s social sphere expands during one’s lifetime, new entities challenge the previous notion of ‘I’ and ‘us’, creating both conflict, but also new forms of acknowledgement and engagement through introduction of multiplicity of connections and differences (Figure 2.2).  Direct engagement with the 'other': Narcissistic 'I'  Narcissistic 'I'  Narcissistic 'I'  Narcissistic 'I'  Cosmopolitanism, revealing its two important and at times contradictory requirements: the right of the ‘other’ to take refuge in one’s land, Contemporary formulations and the responsibility of the of cosmopolitanism has also ‘other’ to the host, hence the conditionality of such a right emerged as a response to and therefore an imbalance challenges of increased in the power dynamic of migration. A notable group hospitality (Jacques 1997, of sociologist, political scientists and philosophers, Fine 2007). such as Ulrich Beck, Martha Nussbaum, Kwame While acknowledging the shortfalls of Anthony Appiah have sought to apply progressive previous formulations of cosmopolitanism, Leonie cosmopolitanism as a way Sandercock defines to solve ethical issues with respect to immigrant/refugee “Cosmopolitan urbanism as a normative project that rights and global climate is a necessary response change crises. to the empirical reality of multicultural cities.” On the other hand, (Sandercock 2006, 38). poststructuralist philosophers such Meanwhile, other scholars as Derrida have have framed the issue deconstructed the idea of 14  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Avoi  Narcissistic 'I'  under the wider umbrella of sustainability. Manuel Castells’ formulation of sustainability as a form of solidarity (among current generation as well as future generations) is particularly useful. Under the social side of such solidarity, Castells argues for a need to “acknowledge plural identities which will increasingly characterize our cities and bridge them over” (Castells 2009, 119). He stresses the dual role of acknowledging and bridging, while also calling for avoidance of social exclusion. Hence, In addition to social justice, equity, environmental stewardship and economic  2. PHILOSOPHY  Figure 2.2 (left) and 2.3 (below)  AND THEORY  Two possible trajectories of an individual’s sense of responsibility and acknowledgement towards the ‘other’, imposed by engagement/avoidance of new forms of difference and a growing (open) and static (closed) social sphere.  (Literature Review) concurrent processes of late modernity and urban change. Jane Jacobs famously stressed the importance of diversity for economic vitality of cities, while arguing for diversity of urban forms and uses in order to foster socioeconomic diversity (Fainstein 2005, 4).  Avoidance of the 'other': Narcissistic 'I'  Narcissistic 'I'  Narcissistic 'I'   Richard Florida’s Creative Class also stresses the importance of place as a principle unit of economic development, while arguing for diversity as a source of creativity, innovation and economic growth (Florida 2002). Such positive formulations of diversity are explained earlier attest to an cogently summarized by the increasingly heterogeneous urban environment in the future, philosopher Iris Marion Young strengthening the normative call (1990), as she argues for the for diversity and the ‘right to the city as the venue for flourishing of difference: city’ (Lefebvre 1996). Narcissistic 'I'  growth, intercultural solidarity is an important part of the sustainability project.  Diversity, Cosmopolitanism and the Intercultural City: Indeed, planners and urban theorists have long argued for diversity and social inclusion in the urban environment (Fainstein 2005, 5). The global realities that were  Therefore, it is important to sketch out the importance of (managed) diversity to the wellbeing of the city, as it particularly relates to other  “In the ideal of city life freedom leads to group differentiation, to the formation of affinity groups, but this social and spatial differentiation of groups A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  15  Philosophy + Theory 16  that have been put forward so far by Amin, Sandercock, Young and some of the cosmopolitanism scholars mentioned earlier, demand a form of active citizenship - or as Sandercock (2004) calls it becoming citizen and participation of different groups that might not be always possible or realistic. That is to say that some of these arguments assume Similarly Sandercock calls that all cultures (particularly for cities with multiplicity refugees and vulnerable of experiences, “in which populations) have the ability there is genuine acceptance to, necessary tools for and of, connection with, and the initial desire to participate respect and space for the equally in various facets of the cultural ‘other’” or as what city life that other established she calls the “possibility cultures already occupy - that of togetherness in is if adequately encouraged difference” (Sandercock and supported. 2006, 21). She further calls for a pragmatic Therefore, while the call urbanity, accepting that for engagement through conflicts are a real part democratic spaces and of living with difference ‘micro-publics’ is a positive and can only be resolved ideal to strive for, planners through mundane everyday need to also consider that practices, or as Ash Amin not all members of different calls ‘micro-publics’ – such groups have the same as community centers, capacity and willingness to workplaces, schools, and engage in these settings - at other everyday spaces of least at all times and in the interaction and negotiation first stages of their settlement. (ibid, 22, 44). Consequently, in more pragmatic formulations of That said, it is also important an intercultural city, perhaps to recognize that the notions there also needs to be the is without exclusion ... The interfusion of groups in the city occurs partly because of the multiuse differentiation of social space. What makes urban spaces interesting, draws people out in public to them, gives people pleasure and excitement, is the diversity of activities they support” (Young 1990 in Fainstein 2005)  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  room for clusters and areas that shelter vulnerable ethnic groups that might not be well equipped to engage with multiplicities of the urban life. This raises perhaps a more critical question with regards to the role that planners and urban designers need to play in addressing challenges and opportunities of diversity at the urban realm. In particular, how should planners formulate an agenda of intercultural sustainability vis-à-vis other socioeconomic (and environmental) concerns, if any. With regards to the involvement of planners in promoting cosmopolitan ethics, Marxists theorists such as David Lay critique middle class sensibilities of cosmopolitanism, arguing that “it is the residents of gentrified inner-city neighborhoods that have multiple points of openness to cosmopolitanism” (Binnie, et al. 2006, 14). Therefore, it is through the ‘reflexive’ and ‘conscious’ ‘production of distinction’ by the middle class and their quest for ‘cultural capital’ that enables cosmopolitanism (ibid).  2. PHILOSOPHY  AND THEORY (Literature Review)  Indeed, it can be argued that formulation of cosmopolitan spaces (where all citizens can be together regardless of their difference) and practices (recognition and celebration of difference) would imply valorization of certain social practices, differences and spaces, and are therefore intertwined with devalorization of other spaces, practices and differences (Binnie, et al. 2006, 23). Moreover, the terms of reference for what is acceptable form of difference is arguably in the hands of the dominant, cosmopolitan, educated elite who employ cultural capital as means of acceptance of ‘ the other’. Even Richard Florida acknowledges that it is the elites (or the ‘creative class’) that seek diversity and have the capacity to deal with it (and benefit  from it) in a positive manner (Florida 2002). Therefore, one needs to recognize that the experience of cosmopolitanism in practice is entangled with other important factors, such as class, gender, age and power. Furthermore, as some have argued, universalizing forces of modernity have left all citizens in a way as strangers, (and possibly all spaces as similar) making formulation of living with difference ever more challenging, if not even redundant (Binnie, et al. 2006, 23).  economic benefits and urban regeneration, planners can become agents of global capital, sterilizing previously true cosmopolitan spaces and, by overt commodification of immigrant neighborhoods, leading to lack of real diversity, homogenization and staged authenticity (Binnie, et al. 2006, Fainstein 2005).  Finally, many scholars have attempted to show the contradictory nature of stateled creation of cosmopolitan spaces, as it implies the existence of other spaces in the city as ‘non-cosmopolitan’ space, while serving state’s Others have argued that hidden agenda of neutralizing state-led recognition of urban ‘unacceptable’ differences with neighborhoods as cosmopolitan ‘acceptable’ differences – as it clusters are nothing short of has been argued to be the case the re-branding of the postfor Singapore’s government-led industrial city, in order to create efforts to mediate nationalism spaces of consumption in the and difference (Binnie, et al. face of global competition, 2006, 27; Gans 1979; Yiftachel neo-liberalism and promotion 2008). of urban entrepreneurship. Thus, in search of maximizing In light of such pervasive A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  17  Philosophy + Theory  critiques of this concept, Ulrich Beck introduces the concept of cosmopolatitanization, as being about “a dialectics of conflict: cosmopolitanization and its enemies”, and hence cautions against the ‘cosmopolitan fallacy’ that a complete cosmopolitan state is somewhere to be found, or even ever truly reachable. He asserts that forces of nationalism, global capitalism, and democratic authoritarianism form what he calls the enemies of cosmopolitnization, and therefore are in conflict with other (and perhaps more progressive) social forces of late modernity that enable this phenomenon (Binnie, et al. 2006, 21). Moreover, Leonie Sandercock argues that this normative stance is essentially one of a struggle against fundamentalism (nationalism, extremism and cultural purity) and for interculturalism (hybridity) (Binnie, et al. 2006). Therefore, perhaps the adoption of interculturalism as a normative term for planners might be more useful, as it embodies both the positive aspects of  18  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  cosmopolitanism as well as some of its valid critiques. Ultimately the process of cosmopolitanization, coupled with other sociological forces of our time, has unique expressions in different contexts and therefore cannot be decoupled from other relevant issues of power, class and sexuality, among others. In her analysis of urban diversity, Susan Feinstein concludes that “Overall the claims for diversity are important. Diversity underlines the appeal of the urban, it fosters creativity, it can encourage tolerance, and it leads city officials to see the value in previously underappreciated lifestyles” (Fainstein 2005, 13). She warns that the exposure to the ‘other’ has both the potential to evoke increased understanding on the one hand, and on the other hand it can heighten prejudice and stigma if different lifestyles are too incompatible (ibid). Furthermore, she contends that “Social exclusion and economic exclusion are  intertwined, and even if the postmodernist critique of neo-Marxism – that it ignored noneconomic forms of oppression – rings true, failure to focus concern on economic injustice likewise represents a failure” (Fainstein 2005, 14). She, therefore, attempts to find a middle ground between all these arguments, and in her formulation of ‘The Just City’ she lists diversity along with equity, democracy as well as sustainability and growth as necessary and at times competing facets of an ideal city. In light of such tradeoffs, she point towards the Amsterdam experience as a model in which diversity is accomplished through state provisions of housing and amenities. She argues that by avoiding large projects that isolated groups from the rest of the city and other communities, urban planners can at least create ‘fuzzy borders’ by employing careful in-filling, promotion of mixeduse neighborhoods and just distribution of urban resources (Figure 2.4). Therefore, while she does not see urban design approaches promoted by groups such as the New Urbanists as a  2. PHILOSOPHY  AND THEORY  Figure 2.4 Fuzzy borders: with careful planning, conflict zones can  be turned into mediating porous membranes among distinct groups and neighborhoods, becoming places of engagement.  (Literature Review) the diverse needs of multiple ethnic and cultural groups such as housing forms, parks, public spaces, facilities and services.  panacea, she does indeed recognize their potential in providing a physical framework for a city that offers a higher quality of life to diverse residents and visitors (Fainstein 2005, 16). For example, certain populations, as  It is in fact the multifaceted and intertwined nature of urban diversity that requires careful consideration of planners and urban designers, as it is heavily entangled with social, cultural, economic and even ecological aspects of the urban environment, and its many subsystems. Therefore, as it has been discussed throughout this chapter, diversity is a common feature of the contemporary city and requires new tools, techniques and approaches for planning and designing our Richard Florida contends, better heterogeneous environments. adapt to populations with visible The next chapter attempts to arrive at a set of clear cultural differences, and are normative principles as well as perhaps better positioned to an overall framework that will be residing in diverse areas. be expanded upon in the rest of Leonie Sandercock (2000) similarly raises the critical issue this paper, in order to establish an intercultural lens for planning of adaptability of existing built practice. environment in order to meet A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  19  Principles + Framework  Human beings are members of a whole, In creation of one essence and soul. If one member is afflicted with pain, Other members uneasy will remain. If you've no sympathy for human pain, The name of human you cannot retain! By Persian Poet Saadi 12th C Translated by M. Aryanpoor  20  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  3. DESIGN  PRINCIPLES+ FRAMEWORK  Urban Design in Intercultural City: This chapter will build on the theoretical arguments of the previous chapter, making the case for a culture sensitive urban design. Once the necessary connections are established between the built environment, place (in its many dimensions), culture and the mediation of diversity through design, a set of normative principles will bE suggested for our intercultural planning lens. These design and planning principles will be coupled with an overarching intercultural planning framework that will guide the discussion of the following chapters, as well as possible future analysis that might require such an approach. In the previous chapter, the important role of place in construction of social meaning for human societies was briefly discussed. Many scholars, however, have downplayed the role of design and physicality of space in its relationship with the social processes that occur within such spaces. Amin’s argument for ‘micro-publics’ as primary units of interaction, and John Friendman’s discussion on placemaking as a predominantly social phenomenon are among such examples (Binnie, et al. 2006, 44, Friedmann 2009). While pointing to the fact that “merely creating spaces where intercultural exchange is encouraged is not enough to guarantee social inclusion”, Leonie Sandercock (2006) has proposed that “organizational and discursive strategies are also necessary in order to build voice, to foster a sense of solidarity across differences, to develop confidence among disempowered”. Others have warned that planning for diversity can seem ‘inauthentic’ or even ‘staged’, and therefore question if a diverse urban fabric can come about through any other means than mere ‘spontaneity’ (Fainstein 2005). Therefore, the involvement of planners, architects and urban designers in fostering spaces of interaction are either dismissed as problematic interventions, or their role is seen as peripheral or at most a supportive one. However, while one needs to recognize that physical spaces do not directly (in simple and deterministic manner) dictate social processes, also one cannot ignore  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  21  Principles + Framework 22  the delicate interrelationship that exists between all forms of space, be it mental, social or physical (Lefebvre 1991). Arguably, there exists an intricate, complex and recursive relationship between society and its multiple environments. Therefore, organization of space is a way for society to organize meaning, making environments culturally specific and congruent with specific ‘life-styles’ (Rapoport 1980, 8). Henri Lefebvre, in his seminal book The Production of Space makes the case that “every society – and hence every mode of production with its subvariants – produce a space, its own space”, emphasizing the importance of dominant socioeconomic structures of any given epoch (Lefebvre 1991, 31) .  and reproduction, and the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each social formation. Spatial practice ensures continuity and some degree of cohesion.  social space from physical space is a problematic approach, given that they inform one another.  Therefore, by extension, planning and design at all 2) Representations of scales (seen in the broadest space: which are tied to the sense possible as systems relations of production and and methods of organizing to the order which those space for a particular society) relations impose, and hence produce habitats that reflect to acknowledge, to signs, certain values, activities, to codes, and to ‘frontal’ assumptions, relationships, relations. and ideal images - cultural templates or schemata. 3) Representational Urban planners, designers space, embodying complex and architects shape and symbolism, sometimes coded, influence these schemata sometimes not, linked to the (representations of space), if clandestine or underground their values and sensibilities side of social life, as also to are themselves shaped by the art. established spatial logic of their time (Rapoport 1980, 11; It is therefore through our Lefebvre 1991). understanding of such a ‘process’ - production, Similar to Lefebvre’s claim reproduction and enculturation that “if space is a product, of societal norms in these our knowledge of it must spaces - that we can be expected to reproduce He further carefully develops understand the important and expound the process of a conceptual model, or and intertwined relationship production”, the exploration a triad of the ‘perceived’, between social practices here attempts to increase ‘conceived’ and ‘lived’ as embodied within space and such an understanding with he calls it, in relation to the representational aspects a hope for the formulation the ‘production of space’: (and representations) of of an “appropriate space” in (Lefebvre 1991, 33-46): space (art, architecture, response to the process of monuments, etc) that embody cosmopolatnization and the 1) Spatial Practice, which such practices. Hence, it ‘right to the city’ for ‘the other’ embraces production seems that the separation of (Lefebvre 1991, 37; Lefebvre Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  3. DESIGN  PRINCIPLES+ FRAMEWORK  1996). Thus it is helpful to challenge of environmental stress Lefebvre’s summery legibility in an intercultural of this interrelation: context. Therefore, before any further discussion is given to “It is reasonable to assume other relevant issues of cultural that spatial practice, diversity vis-a-vis our normative representations of space framework, it is helpful to better and representational space understand the role that place contribute in different ways and physical environment play to the production of space in the creation of people’s according to their qualities mental images, particularly in and attributes, according diverse communities. to the society or mode of production in question, and As Kevin Lynch (1992) has according to the historical argued, environmental legibility period. Relations between (clarity of the mental image the three moments of the that citizens hold of their city) is perceived, the conceived highly important to the overall and the lived are never quality of the built environment. simple or stable...” These environmental (Lefebvre 1991, 37, 49). images are due to reciprocal relationship between the urban dweller and the environment Environmental (Lynch 1992; 6). At smaller Legibility and scales, in particular, encoded Intercultural City: cues help guide social behavior and are therefore As it was discussed in the decoded by the individual first chapter, above all, and groups through signs and this research is primarily arrangements. Consequently, concerned with the misunderstanding of such  schemata can lead to conflict amongst groups and cultures. Organization of space is necessary, in order to facilitate communication amongst members of society (shaping interaction, avoidance, dominance and behavior). As challenging as such an understanding of environmental cure might be for designers, it is even more challenging when urban dwellers do not share a common culture, not to mention situations in which cultural composition of the city is in rapid flux. Thus, understanding the role that culture plays in shaping urban environments, and in turn fostering coherent mental images for citizens, is a critical part of the design process, particularly in an intercultural context. One could simply define culture as “a way of life, typical of a group” (Rapoport 1980, 9). However, culture could also be seen as “a set of adaptive strategies for A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  23  Principles + Framework  survival related to ecology and resources”. Moreover, culture can be defined as “a system of symbols, meanings, and cognitive schemata transmitted through symbolic codes” (Rapoport 1980, 9). All three definitions explain some aspect of culture and are therefore compatible. Taken together, culture can be seen as a set of values and beliefs shared by a group of people, and further transmitted to new members through ‘enculturation’, resulting in particular ‘world-views’. These world-views reflect a unique way of looking at the world and result in unique ways of shaping (or designing) the environment, through applying rules that lead to systematic and consistent choices in creating a lifestyle, a building style, a landscape or a settlement.  Often vernacular architecture and urbanism (such as old fabric of cities in Latin America, Europe, Middle East and the Mediterranean) are instantly recognizable landscapes for this very reason. Cultural clusters in contemporary cities (Little Italy, Chinatown, Punjabi Town) arguably reflect some of the same qualities.  These legible and coherent environments become highly influential in a cultural group’s overall sense of identity, as reflected through the resilience of cultural vernaculars and typologies in migrant communities, particularly in the face of aesthetic contestation by the dominant culture (Salazar 1998; Gale 2004). In fact, despite possible push backs by some members of the host culture, the differentiation of the ‘other’ through environmental codes and signs (such as ethnic It is worth noting that while clusters) are often perceived human environments are as less threatening by some produced through actions of purists than an un-managed many individuals and actors, fusion of these elements over a long period of time, into the dominant vernacular yet they reflect a certain (Lu 2000). Finally, as Emily level of congruence that Talen’s work has showed, adds up to a recognizable areas with historical levels whole (Rapoport 1980, 10). of diversity form their own 24  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  overall image and logic, which become recognizable and celebrated areas - at least by the creative class and cosmopolites if not most average urban dwellers (Talen 2008; Florida 2002) Therefore, while cultures are too complex to be easily identified in the urban environment at first glance, the values that are embodied in their resulting world-view are easier to identify, as they directly influence the images (templates) that are produced in urban environments. These images (with corresponding life-styles) can be studied (often analyzed by marketing and advertising industry), through the corresponding activities of the members of the culture. Hence, activities become the starting point for gaining access to culture’s relationship to the builtenvironment and its systems (Figure 3.1). Activities, in turn, can be analyzed through four components (Rapoport 1977, 19): 1) The activity: eating, shopping, drinking, walking. 2) The specific way of doing  Figure 3.1 ‘Choice model of design’ conceptualizes the relationship between cultures and human environments (Rapoport 1977, 20). CULTURE A complex term concerning a group who share a world view, beliefs, and values, which create a system of rules and habits  WORLDVIEW Related to ideals and choices, it is difficult to use operationally for designers and planners  VALUES Part of a world view, these are easier to identify, although still too complex to link to the physical environment, they deal with relative importance assigned to various elements  an activity and where it is done: shopping in a bazzar, drinking in a bar, walking in the street, sitting on the floor, eating with other men. 3) Additional, adjacent or associated activities which become part of the activity system: exchanging gossip while shopping, courting while strolling. 4) symbolic aspects and meaning of the activity: shopping as conspicuous consumption, cooking as ritual, a way of establishing social identity.  IMAGES/ SCHEMA These embody the values and lead to certain specific choices, providing 'templates'  LIFESTYLE  ACTIVITIES  Consist of manners, rules, choices, role allocations and allocation of resources. It is more useful in relationship to the undrestanding of built environment  They consist of four aspects, and offer the most useful starting point into the system  are embedded and fostered through the physical and social environments. In an intercultural city, this approach is even more critical due to real possibilities of misunderstanding, conflict and even domination. In many contemporary cities, despite the diversity of their population, the environment (and the mental image that it fosters) might have been developed for a dominant culture, leaving other minorities at odds with their environment (Yiftachel 2008; Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010).  For example, semi-private spaces (such as the North American mall) might require a type of behavior that is not expected by migrant youths For planners and who might have had a different designers, it is useful to experience in the public research a particular urban spaces of their original country. environment through a This might be simply due to cultural lens (ethnographic a misunderstanding of the study), analyzing what semi-private nature of these activities, settings and spaces that might have not lifestyles, and in turn what existed as such in their homeassumptions and values land. Similarly, environments  3. DESIGN  PRINCIPLES+ FRAMEWORK  that were previously sites of conflict, could be still encoded with signs and cues (such as slogans and graffiti) that actually prove divisive and harmful to a community that is in process of healing, requiring a careful inspection by designers and planners. It is, thus, useful to study what creates a legible environment for each culture. Lynch (1992) defines Imageability as “that quality in a physical object which gives it a high probability of evoking a strong image in any given observer” such as “shape, color, or arrangement which facilitates the making of vividly identified, powerfully structures, highly useful mental images of the environment”. Perhaps, then, an intercultural city requires its own structure, order and arrangement that can be open and identifiable by a multiplicity of cultures. A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  25  Principles + Framework  In essence, environment is a set of relationships, such as the relationship between things and things, things and people, people and people (Rapoport 1980, 10). Such relationships are orderly and have patterns, and as discussed earlier follow a predictable and replicable template or schema, at least for the dominant culture. Therefore environments are spatial phenomenon that are constantly ‘designed’, in a broad sense, by the cultural context. The design of human environments organizes four elements: 1) Space 2) Meaning 3) Communication 4) Time Hence, lack of understanding of such carefully managed relationships in space by designers and planners can lead to disruption of livelihoods. For example, attempts in Mexico to ‘clean’ the streets from informal vendors, and replacing them by shops, have had unintended and disruptive consequence, given that these informal markets also function as places of  26  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Figure 3.2 Chahar Shanbeh Suri Celebrations - last Wednesday before the Persian New Year, revealing a very different use of environment for cultural festivities, Ambleside Park, West Vancouver.  <http://eslyouth.wordpress.com/2011/03/12/ fire-festival-iranian-festival/>  Space: Public space/parks, with  multiple bonfires at equal intervals.  Meaning: “Giving one’s sickness to fire/nature and in turn receiving good health” - symbolic celebration of nature and elements.  Communication: Public  celebration and gathering, okay to create public fire and excessive noise.  Time: Last Wednesday before  start of Spring, from 8 pm to 2 am.  3. DESIGN  PRINCIPLES+ FRAMEWORK  neighborhood information gathering, distribution and communication (Rapoport 1980, 11). In an intercultural city, where there are many more cultural (and subcultural) groups - each with their own unique assumptions about their environment - an ethnographic design process will attempt to uncover these unique cultural requirements, not overriding them universal assumption propagated through the dominant cultural logic. For example time management of space is highly important in intercultural relationships, as simple differences in temporal engagement with space can produce conflict if not managed or understood by regulators, designers and the wider public comprehensively.  Different groups might have different temporal signature, or ‘tempos’, which give rhythm to unique practices and human activities, such as festivals and different uses of space through time (Rapoport 1980, 14). Christian new year in the winter, with the ritual of New Year Countdown at midnight is very different than the Persian New Year (Nourouz) at the Spring Equinox, and at a variable time of the day, depending on the year and position of the earth with respect to the sun. Furthermore, each culture celebrates the new year in a unique way, leading to certain differences in the use of both private and public spaces. Consequently, quiet time for one group might be festive time for another group, and in a multicultural city, such differences need to be recognized and ideally reconciled (Figure 3.2). Moreover, temporal differences are also pronounced between  multiple generations of the same assumed culture - leading to conflict between younger and older generations, that is if spaces are not designed appropriately. For example in some North American downtowns, where the youth have traditionally been used to enjoying late-night activities such as clubbing, the revival of urban living by suburban families and seniors could pose challenges. This is particularly the case if new residents are accommodated in mis-appropriately placed condominiums close to established entertainment districts. Such overlapping of different settings (resting place and sites of entertainment) could cause conflict among lifestyles of these distinct groups - a situation that to some extent has already happened in Vancouver, requiring changes to the condo noisebylaws and some pressure A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  27  Principles + Framework 28  by condominium owners to push ‘incompatible’ lifestyles elsewhere. Such situations could have been arguably avoided, if designers and planners were more aware of possible life-style conflicts, and therefore arranged spaces accordingly. Additionally, if planners and designers had a better sense of what user groups would be attracted to particular housing types and units, then the internal arrangement of the units within high-rises could possibly mitigate some of these complaints.  distinct areas (border zones) could also produce legibility problems. This is particularly heightened in areas facing rapid cultural change, requiring careful management and planning. Also as the planning profession embraces more mixed-use typologies, it is even more critical to establish necessary signs and codes to make mixed-use areas legible to their users.  rather than conflicting ones.  Finally, cultures themselves cannot necessarily be assumed a priori in a multicultural society, and are therefore part of the process of discovery for the designer and researcher of the urban environment - called here ethnographic approaches to design. Hence, while Turkish, Korean, Mexican or Egyptian communities might Similarly, in a multicultural provide a starting point for society, notions of such analysis, multiple subenvironmental design quality, cultures and groups within design guidelines and these abstract entities need standards require careful be discovered from the ethnographic studies of subground up and through careful Consequently, there needs cultures, rather than a priori consideration of activities, to be a greater awareness assumptions of norms, values, life-styles and values, and of how different cultures life-styles and activities through engagement with the both perceive space, use it (Rapoport 1980, 23). In such multiple publics. and (re)produce it. Different situations, the task of the neighborhoods within the urban designer is to help Rapoport (980, 23) city, with noticeable physical groups and people develop concludes that the “built distinctions often demarcate appropriate subjective environment thus provides a different life-styles and (mental/perceived) images spatiotemporal framework for activities, communicating of the urban environment, occasions and activities, and proper behavior within making various urban areas remind people what these these sub-areas. If such legible and congruent to activities are. But they only distinctions are not legible multiple groups (Rapoport do all these things if they are to other cultures and users, 1980, 24). In turn, new legible, i.e. if the meaning is then stability of the human- and changing areas appropriate to the culture and environment relationship require careful study of the its activities”. Therefore, the and the human-human population surrounding the urban environment could be relationship could be area, encoding within these both the site that facilitates, jeopardized (Rapoport 1980, spaces signs and images that fosters and encourages 19). Transition between promote compatible activities, certain activities and lifeMigration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  3. DESIGN  PRINCIPLES+ FRAMEWORK  styles, while discouraging, inhibiting and preventing other activities and cultural values (Rapoport 1980, 27). In a changing cultural context of cities, designers need to be at least aware of the assumptions that are embedded in their regulated spaces, if not actively incorporating a cultural lens into their design process.  Principles and Design Framework for the Intercultural City: At this juncture, a set of normative principles for an intercultural planning lens will be provided. These principles were arrived at through some of the literature that has already been discussed, as well as the more in depth discussions that will ensue  in the upcoming chapters. It is, however, important to stress that these principles fall under the following overarching question: How can a coherent mental image of the city be created for different cultural groups in the city, in order to foster intercultural sustainability? With the aim to meet the goal of:  1) Hybrid Vernaculars: Recognize hybridity of urban environments and cultures at all scales, by responding to the fine grained cultural mix of citizens as well as respecting the boundary crossing historical and ecological vernacular of the local region. (CH 5, Page 63)  Justification: As have been argued by many The city of multiple cultures theorists, cultures are never and a common future as pure or as static as often assumed by the purists, and However, as discussed earlier, as a result, so aren’t the built given the close interrelationship environments that embody between social processes, these dynamic and changing environmental factors, culture, ‘life-styles’ and processes. and place, a culture sensitive However, the historical and approach needs to incorporate ecological features of any other concerns as well. Hence, given environment change at in conjunction with the above a much slower pace than the question, the following ten other more transient aspect (overlapping) principles form of cities and hence need to the normative angle of the be adequately acknowledged intercultural design approach in the emergent hybrid forms, that is suggested by this work: providing a much needed A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  29  Principles + Framework  common thread (Gaffikin et al 2010; Sandercock 2004; Young 1990;  placelessness’ on the other hand (Altman and Wandersman 1987; Fainstein 2005; Castells 2009).  2) Integral Neighbourhood with Porous Membranes: Identify, foster and celebrate unique cultural neighbourhoods with distinct cores that also encourage osmosis through their boundary zones and carefully planned connections to the rest of the city, while also respecting expressions of individual creativity and freedom.  3) Diverse Places and Activities: Identify and strengthen culturally mixed areas, where multiple cultures peacefully coexist, as important mediating places (fuzzy borders) that support diversity of uses and activities, serving as meeting grounds and intercultural contact zones through provision of carefully planned amenities and intercultural programming strategies.  Rapoport 1980).  (CH 5, Page 65) (CH 6, Page 91)  Justification: While neighbourhoods need to be legible to their immediate population supporting their cultural activities - they are also part of a greater whole and need to interact with the wider urban environment. Therefore, through careful management of edge conditions and transition zones (porous membranes), environments can be both distinct and open, avoiding ‘gated clusters’ on the one hand, and ‘anomic 30  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  (CH 5, Page 74)  Justification: Urban theorists, philosophers, scholars and average connoisseurs of city life all agree that the basic appeal of urbanism is its diversity, hybridity, multiplicity and infinite possibility for differentiation. Arguably, once cities embrace their diversity, they can foster creativity, growth and crosspollination of ideas. Such mixing can emerge in certain public spaces that have had historic diversity, as well as micro-publics that encourage cooperation and  active engagement with the ‘other’. Such diverse places are often accompanied by diversity of activities and uses and therefore embody urban vitality and togetherness (Talen 2008; Young 1990; Florida 2002; Project for Public Spaces n.d.).  4) Cosmopolitan Spaces: designate some areas as universal civic spaces where all existing cultural groups in the city as well as possible future migrants feel safe, identify with and can perform civic activities such as forming general assemblies and public demonstrations for local and global issues (central plaza, city hall, police stations, fire hall, central transit hub, etc). (CH 5, Page 64) Justification: Due to the ever changing composition of the city, certain areas need to remain open to all existing cultures, as well as towards the world at large, as the ethics of hospitality would call for. An intercultural city will encourage democratic use of central public spaces for a variety of issues that concern urban citizens of all backgrounds. Many first generation migrants might still engage with political concerns  3. DESIGN  PRINCIPLES+ FRAMEWORK  of their ‘home-land’, while others might choose to protest local or global issues. Beyond certain designated public spaces, public institutions on which all urban citizens depend on need to be open, welcoming and transparent to all cultural groups (Yiftachel 2008; Binnie, et al. 2006; Sandercock 2000; Gaffikin, et al 2010; Cheong 2006).  5) Cultural Equity and Social Justice: provide equal and fair access to necessary services and facilities for all cultural groups, treating each culture as its own central area, while recognizing that different cultures might require distinct types of such provisions.  meaningful if unique cultural needs are ignored, or if services and facilities are not provided equitably. Therefore, rather than assuming a universal urban center, in this approach, there is a constant attempt to treat peripheries as their own centers. Thus each culture will be treated as its own center and have access to most vital provisions. (Castells 2009; Fainstein 2005). 6) Bridging Social Capital and interconnected places: couple design strategies with economic and social strategies that foster cooperation and formation of positive new connections/ linkages amongst different groups and cultures, while providing physical connections to all areas of the city.  (CH 5, Page 78)  (CH 8, page 144)  Justification: Supporting diversity and intercultural urbanism would not be very  Justification: With the acknowledgment of different cultures comes the responsibility to also  foster connections (social, economic and physical), bridging differences and avoiding exclusion. Active strategies such as urban markets, community gardens and children’s playing ground have the potential to both bridge cultures, as well as empower marginalized groups through economical and social participation (Castells 2009; Gaffikin, et  al 2010; Cheong 2006; Morales 2009; Rishbeth 2004; Loukaitou-Sideris 1995; Smets 2011).  7) Right to the City: Acknowledge the possibility for conflict and tension amongst groups, by paying particular attention to areas with multiple vulnerable populations (such as low income population and refugees) and their critical needs, while creating stepping stones in the city as sanctuary areas for these groups. (CH 5, Page 65)  Justification: At the heart of this project is the normative call for the universal A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  31  Principles + Framework 32  ‘right to the city’, where differences are recognized and protected. However, this also means a responsibility towards the most vulnerable and marginalized populations, who lack the necessary defensive capacities to adapt to changing conditions. Amongst the possible problems that vulnerable populations experience are inhibited social bonding, lower social capital, disruption of economic activity and networks, and reduced conflict resolution mechanisms. Such problems are increased as rates of change are accelerated, resulting in reduced legibility of environment by communities that lack adaptive capacity. These groups often experience such changes from external forces that are beyond their control (such as global and national markets, climate change and demographics shifts), creating a perception of reduced choice and freedom. This perhaps can explain some of the conflict and resentment that often ensues between vulnerable local population and new arrivals. By helping with Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Design (personalization of space): Encourage a degree of openness and informality in the design of public realm, by allowing users to engage and personalize their environment through making changes to 8) Sustainability: the software of space (semiStrategically align intercultural fixed and non-fixed elements), sustainability actions to while meeting high design support other pillars of quality standards and best sustainability, such as practices in the hardware of economic, environmental and space (fixed elements). social sustainability. the basic needs of these groups, possibility for conflict is diminished and potential for peaceful coexistence is enhanced (Lefebvre 1996; Rapoport 1977; Rapoport 1980).  (CH 7, Page 125)  Justification: As it has been argued both in this work as well as by others, sustainability (if seen as a project of solidarity) is an integrative project that encompasses many overlapping initiatives and causes. Intercultural solidarity is indeed both essential to urban social wellbeing, as well as its long term economic and ecological health. So for example, if increased proximity of a cultural group to certain facilities would also mean less emissions, then it should be prioritized given its multiple benefits (Castells 2009; Beck, Giddens and Lash1994, Friedmann 2009; Smets 2011).  10) Flexible and Adaptable  (CH 7, Page 121)  Justification: The dynamic nature of urban culture means that design and planning professionals need to accept a certain level of informality and openness, so that urban environments can be adapted to the current cultural needs of residence, while also open to changes in the future. Indeed, overall environmental legibility itself requires it, or as Lynch argues ”the image should preferably be open-ended, adaptable to change, allowing the individual to continue to investigate and organize reality. However, more fixed elements of the built environment need to also meet important and well established design requirements (Lynch 1992; Rapoport 1977; Rapoport 1980).  3. DESIGN  PRINCIPLES+ FRAMEWORK  10) Ethnographic Urban Design: Incorporate ethnographic, phenomenological and co-design methods in the design process, where cultures, lifestyles and their systems of activities are discovered on the ground rather than assumed – creating legible and culture supportive environments through organization of space, time, communication and meaning. (CH 5, Page 70)  Justification: If other principles are more concerned with some end goal, this principle is concerned with methodological issues (process) of planning and design for intercultural environments, and is thus an essential part of this  approach. In order to build, regulate, provide and foster more culturally supportive environments, designers and planners need to gain access into the life-styles and values of various cultures, by incorporating creative ethnographic tools and methods in their design process. Patterns (ideal images) and activities are the simplest way to begin this enquiry. In doing so, planners and designers need to particularly uncover core elements of cultures that prove most important to the livelihood of groups. Such core elements cannot be assumed and need to be uncovered through engagement with groups and their daily activities. Finally, users of urban environments need to be an integral part of the design process, as they are most familiar with their ‘lifestyles’ and environment (Rapoport 1977; Rapoport 1980; Loukaitou-Sideris 1995; Sandercok 2000; Fernando 2004).  In conjunction with the above principles, our intercultural lens  will be guided by a multi-scalar framework, which should serve as a flexible structure that can be either applied in its entirety or only through application of certain elements within it, depending on the project requirements. In fact, not all design analysys and tasks suggested here are covered in this work. Therefore, this framework should be treated as a flexible structure, as each planning site and problem would merit its own unique set of methods.  GLOBAL AND NATIONAL SCALES (Discussed in chapter 4) 1) Global Processes and Local Change (argument for intercultural planning): - Unpack relevant macro-processes (late modernity, globalization, A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  33  Principles + Framework  cosmopolitanization, climate change, risk society) - How do these processes influence immigration at the national and sub-national scales? - What is the composition of immigrant population and where do they come from? - What are the national and provincial settlement patterns of migrants? - How is the immigrant settlement pattern changing and what spatial, social, political, historical dynamics influence these changes and their settlement preferences? - What are the national and provincial policies on migration? - What are current problem areas – such as perception of local people towards migrants? - What are forecasted levels of migration? - What does the literature reveal about possible urban responses towards these macro processes?  URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES (Discussed in chapter 5) 34  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  2) Geographies of Intercultural City (spatiality of culture and temporal change): - Identify and map boundary crossing, fixed elements (historical vernacular and ecological features) - Map distinct cultural groups based on broad categories of ethnicity, age, religion and income - Construct maps of ethnic diversity (using a diversity index) - Map existing assets (community organizations, facilities and services) - Gather current planning policy base that could be relevant (such as design guidelines to social planning policies) - Identify certain central, civic and cosmopolitan areas that can be open to all groups, as well as to the world and future changes (cosmopolitan spaces) 3) City of many cultural neighbourhoods (macro analysis of spatial coexistence and contestation): - Establish a hierarchy of neighbourhoods based on maps from urban scale - Identify stable  neighbourhoods and changing neighbourhoods - Identify cultural clusters (homogenous along one or several dimension) and homogenous areas - Identify historical neighbourhoods (little Italy, Little India, China Town, Greek Town, Hipster area, Yuppie, etc) - Identify gaps in provision of services and facilities to the above cultural neighbourhoods - Identify critical areas where multiple vulnerable populations of different cultures are pushed into the same space (possibility for conflict) - Analyse current policy base against best practices in intercultural planning and identify changes to policy to make it more open to intercultural practices  DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) (Discussed in chapter 6) 4) Neighbourhood Dynamics (micro analysis of existing neighbourhood typologies):  3. DESIGN  PRINCIPLES+ FRAMEWORK  - Identify the neighbourhood type: static or dynamic, homogenous or diverse, etc (observations, research and surveying residents) - What are the characteristics of this neighbourhood: Integral, Parochial, Anomic, Stepping Stone, Transitory - Identify neighbourhood core with greatest intensity of a particular cultural mix and their activities (listing and documenting items that are unique about an area – categorized in terms of fixed, semi-fixed and non-fixed elements) - Identify Border Zones and Transition Areas (listing 10 things that show hybridity and cultural contact [positive/negative] in the area – categorize in terms of fixed, semi-fixed and non-fixed elements) - Conduct ethnographic research on neighbourhood core and  boundary zone - Use existing research on the identified/predicted behaviour of different groups and test them against existing context (using interviews, ethnography, etc) - Identify barriers in the border zones, level of porosity, possibility for conflict and level of interaction - Identify elements within the neighbourhood core that might be challenged - Conduct Asset Mapping and Network Mapping - Identify the relationship of this neighbourhood (and its population) to the outside world such as the rest of the city - Identify (and map) ‘LIFESTYLES’, ACTIVITIES and SETTINGS that are unique to this area (existing market research, ethnography, interviews) - Identify different life-style’s tempos and possible conflicts 5) Fostering Integral Neighbourhoods (macro Design Strategies):  - Identify strategies that will help this neighbourhood to be both legible and imageable to its residents (celebrating their culture) while also connected and porous to the rest of the city (providing both sanctuary as well as connections) - Establish a two tier system hierarchy of facilities and services (those for intercultural contact [open/porous/fuzzy] and those for specific cultural needs [celebrating one unique culture]) - Identify connections (both physical as well as social) between/among these facilities and the outside - Identify/suggest strategies for the border zone (such as markets, community gardens, children’s playing grounds) that fosters connections and active cooperation - Identify/suggest additions to the neighbourhood core in order to celebrate distinct nature of this particular neighbourhood - Increase connections to the A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  35  Principles + Framework  rest of the city (physical and that could be problematic social) to foster an open and overlap of activities integral neighbourhood - Identify the level of adaptability and openness of this site to change during the PARCEL + day, month, year and due to MICRO different types of uses - Identify barriers and gaps SCALES - Suggest strategies that will help the site to better reflect (Discussed in chapter 7) the cultural needs of its user within its 5, 10, 20 min 6) Fostering Culture catchment (such as changes Supportive Places (micro to non-fixed elements) -> design strategies for Listing ten elements that can public realm, hybrid make it culturally supportive typologies and cultural SOCIAL vernaculars): - Identify if the particular site is in a boundary zone/ connecting facility) or a cultural core (meeting a particular group’s need) - Identify ACTORS (user groups) and ACTIVITIES that occur in this space (time, space, meaning of activity/space, rituals, activity systems, manner activities are done and with whom) - Identify fixed, semi-fixed and non-fixed elements - Identify the level that this space meet users’ cultural needs - Identify areas within the site that act as cultural contact zones and areas  36  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  SYSTEMS + TOOL BOX  (Discussed in chapter 8) 5) Ethnographic Urban Design (social systems, co-design, engagement Toolbox): - Create appropriate methods and tools to engage with existing cultural groups and uncover life-styles (with relevant activities and settings) - Adopt co-design strategies to tackle project problems - Develop surveys, maps, questioners, co-design, community mapping, digital  tools (Google pins), etc The above framework can be summarized in an iterative and recursive design process diagram - suggesting a frequent movement between different scales and categories (Figure 3.3). The following chapters will provide a more in depth discussion of relevant issues for culture sensitive urban design. Each chapter will expand on the literature that has already been touched upon, and then showcase some of these analytical methods on the Vancouver case-study.  3. DESIGN Figure 3.3 Our intercultural planning lens is an iterative process, in which as a discovery is made in one scale (or a social process), then this discovery needs to be tested, analyzed and lead to adjustments at other scales.  PRINCIPLES+ FRAMEWORK  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  37  Global+National Scales  WORLD MAP  Öyvind Fahlström, Acrylic and indian ink on vinyl mounted on wood. 92 cm x 183 cm. 1972  38  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  4. GLOBAL AND NATIONAL SCALES  Global Processes and Local Change (argument for intercultural planning): The importance of various macro-processes of our time to the contemporary urban condition, and its influence on the emergence of hybrid, diverse and culturally mixed cities, was briefly discussed in the previous chapters. However, a more in depth interrogation of these processes and trends (under the umbrella of ‘late-modernity’) is merited, as a it can arguably serve as the basis of the justification for an intercultural approach to urbanism. This is in recognition of the fact that it is the very nature of our global reordering that has left its mark on the dynamics of urban life, and thus one cannot divorce the understanding of cities (as nodes within the network) from the overall global structure itself (Castells 2000). This chapter will overview the current global immigration levels and trends, and then narrow in on Canada, illustrating how population movement manifest itself at the national and sub-national scales. Late modernity (also referred to as the post-traditional order or reflexive-modernization) has been conceptualized as a confluence of multiple and at times contradictory forces operating at different scales and resulting in accelerated levels of change in contemporary society. The juggernaut of individualization, globalization, rapid urbanization, cosmopolitanization and hyper mobility are remaking the urban landscape, creating new sociocultural compositions, interdependencies and newly emerging identities. Despite the global nature of such forces, place-boundedness remains a highly relevant human experience, given that cities - as the center stage of these processes - have become the physical site of contact (coexistence and conflict) with the ‘other’, and new meaning formation (Smets 2011, ii17, Beck, Giddens and Lash 1994, Friedmann 2009; Castells 2000). Ulrich Beck makes the connection between the local and global processes remarkably clear as he asserts that: “the modest, familiar, circumscribed and stable, our protective shell is becoming the playground of universal experience; place, whether it be Manhattan or East Prussia, Malmo or Munich, becomes  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  39  Global+National Scales  the locus of encounters and interminglings or, alternatively, of anonymous coexistence and the overlapping of possible worlds and global dangers, all of which require us to rethink the relation between place and world” (Beck 2006, 10). Indeed, such forces have a spatial expression, with different countries, regions and cities experiencing different outcomes, at different periods, scales and velocities, and resulting in possible imbalances and disparities. Increasing advances in technology and telecommunication, combined with trade liberalization (promoted since the 1980s) has resulted in greater global flows, creating multiple push and pull factors for people and capital alike. The painting by Öyvind Fahlström (on the first page of this chapter) attests to the time-space compression that has resulted in the remaking of the global geography, as continents are shown to have disappeared and oceans and physical barriers shrunk.  40  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  cosmopolitanization, in contrast to the simple one-dimensionality of economic globalization, which positions economic relations above all other forms of interdependencies. Beck (2006, 9) interprets it as a “multidimensional process which has irreversibly changed the historical ‘nature’ of social worlds and the standing of states in these worlds” and it therefore involves the “development of multiple loyalties as well as the increase in diverse In fact, global exchange of transnational forms of life”. ideas, cultures, life-styles This is echoed by Anthony and the growth of solidarity Giddens (1994, 109) and movements (human rights, Castells (2009, 119) as environmental movement, they underline the positive etc), empowered by new potential (and in fact absolute technologies have also been necessity) of creation of new an emerging property of these social bonds, and in essence changes. Thus, these multiple an opening out towards the and interlinked emerging ‘other’, formation of new and facets of contemporary multiple solidarities. society cannot be adequately expressed as simple offshoots Global Immigration: of globalization, often seen as a the logic of the neoInternational migration has liberal agenda. Although this been an important dimension is not to diminish the role of the cosmopolitanization that economic liberalization process, as it has brought has had on acceleration of people of different cultural change. backgrounds together into the same space, while also Some sociologists creating bridges to distant have used the term Fluidity of global capital is often facilitated by new global institutions and through the involvement of non-state actors, such as multinational corporations (MNCs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Furthermore, environmental, geopolitical and economic problems are often created at the global scale, creating risks that transcend national boundaries, requiring new institutions and cooperative arrangements.  4. GLOBAL AND NATIONAL SCALES  lands, as migrants maintain a level of connection with their relatives and ‘homeland’. Increased levels of population movement is therefore both a cause of cosmopolitanization process, as well as influenced by it. Unlike the more fluid nature of capital movement, the migration of people is often more complex with difficult impediments and pressures facing migrants and vulnerable populations in the host communities alike. Figure 4.1 to 4.3 illustrate the increase in global migration since 1980s to 2010. These maps show the countries with higher immigration levels as well as those with the largest emigrations levels. It is evident that the developed countries of Europe and North  Figure 4.1 Net international migration by countries in 2010 <from google  public data explorer: http://www.google.com/publicdata/directory, World Bank, World Development Indicators>  Figure 4.2 Net migration by top 5 migrant receiving countries, top 5 migrant sender countries and some middle range countries. <from google public data explorer: http://www.google.com/publicdata/directory, World Bank, World Development Indicators>  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  41  Global+National Scales 42  America (the global north) are the big receivers of global population flows, while countries of the periphery and industrializing nations are experiencing the highest outward migration. Most stark example of  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  these migration patterns is the neighboring countries of United States and Mexico, with the former having the highest immigration levels (5.05 million people) in the world and the latter with highest emigration levels  (-2.43 million people). Interestingly, international migration seems to have peaked around the turn of the millennium, with a noticeable drop around 2010. This change in the overall trend  4. GLOBAL AND NATIONAL SCALES  Figure 4.3 (left and below) Net international migration by countries, every decade from 1970 to 2000.  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  43  Global+National Scales  can be possibly attributed to the global financial crises, multiple recessions and an increased backlash against immigration in the last decade. There is indeed a strong relationship between economic forces and global migration. Worker remittances often reveal the economic impetus behind the voluntary and involuntary migration. Figure 4.4 and 4.5 reveal the heavy concentration of remittance receptions by countries of global south, such as Figure 4.4 2009 Worker remittence and compensation received by counties in US $  44  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Figure 4.5 2009 Worker remittence and compensation received by  counties in US $. <from google public data, World Bank, World Development Indicators>  4. GLOBAL AND NATIONAL SCALES  to the future of cities is the predicted impact of climate change and environmental degradation, which is seen to produce higher rates of international migration at unprecedented levels. 200 million climate migrants have been predicted by 2050, with as much as 500 to 600 million people (or 10% of world population) at extreme risk due The same economic Perhaps even more important Figure 4.6 Regions where natural disasters will possibly occur due to climate change. China, India and Mexico. European countries also exhibit high rates of remittence reception, which can be attributed to the integration of the continent into a unified trading zone, increasing inter-country trade and workforce flow.  forces influence the local context, by changing political, environmental and cultural dynamics. Presently, geopolitical and regional conflicts contribute to considerable levels of migration from places such as Middle East, North Africa and Latin America into the global North.  <Norman Mayers, “Environmental Refugees, An emergent Security issue”, 13. Economic forum, Prague, OSCE, May 2005; Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, 2005; Liser, 2007 File from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Natural_disasters_caused_by_climate_change.png>  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  45  Global+National Scales  natural hazards (Becklumb 2010). Low lying countries, such as the Maldives, are already becoming uninhabitable due to rising sea levels with more such cases in the horizon (Becklumb 2010).  elite, and yet have no choice but to make this difficult journey.  Curiously, as international trade ballooned since the 1980s due to liberalized policies on trade, international borders were exceedingly Hence, at the urban and fortified for movement of regional level, the ethical people. Domestic population, imperative to shelter facing economic and other newcomers pushed (and pressures at home, have pulled) by economic and lobbied their governments environmental necessity, to erect barriers to keep coupled with challenges ‘illegals’ out of their country. of cultural change and The construction of high-tech population integration, border fences between the makes a compelling case for United States and Mexico more planning in the area is a prime example of such of immigrant and refugee barriers erected between settlements in urban areas. geographies that were previously porous if not National contiguous.  Boundaries and Immigration:  Similarly, European Union member countries have  separated themselves from Despite the increased their poorer neighbors in fluidity and velocity of North Africa and Middle international flows, due to East - with the erection of the macro-processes that were covered in the previous the notorious six-metre-tall double fence border wall in section, immigration the Spanish exclave of Melilla between national and regional boundaries remains in North of Morocco serving as the literal expression of a perilous task for much of such separation. Furthermore, the world population that does not have access to the outright walls have been privileges of the international erected in conflict zones, such as that between the 46  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Palestinian territories and Israel by the Israeli state, bringing back memories of the Iron-curtain. Of course, erecting walls (imagined and real) to separate geographies and boundaries - demarcating the inside from the outside and the private from the public - have always been part of human sense of territoriality, with perhaps the Great Wall of China as the paramount expression of such activity (Rapoport 1977). However, in an epoch when world seems to be evermore connected, the increased barrier for movement of vulnerable populations is arguably unjust and probably unsustainable (Figure 4.7). Migration process does not end once refugees and migrants make their way into the inner boundaries of the nation-state. The search for a home, new opportunities and the possibility for integration into a supportive community are also part of this journey. Thus our focus will turn to the national boundaries and physical geographies of immigration, particularly settlement patterns of immigrants in Canada.  4. GLOBAL AND Figure 4.7 A figurative image of a “globalized” world, were an evermore infinite levels of capital, goods and commodity flows, creating massive regional trading blocks, is coupled with the walling off of the vulnerable and poor population.  NATIONAL SCALES  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  47  Global+National Scales  1  2  3  5  6 7 Sources:  1) Mexican border wall installation: <maneegee.blogspot.com> 2) The border fence Melilla, Spain: < http://www.flickr.com/photos/razowsky/2630979891/in/set-72157605940340658> 3) Graffiti on the Israel Palestine wall <nonviolentweapons.com> 4) Spanish border wall in Melilla: <http://upagainstthewall2011.files.wordpress.com/2011/03/1_border_fence_spain_cemetary_melilla_1207_bw_large.jpg> 5)The US border fence in Nogales < http://moblog.net/view/926276/the-us-border-fence-in-nogales> 6) The fall of Berlin Wall <www.thekidswindow.co.uk> 7) Israel Palestine Wall <mariposa.yosemite.net> 8) US/Mexico border fence <viainternational.org> 9) Family separation by US/Mexico border fence <unknown> 10) US/Mexico border fence <http://www.upi.com/News_Photos/view/8f9fc3eade2fc67e92683d98fb646676/US-MEXICO-BORDER-FENCE-SECURITY/>  48  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  8  Figure 4.8 International borders have been increasingly turned into walls that separate communities and people, keeping vulnerable populations away.  4  4. GLOBAL AND NATIONAL SCALES  10  9  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  49  Global+National Scales  Immigration Landscape in Canada: Canada in the 21st century is firmly a metropolitan country, with more than half of its population residing in its top four city-regions (Lightbody 2006, 26). Additionally, while Canada has always been a country of immigrants with the exception of its Aboriginal population, the nature of immigration to Canada has dramatically changed, making it predominantly metropolitan and multiethnic (ibid, 51,534). This shift in immigration dynamics - due to domestic policies as well  as international processes - is rapidly changing the composition of urban areas in the country (Urban Futures 2004). Indeed, immigration is having a profound influence on the way Canada is urbanizing. With an aging population and a stagnant natural population increase due low birthrates, international immigration is one of the few mechanisms through which the federal government maintains a steady stream of tax-base and population growth . However, while immigration policy is generally a federal policy, the settlement patterns of immigrants is a multiscalar and spatial phenomenon that is largely outside the  influence of the federal government once settlers land in the country. On the other hand, the most pronounced impact of this process is felt metropolitan regions who have the least influence on the original policy directions (Lightbody 2006, 32). Canada has undergone cycles of immigration throughout its history, with the highest peak occurring in the early half of the 1900s (ibid, 534) (Figure 4.9). The first waves of immigration were linked with westward expansion of the country towards the prairies and the west coast, creating a distinctly “rural” settlement pattern (ibid, 57). However, the second wave of immigration has been  Figure 4.9 Immigration to Canada, 1860 - 2006, from Citizenship and Immigration Canada (MURDIE 2008, 1).  50  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  4. GLOBAL AND Figure 4.10 Birth Place of Immigrants, in 2001 (left) and 2006 (below). <Statistics Canada, 2011: http://www12.statcan. gc.ca/census-recensement/2006/as-sa/97-557/ maps-cartes/world/World_RecentImmig_ec.pdf>  NATIONAL SCALES  decidedly urban in nature, increasing the population in larger metropolitan regions. As Robert Murdie explains (2008), while in 1971 the top ten Canadian census metropolitan areas (CMAs) accounted for 53% of the immigrant population to Canada (44% of the total population), by 2006 they accounted for 90% of the country’s newcomers (54% of the total population). Additionally, after the removal of the discriminatory immigration policies towards non-white migrants in 1960s, the ethno-cultural composition of immigration has drastically changed from one of European origin to one from many regions of the world (Figure 4.10).  Vancouver immigrants and that of the entire country, revealing variations in the settlement patterns and preferences of different ethnic minorities across the country (Figure 4.11). That said, the overall Interestingly, one can observe the difference that trend in terms of diversification exists in the composition of of the sources of immigration is clear, with Asian and other non-  European countries increasing their share of immigrant population from 1970s to present (Figure 4.12). Such diversity, and change, in the composition of the country of origin has undoubtedly altered the urban cultural landscape of Canada’s largest metropolitan regions. A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  51  Global+National Scales  Figure 4.11 Birth Place of Immigrants, 2001 - 2006, Canada and Vancouver CMA (MURDIE 2008).  Figure 4.12 Region of origin of recent immigrants to Canada, 1971 to 2006 (Statistics Canada, censuses of population, 1971 to 2006).  52  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  4. GLOBAL AND NATIONAL SCALES  Once inside the country, either as refugees or landed immigrants, newcomers choose different regions and cities for their settlement due to previous ties and possibility for new connections and opportunities. Therefore, the spatial settlement pattern of immigrants across the country is not uniform and depends many factors including the ethnicity of the immigrant group. Moreover, larger urban regions with an already large immigrant population tend to attract the largest number of immigrants (Figure 4.13 to 4.15). Moving down a scale to the provincial level, the spatial settlement pattern of immigrants in the province of British Columbia is similar to that of the rest of Canada, with  Figure 4.13 2006 foreign born population (Atlas of Canada, 2006 NRCAN) <http://atlas.nrcan.gc.ca/auth/ english/maps/peopleandsociety/ immigration>  Figure 4.14 Population immigrated between 2001 and 2006 (ibid)  Figure 4.15 Population immigrated before 2006 (ibid)  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  53  Global+National Scales  urban metropolitan regions (such as that of Victoria and Vancouver) having the highest percentage of their population as immigrants (Figure 4.16). According to the 2006 census, 39.6% of the Greater Vancouver region’s population consists of immigrants.  the urban environments. A better understanding of the settlement patterns of immigrants, once they are inside the national and provincial (or state) boundaries, allows for planners to unpack the reasons behind particular settlement choices of different ethnic and cultural (and class) It is worth noting that while groups across the national majority of the population boundaries, anticipating their increase, as well as majority needs and better provision of the immigration, occurs in of services. Indeed, planners these urban areas, current can and need to better distribution of electoral understand why certain power still favors rural groups prefer their region areas over urban areas, a over other regions, in order to phenomenon often referred better anticipate, plan for and to as the ‘rural angst’ manage new populations, as (Lightbody 2006). This the international flows create imbalance if not corrected new sites of diversity at the could be a greater source urban and regional scales. of conflict in the future, as urban areas continue to grow and immigration to urban regions becomes the only source of positive population growth in a country of close to negative birthrates (Ramlo, Berlin and Baxter 2009). In conclusion, for an intercultural planning lens, it is important to understand the larger forces that impact population movement and immigration into  54  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  4. GLOBAL AND NATIONAL SCALES  Figure 4.16 Percentage population of immigrants in BC (Spatial Analysis Branch 2006)  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  55  Urban & Regional Scales  “The capacity to live with difference, (as) the coming question of the 21st century”   - Sir Peter Hall (Smets 2011, ii16).  wind-catcher  Sorour Abdollahi, mixed media on canvas 48 cm x 48 cm. 2010  56  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES Geographies of Intercultural City (spatiality of culture and temporal change): At this juncture we turn to an exploration of the spatial implication of cosmopolatinization (and other relevant processes discussed in depth in last chapter), and its expression on the contemporary city, at the urban and metropolitan scales. From this chapter onwards, there will also be a more detailed explanation of what planners and designers can do, in order to manage these changes, making the case for intercultural urbanism in response to these macro processes. Therefore, at this scale and subsequent scales, the theoretical understanding of the important systems and processes under the study will be followed by suggested methods and templates of analysis, and some possible planning and design strategies, while primarily drawing upon the Vancouver context. Cities are inherently contested spaces with distinct geographical boundaries, limited resources and bounded spatial extent (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010, 494). Therefore, with the addition of multiple ‘others’ to the contested space of the city, potential for conflict is heightened, resulting in what scholars have called ‘gated city’, ‘fortress city’ and ‘polarized city’. Consequently, conflict in cities has a ‘spatial expressions’ that should interest planners and urban designers given their instrumental role in shaping the spatial form of the city (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010). However, as one might expect, spatial manifestation of both conflict and coexistence are often complicated and multifaceted. For example, hybrid forms of architecture and space might both indicate mediation of conflict, while also attest to asymmetrical geometry of power. Optimistic views of cosmopolitan culture often point to the introduction of people and spatial practices that are open minded and adaptive, resulting in cross-pollination, hybridity and fluidity of identity and cultures and ultimately greater understanding (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010, 497).  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  57  Urban & Regional Scales  Concepts such as ‘fuzzy borders’ and ‘porous membranes’ are seen by the likes of Ulrich beck as means through which conflict will be dissolved over time (ibid). However, others have warned of a more pessimistic scenario, the ‘tower of Babel’ phenomena, pointing out the human tendency for tribal affiliation, separatism and segregation (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010, Rees 2006). In response to those with a more pessimistic view towards the possibility of coexistence in human societies, one can point to their very criticism as the reason for a normative stance on the issue of diversity. It is important to point out that a formulation of an ideal intercultural city needs to build on the concept of recognition rather than tolerance, given that the latter implies disapproval while the former embodies within it affirmative endorsement of the different culture (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010). That said, it is imperative to recognize that a complete  58  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  recognition of all practices is not feasible since it might imply indifference and even relativism. Consequently, it is prudent to explore some concrete expressions of difference in the built environment, untangling some of the positive and negative threads in the cosmopolatinization process. Before doing so, however, it is prudent to unpack ethnicity as the main generator of urban difference. This is particularly important as ethnicity and territoriality have been historically associated with one another.  importance during times of conflict or increased environmental stress (Yiftachel 2008; Rapoport 1980). For this analysis, a broad formulation of ethnicity is adopted, as a form of group identity based on a perceived common history, shared cultural experiences and ties to a specific place (Yiftachel 2008).  With the process of immigration, new forms of ethnicity (and spatiality) are created, with group association based on a distance from a common ‘homeland’ and difference from the established local The etymological culture. Interestingly, if understanding of ethnicity immigrant groups have had a is revealing, as its root is long period of distance from in the Greek term ‘ethnos’ their original homeland, their meaning ‘blood connection’, established (and emerging) and in contrast with ‘demos’, ethnicity is also noticeably which implies a territorialdifferent from that of their civil association. However, original home country, as the overtime the term has immigrant group is influenced changed meaning, creating by the shared experience a malleable term that of migration and adaptation encompasses everything from to the new host society - for blood/territorial belonging example the African-American to tribal, religious, national community in the U.S., the and language associations Italian community in Canada, (Yiftachel 2008). Moreover, Bangali community in identification with ethnicity England, Fijian Indians, Parsi seems to be context sensitive, community in Singapore and as such associations gain Kurdish community in Turkey.  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES Therefore, common struggles of fighting for allocation of resources and services in the host society, establishment of new communities and social ties, distance from homeland and even political grievances towards their original nation-state might be inherent to their new ethnic identity (Yiftachel 2008). Due to the assimilative efforts of the host country, as well as the possible desire of some immigrant groups to fit in within their new society, such ethnic forms can eventually transform, or perhaps dampen themselves, into what sociologist Herbert Gans termed ‘symbolic ethnicity’ (Gans 1979). This would result in a hybrid form of identity, where the migrant group would maintain certain nonthreatening (even  tokenistic) cultural practices such as religion, food, music and festival, while shedding (or de-emphasizing) practices that might be perceived threatening towards to established/ dominant socioeconomic systems, institutions and spatial practices of the host country, with its own mode of production (Gans 1979; Yiftachel 2008; Lefebvre 1991).  which in turn results in greater self-segregation and animosity towards the mainstream (Yiftachel 2008; Rapoport 1977).  Such cities, if not planned actively through an intercultural lens, are therefore divided into ‘ethno-classes’ (combination of ethnic identity and class affiliations) that are alienated from the mainstream society, In extreme situations, urban and due to the lack of economic environments are the battle opportunity and inability to ground of visible ethnic and choose their own desirable national conflict - as is the case neighborhoods, can ultimately in cities such as Nicosia, Belfast result in greater conflict and and Jerusalem. On the other contestation of space (Rapoport hand, more subtle conflicts 1977; Gaffikin, Mceldowney can persist in seemingly and Sterrett 2010). Perhaps the peaceful global cities such 2011 London riots, as well as as London and Los Angeles. previous clashes in Paris and In such situations, while the Los Angeles can be partially more affluent segments of expressed in these terms, as ethnic minorities can adapt these episodes exhibit singes quickly and perhaps only marginalization, be it ethnic, maintain a symbolic level of class, generational, gender, sex ethnicity, the more vulnerable and combinations of it. and impoverished groups can face exclusion and ‘othering’, Therefore, while the more A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  59  Urban & Regional Scales 60  affluent immigrants have an easier time to both choose their own environment, with adequate provision of services, the vulnerable populations are forced into areas that do not meet their unique cultural needs, while also separating them from the rest of the city. This problem can be exasperated, if the vulnerable ethnic population is also housed near the vulnerable local population from the dominant culture, as both groups might have a harder time adjusting to the changing environment (Rapoport 1977, 19).  Lu, at the beginning of the last century, resulted in a hybrid form of urbanism in which it constituted “a boundarycrossing mixture”, where China Town and other migrant neighborhoods were clearly and geographically separate from other neighborhoods. In contrast the emergence of the second form of hybridity, at the end of the century, has been characterized by the ‘other’ asserting itself at the ‘core’, or as she argues the “invasion of a previously privileged ‘white’ landscape by an alien ‘other’” (Lu 2000, 20). Therefore the much contested ‘tower forms’ of the downtown and ‘monster housing’ in the Duanfang Lu’s (2000) rest of the city, while clear historical examination of expressions of hybridity, have hybridity in the built form of brought about resistance and Vancouver, as a result of animosity from the local – or Chinese (and other Eastern) ‘host’ – population. migration, is valuable to this discussion. Particularly that In the case of the monster the two successive waves housing in particular, the of Chinese migration, one resulting hybrid form is at the onset of the 20ths perhaps symptomatic of a century and the next wave at wider lack of adequate cultural the end of the century, each planning, given that it reflects with its own unique forms of a need for a more diverse spatial expressions, have housing type for minority resulted in different (if also groups with different needs interrelated) cross-cultural and family structures, while relationships (Lu 2000). also upsetting the image of Vancouver’s established The first wave, according to neighborhoods with their own Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  unique regional characters. Therefore, unplanned hybrid forms can arguably result in a worst case outcome for the minority and majority population alike, making the case for a more proactive engagement with the issue and the adoption of an intercultural planning lens. In reference to this new hybrid typologies, Lu asserts that “although such houses appear stylistically ‘Western’, they also shared certain features that enunciate a readable ‘Hong-Kong Chinese taste’” making them clearly a hybrid (Lu 2000, 22). She contrasts the two waves of immigration, arguing that the first wave of poor immigrants (both Asian as well as Southern and Eastern European) were mostly seen as in competition with the local low waged blue-collar workers, while the second wave of richer migrants had an impact on the elite, white neighborhoods of Shaughnessy and Kerrisdale, producing more complex narratives. Therefore, while price increases have been a clear source of contention by residents across the city, notions such as ‘Canadian  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES identity’ are also often brought up by opposing elite neighbors and the media. In these debates, people allude to the impact, scale and form of monster houses, seeing them as ‘unacceptable, in ‘bad’ taste and ‘unneighborly’ (ibid). However, while Lu’s critique of the existence of a fixed Canadian identity (propagated by the privileged dominant culture) has strong merit, it is also important to recognize that environmental changes could indeed also create legibility problems (disturbing existing mental images) if not managed and mediated appropriately. That said, her analysis indeed reveals the instability, and therefore insecurity of one’s identity. The first hybrid form of  urbanism is not seen by the local population as problematic as the newer form of such hybridity, given the geographic boundedness of the ‘other’ in the first wave, which allowed for the dominant population to see itself as separate and ‘intact’. On the other hand, the blurriness of boundaries, which has resulted from the insertion of the ‘other’ into the white neighborhoods, has a destabilizing influence and can possibly lead to a crisis of identity at the ‘center’, not to mention conflict and misunderstanding between the two cultures. However, as it was argued by Beck, such blurriness might itself result in a more open society, overtime, as conflicts are resolved and better forms emerge. That said, by examining the creation of these hybrid forms (a combination of ‘sameness’ and ‘otherness’), we can understand that “such a dynamic hybridity embodies  an inherently imbalanced cultural exchange, in which the margin always mimics the center, seeking to make itself into a copy of the stronger culture”, while “such mimicry is never complete, however, and whatever traces of difference there are become crucially important for the center” (Lu 2000, 25). Therefore, even residents with the symbolic forms of ethnicity are ‘othered’, while they themselves might increasingly disengaged from the local discussion and keep stronger ties with their abandoned homeland, through social media, communication technologies and international travel (Yiftachel 2008). This example clearly reveals the interconnected mesh of race, ethnicity and class as cosmopolitanization is overlaid on top of other structures of society and played out through spatial and temporal dimensions. Lu argues that despite the wealthier position A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  61  Urban & Regional Scales  of these global migrants, with access to “the universal global grid designed to facilitate capital mobility”, these migrants “as members of an ethnic minority with a long history of discrimination in the region have been forced to camouflage their difference” (Lu 2000, 26).  feature’ of post modernism .... cognitive mapping of past, present and future can link contemporary ideological positions with contemporary imagination”. She warns that the lack of historicity in analysis of hybridity can result in “a new kind of superficiality” (Lu 2000, 27).  While Lu does not necessary disagree with Edward Soja’s hypothesis of ‘Third Space’, which calls hybridity as “thirding-asothering” and a “trialectics”, or Bahbha’s assertion that “all forms of culture are continually in a process of hybridity”, she does worry about ignoring the politics of location and its implication for the processes discussed here. Hence, by ignoring the temporal dimension, one might naively overlook power imbalances in a situation of coexistence.  The importance of temporal change is also echoed, albeit somewhat differently, by Lefebvre in his seminal book, the Production of Space (Lefebvre 1991, 46). Therefore, while spatial understanding of diversity at all scale is very critical to the task of intercultural planning, a temporal understanding of change, adaptation and contestation is also important for a better grasp of urban cultural interplays.  Lu reject’s Soja’s call for a postmodern - and purely spatial formulation of geography - alluding to Fredric Jameson’s warning that “disappearance of sense of history, manifested by a pervasive denial of various ‘depth models’ as the ‘supreme formal 62  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  City of many cultural neighbourhoods (macro analysis of spatial coexistence and contestation):  down to the urban and even smaller units of analysis, the discussion will shift to a more applied set of methods, as the opportunity for appropriate community and planning intervention measures increases at these smaller scales, expanding upon the framework and set of principles that were developed in chapter 2 and 3. As discussed earlier, and regardless of one’s attitude towards it, urban hybridity (along ethnic, class and age groupings) is a reality for many large urban areas. Therefore, the first task for urban planning with a cultural lens would be to better understand the spatial and temporal dimensions of such hybridity. That said, the social dimension of urban environment is also tied with the physical environment, which contain and shape the structure of cities.  At the larger metropolitan scales, certain features of the city are shaped by long standing historical/ Thus far it has been attempted cultural factors, as well as to explore hybridity, diversity environmental features of the and cosmopolitanization geographical setting of the through a more theoretical city. Such features are often lens. However, as we narrow called boundary crossing  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES features and form repeated patterns over a large geography (Rapoport 1977). Moreover, given the ecological and historical underpinnings of such features, they can serve as unifying elements in the design of the urban fabric  for an entire region, creating a distinct regional vernacular that performs better ecologically, while also enhancing the overall ‘imageability’ of the urban landscape for all citizens - even in today’s multicultural cities, (Lynch 1992). At the urban and regional scales, therefore,  planners and designers need to both understand the broader composition, and trajectory of change in social systems, as well as comprehend the more constant features that are shaped by history and geography of the place.  Ecological and Historical Influence  Cultural and Social Influence  Consequently, at this scale, there exists a set of universal Figure 5.1 The degree and composition of hybridity (between universal systems and particularities of cultures) at (and perhaps neutral) systems that respond to the local different scales of analysis and levels of urban intervention. ecology, while also contain the Universal/ more complex sociocultural General forces that lead to specificity and uniqueness at smaller subareas (Figure 5.1). Perhaps Regional then, the task of planning is to discover, encourage and foster hybrid typologies (at Urban all levels and scales) that mediate between unique needs of the immediate population, District while also respect the longer standing, boundary crossing aspects of the local landscape Parcel - Hybrid Vernaculars Specific/ Principle. Particular A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  63  Urban & Regional Scales  While this approach suggests that at the larger metropolitan and city scales, the planning strategies would be guided more by natural systems and universal needs of the entire urban population, rather than specific needs of a segment of society or a particular neighborhood, it also suggests that the overall hybrid form of the urban landscape (spatially and temporally) can be sketched out at the larger scales. Therefore, the process of discovery of multiple cultures, and their settlement patterns, can start at this level and lead to greater investigation at the smaller scales. In summary, at this scale the following strategies of analysis shall be utilized:  1) Establishing the universal, boundary crossing systems: such as the road network, terrain, green infrastructure, water bodies, overall structure of the urban fabric and the historical vernacular of the region, etc.  unique sociocultural groups and their settlement patterns, differences in urban fabric (such as rhythm, density, height, etc), historical cultural clusters, etc. 3) Identify areas that are stable and areas that are dynamic and entropic. 4) Identifying border zones, and the nature of mixing and diversity in these boundaries, and possible sources of conflict (such as established blue-collar neighborhood mixing with new refugee arrivals), etc. 5) Discovering the pattern and hierarchy of clusters and neighborhoods, from distinct homogenous areas to cosmopolitan and civic areas. 6) Establishing an overall picture of the temporal and spatial patterns of the hybrid urban form, with identification of sub-areas that might be further analyzed at smaller scales.  Figure 5.2 provides an abstract system diagram for the resulting urban-cultural 2) Identifying unique and fabric that is encouraged distinct sub-areas contained in this work. Here, overall within the universal systems: diversity is mediated through 64  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  careful planning of sub-areas, while establishing one or more centers of cosmopolitan (universal/neutral) contact zones for civic engagement (and right to public assembly) for the entire public Cosmopolitan Spaces Principle. These spaces should not only be open to existing cultures and groups, but also welcome new populations and the world at large. Sub-areas themselves can be diverse along one or more dimension (class, ethnicity, religion, age, etc), but such diversity forms its own overall dominant context, as ‘complete’ (or perfect) diversity is never entirely possible, nor easily definable, not to mention undesirable at smaller scales. In sub-areas, cultural clusters are formed and encouraged, as new migrants and vulnerable populations might require a ‘stepping stone’ for eventual adaptation to the local context. These areas give migrants, refugees and marginalized local residents the chance and opportunity to establish necessary support networks (social capital formation), while creating the  Clustering in an Area: Sub-Culture B'''  Sub-Culture B'  Dominant Context A  Diffusion Point Sub-Culture B''  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES  Dominant Context D  Dominant Context B  Cosmopolitan Zone Dominant Context C  Figure 5.2 Conceptualizing intercultural city, with distinct areas, supporting cultural clusters and points of diffusion, as well as central cosmopolitan spaces that are open to existing cultures and all new cultures.  Table 5.1 Borad Approaches to ethnic and minority spaces (SQ= Status Quo) (Yiftachel 2008)  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  65  Urban & Regional Scales  critical mass required for provision of specific services and facilities catering towards their unique needs - Right to the City Principle. At the same time, these areas are open (with permeable membranes), allowing for slow diffusion of newcomers into the wider society, as they establish the necessary mechanisms required for adoption to their new home. Arguably,  such a model allows for the greatest choice and the least possibility of conflict in the urban environment, while establishing a hierarchy of diversity levels - Porous Membrane Principle (Rapoport 1980).  allow for the development of a more inclusive and culture sensitive policy base. Table 5.1 by Yiftacheal provides a good broad summery of possible attitudes towards ethnic diversity at the urban level.  Finally, beyond gaining an understanding of the overall urban dynamic, it is also important to uncover various policy approaches towards different ethnic groups and their spaces. Doing so will  Spatial and Temporal Patterns of Immigration in Vancouver: Vancouver region is one of the highest immigrant destinations  Figure 5.3 Foreign-born as a percentage of metropolitan population, 2006 (Statistics Canada, 2006).  66  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Figure 5.4 Comparison of the spatial settlement pattern of immigrants between 2001-2006 and 1965 to 1971 (Murdie 2008)  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES in Canada. In fact, amongst North American and Australian cities, Vancouver has the second highest percentage of its population as foreign-born residents (Figure 5.3). Given the city’s status as the pacific gateway to Canada, by far the largest ethnic group settling in the region has been Eastern Asians, while Southern Asians and South East Asians also form a considerable share of this overall picture. The settlement pattern of immigrants has changed over the decades, calling for a temporal understanding of this process. While historically, immigrants have settled in the inner city and inner ring suburbs, there has been an outward push towards outer suburbs in the region (Figure 5.4). This has been coupled with the outward migration of older generation of migrants, creating a new suburban generation of migrants (Murdie 2008). A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  67  Urban & Regional Scales  According to Statistics Figure 5.5 Lower-mainland population pyramid forecast Canada (2006) almost scenario without immigration, from 2004 (blue) to 2024 75% of immigrants in (black) and 2044 (purple) (Urban Futures 2004). Vancouver region chose to live in one of the four largest municipalities: City of Vancouver, Surrey, Burnaby or Richmond, while only 57% of Canadianborn residents of the region choose to live in these centers. Moreover, despite the recent increase in suburban settlement patterns of newcomers, City of Vancouver both houses the highest share of foreignborn residents as well as receives the highest share of immigrants. Therefore, close to one-third of all foreign-born population of the region reside in the city, and 28.7% of the new comers within the last 5 years prior to the 2006 census chose the City of Vancouver as their home. On the other hand, in the same time period the city’s foreign-born population grew at a more modest rate of 5.3% compared to Surrey, Burnaby and Richmond, which grew at higher rates of 30.9%, 12.5% and 12.3% respectively (Statistics Canada 2006).  68  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Immigration has implications for the social and the economic sustainability of the region, which needs to be taken into the consideration. The population pyramids shown here, based on projections to the year 2044 for Lower Mainland, illustrate different scenarios for the region – one based on no migration (Figure 5.5) and one based on projected levels of migration (Figure 5.6) (Urban Futures 2004).  It is evident that in the no migration scenario, the bulge of the pyramid occurs between the 65 to 80 years old age cohort, which creates fiscal and labour imbalances. In the scenario on the right, however, immigration alleviates some of the problems related with the imbalance related to the aging of the baby-boomer population, moving the bulge to a more fiscally balanced scenario of 40 to 60 cohorts.  Figure 5.6 Lower-mainland population pyramid forecast scenario with immigration, from 2004 (blue) to 2024 (black) and 2044 (purple) (Urban Futures 2004).  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES by the increasing number of people who will have gone from contributing to our social systems to making debits from them once they are no longer in the work force.”  In an important report by the Urban Futures (Urban Futures 2004, 47), it is concluded that “In a number of respects, the region’s reliance on the components of migration and general increases in the propensities for individuals of all workingages to be active in the labour-force will become much more pronounced than they are today. For  one, the significant aging of the population that is expected (virtually guaranteed) to take place over the next four decades will serve to decrease the share of individuals working or looking for work relative to the non-working (retired) population. In this vein, more working age individuals (via increases in participation rates and positive net inflows of working age migrants) will be required to fill the void left  Therefore, in terms of economic sustainability, immigration plays a vital role for the continued fiscal health of the region. However, this need for younger immigrants (with larger families) needs to be balanced with social and ecological sustainability requirements. Extensive research has identified both positive and negative aspects of immigration vis-à-vis social sustainability (Ley and Murphy 2001). In a gateway city such as Vancouver, with connections to the global flows of capital and migration, a diverse immigrant population can both provide linkages necessary for the city to compete globally, and also provide intercultural dialogue and learning within the city. A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  69  Urban & Regional Scales  Furthermore, addition of younger families and bigger households to the region can improve the basic needs of an aging population and create inter-generational continuity. However, as it has been argued throughout this paper, lack of proper planning and management can lead to conflict and tension (Murdie 2008). Therefore, as it has been shown by the numbers, this region can benefit from an intercultural planning lens and policy base, as immigration and population change unfolds overtime. Equipped with a better understanding of immigration in the region, it is important to unpack the unique settlement patterns of different ethnocultural groups. Other social categories such as age, class, religion and education levels are also important markers of urban culture that are important to be analyzed spatially and temporally, while not tackled deeply here due to limited scope of this project. Figure 5.8, on the next page, illustrates how spatial distribution of ethnic  70  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  groups can be visualized for such an analysis. It is important to recognize that such a map is only a first step in the exploration of the spatiality of culture, as it makes generalizations (and aggregations) with regards to culture and ethnicity. In order to produce a readable image only seven broad ethnic categories (White/European, Black/African, Middle Eastern, Asian, South Asian, Latino and other) are assumed, overlooking the very real differences that might exist in any given regional grouping, not to mention cultural, class and religious differences within people of the same nationality. Hence, after illustrating culture at this level, it is critical to delve into various areas of the city at smaller scales, uncovering unique manifestations of culture, rather than assuming certain cultural categories and practices a priori. Ultimately then, cultures need to be discovered rather than assumed - Ethnographic Urban Design Principle (Rapoport 1977).  Despite such shortcomings, the map is still revealing at a broad level, showing clear distinctions in the settlement patterns of various migrants. For example, Southern Asian groups (marked as orange dots) are heavily concentrated in the southern parts of the City of Vancouver, as well as southern parts of the region (such as Surrey). Heavy concentration of Asians (red dots) can be seen in Richmond, Burnaby and south east parts of Vancouver. Middle Easterners, on the other hand are concentrated in northern part of the city, as well as the north shore. Even at this broad level, given the stark arrangement of ethnic groups over the regional landscape, certain policy and design implications emerge. Given that certain cities of the region have different and distinct composition of ethnicity and culture, one could argue that provision of services and facilities in each municipality needs to be also distinctly catered towards these unique population mixtures, rather than having similar types of services and facilities across the entire region. Furthermore, policy makers  Figure 5.7 Maps of Vancouver at two very different scales (regional at the top and district at the bottom) reveals the existence of similar boundary crossing features such as a rectilinear grid street pattern and an interconnected water and green networks.  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES  <http://www.openstreetmap.org>  who are interested in curbing suburban growth need to better understand what shortcomings in the urban landscape are possibly behind the outward push of certain migrant groups. As it was suggested in earlier, at this level it is also important to recognize boundary crossing features of the urban landscape, which have historical and environmental underpinnings. In the Vancouver region, a closer look at the regional fabric reveals the existence of an interconnected fabric of green space, series of rivers and water bodies, the surrounding mountainous terrain and finally the urban grid that has shaped the urban morphology of this region and much of the North American fabric (Figure 5.7). A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  71  Urban & Regional Scales 72  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES Figure 5.8 Spatial distribution of ethnic groups (broken into 7 categories) in the Greater Vancouver Region (Data from Census of Canada, 2006 reproduced by the author).  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  73  Urban & Regional Scales  Similarly, at smaller scales, there are certain typologies (such as the Arts and Crafts style) that have formed the architectural vernacular of the region and are perhaps important to the local population. Therefore, while this type of planning is encouraging greater distinction between areas, in creation of mediating hybrid typologies at all scales, these boundary crossing features will serve as universal containers of distinct geographies and typologies. At the city level, a more fine grain analysis needs to be conducted, keeping in mind the existing neighborhoods and their level of social mixing. Arguably, diversity of neighborhoods, as well as the overall city, leads to greater place vitality, creating opportunities for exchange and interaction, economic resiliency and more interesting and creative urban experience (Talen 2008, 33 - 43). Such diverse neighborhoods can mediate between the more homogenous areas of the city, acting as permeable membranes between more distinct and settled  74  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  areas - Celebrate Diversity Principle. In Figure 5.9, Vancouver’s neighbourhood diversity is visualized, by constructing an index of diversity derived from calculating the relative diversity of each census tract based on the categories of White, East Asian, South Asian, Middle Eastern, Latino, black and other (from 0 to 1). The bolder shades of blue have higher diversity levels (closer to 1), while places with lighter blue have lower levels of diversity and mixing. It is worth noting that two sectors of the city have higher levels of diversity – namely the downtown area, Coal Harbor, Yaletown, and Business District, as well as South Eastern sectors of the city such as Oakridge, Sunset, Collingwood, Riley Park/Little Mountain and Kensington Cedar Cottage. Literature has often attributes high and persistent levels of neighbourhood diversity to historical factors of an area, socio-economic reasons as well as policy related reasons and design issues (Talen 2008, 24 - 32; Rapoport 1977, 267).  Additionally, the dynamics of the local housing markets play a pivotal role. The existence of the following four conditions have been empirically shown to influence place diversity (Talen 2008, 25; ): 1) new housing types that attract younger, more educated white population that are tolerant of diversity and otherness 2) multi-family housing 3) rental housing 4) affordable rental housing The Vancouver experience, as illustrated here, generally confirms these factors and conditions. The downtown area’s diversity is perhaps heavily influenced by the newness of the neighborhoods, allowing for establishment of new cultures and hybridities, while the south-eastern parts of the city also attest to historical as well as typological reasons for neighborhood diversity, not to mention economic and affordability reasons. Distinct and established neighborhoods are also  Figure 5.9 City of Vancouver’s neighborhood diversity (using Simposon’s diversity index) based on the 7 ethnic categories established earlier, with darker shades signifying more mixed areas and lighter shades signifying more homogenous areas (developed by the author, Census 2006).  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  75  Urban & Regional Scales  important part of this discussion. Places with seemingly lower diversity could either be more diverse along other dimensions (such as age), and/or attest to existence of an established urban culture, with its own spatial practices ingrained in the neighborhood fabric.  Figure 5.10 Visible Minorities in Vancouver by Census Tract, 2006 (City of Vancouver, 2009: Social Indicators Report).  Therefore, places such as China Town (with older Asian population) and Kitsilano (affluent middle class white families) are clusters of developed urban culture, with embedded social networks, participation of the residents Figure 5.11 Persons in private households with low incomes before tax as a percentage of population 2006 by census tract in compatible activities and a strong ‘imageibility’ for the (City of Vancouver, 2009: Social Indicators Report). users of the area. Finally, other sociocultural factors (such as income levels) need to be layered into this analysis, in order to better plan for areas that might become potential sites of conflict. An overall look at the configuration of visible minorities in the City of Vancouver reveals a noticeable east-west divide between areas with a high concentration of visible minorities and areas with a low concentration of such 76  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES  Figure 5.12 Identifying vulnerable areas, by highlighting areas that exhibit high level of ethnic diversity (>0.6) as well a high concentration low income population (<$3500 median annual household income) (developed by the author, Census 2006). West End  West Point Grey  Downtown  Kitsilano Fairview  Arbutus-Ridge  Shaughnessy  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Mount Pleasant  South Cambie Riley Park  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Dunbar-Southlands  Kerrisdale  Oakridge Sunset  Victoria-Fraserview  Killarney  Marpole  Legend Vancouver Diversity 0.000000 - 0.307070 0.307071 - 0.487001 0.487002 - 0.752400  groups. Moreover, similar patterns exist with the low-income population, creating an overlap between minority areas and lower income areas (Figure 5.10 and Figure 5.11).  lower ability to move to new areas, or adapt to changing circumstances are pushed into the same space. In Vancouver, places such as downtown eastside share a stark (or sudden) boundary zone with distinct cultural clusters such as China town, and rapidly changing As it has been stressed areas of False Creek, creating throughout this chapter, great sites of friction and conflict can arise when two contact (Chapter 6). Overlaying vulnerable populations with diversity data with income  levels can allow planners and designers to identify areas with greatest possible level of vulnerability (Figure 5.12). As it is shown in the above map, south-east sectors of the city have a high concentration of areas that are both diverse and lower income in nature. It is very helpful to overlay spatial pattern of vulnerable areas with existing distribution A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  77  Urban & Regional Scales  of facilities and services, as it would allow planners and designers to critically examine access to such services by the most marginal segments of the city (Figure 5.13 to 5.15). In an intercultural lens, it is also critical to treat each culture as its own centre, analyzing the distribution of facilities and services relative to the spatiality of each cultural community Right to the City Principle. While cultures should not be assumed apriori, and therefore should be discovered on the ground, at this stage it is very helpful to develop a separate set of maps for each cultural group (as available through census data such as race/ethnicity, language, income group, religion, age or sex). Maps on the next page attempt to show cultural groups (for the purposes of this discussion Asian, Latin American, Middle Eastern and South Asian groups are shown), and their relative access to each type of facility (in this case parks, community centers and public art) (Figure 5.16).  78  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Figure 5.13 Access to parks and vulnerable populations - revealing a relatively good coverage for most areas with vulnerable population (developed by the author, Census 2006, CoV GIS data).  West End  West Point Grey  Downtown  Kitsilano  Mount Pleasant  Fairview  Arbutus-Ridge  Shaughnessy  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  South Cambie Riley Park  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Dunbar-Southlands  Legend  Oakridge  Kerrisdale  Vulnerable Distance to Park: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m  Sunset  Victoria-Fraserview  Killarney  Marpole  Figure 5.14 Access to community centers and vulnerable populations - revealing many vulnerable areas falling out of the immediate catchment areas in the south and east sections (developed by the author, Census 2006, CoV GIS data).  West End  West Point Grey  Downtown  Kitsilano Fairview  Arbutus-Ridge  Shaughnessy  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Mount Pleasant  South Cambie Riley Park  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Dunbar-Southlands  Legend  Vulnerable Distance to Community Center: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1200 - 1600 m 1600 - 2000 m  Kerrisdale  Oakridge Sunset Marpole  Victoria-Fraserview  Killarney  Figure 5.15 Access to public art and vulnerable populations - revealing a relative good coverage for vulnerable areas (developed by the author, Census 2006, CoV GIS data).  West End  West Point Grey  Downtown  Kitsilano Fairview  Arbutus-Ridge  Shaughnessy  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Mount Pleasant  South Cambie Riley Park  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Dunbar-Southlands  Legend  Kerrisdale  Vulnerable Distance to Public Art: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1200 - 1600 m 1600 - 2000 m  At first glance it becomes clearly evident that the unique spatiality of each culture, as compared to the distribution of facilities and services, produces unique gaps and uneven provisions of some amenities for each culture. Therefore, some groups might have an abundance of one type of amenity, and lack of access to another provision, based on their neighbourhood and  Oakridge Sunset  Victoria-Fraserview  Marpole  settlement pattern.  Killarney  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES emerge, perhaps showing a mismatch between facilities that are provided and the local needs of the immediate population. There are also implications beyond culture in such design lapses, as it would for example impact walkability of an area, if the appropriate facilities are provided somewhere else (for example a park without playing ground in a family neighbourhood or a community center without prayer room in a religious community).  As we proceed to smaller The issue of uneven distribution scales of district and parcel of services become even more level, it is important to overlay this macro analysis of culture pronounced, if we get away with on the ground discovery from universal assumptions of life-styles, activities and that all public amenities settings. This will allow for the perform in the same fashion intercultural city to not only for all cultures, regardless of recognize differences, but to their ‘life-styles’ and unique also treat each culture as a core requirements. Thus if we element of the urban whole, categories each facility, based on its unique programming and rather than peripheries within an assumed dominant society. design features, then a much more nuanced picture would A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  79  Urban & Regional Scales  Access to:  Parks  West End  West End  West Point Grey  Community Centers  Downtown  Arbutus-Ridge  Shaughnessy  South Cambie Riley Park  Legend  Kerrisdale  Victoria-Fraserview  Sunset  Killarney  Marpole  Downtown  Arbutus-Ridge  Shaughnessy  South Cambie Riley Park  Victoria-Fraserview  Sunset  West End  Killarney  South Cambie Riley Park  Oakridge  Kerrisdale  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Shaughnessy  Killarney  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Mount Pleasant  South Cambie Riley Park  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Victoria-Fraserview  Killarney  Oakridge  Kerrisdale  Vulnerable Distance to Community Center: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1200 - 1600 m 1600 - 2000 m 1 Dot = 1 Middle-Eastern  Sunset  Downtown  Killarney  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise Kitsilano Fairview  Mount Pleasant  Arbutus-Ridge  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Shaughnessy  Mount Pleasant  South Cambie Riley Park  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Dunbar-Southlands  Legend  Oakridge Sunset  Victoria-Fraserview  Marpole  West End  Downtown  South Cambie Riley Park  Marpole  Downtown  Kitsilano  Arbutus-Ridge  West Point Grey  Shaughnessy  Victoria-Fraserview  Dunbar-Southlands  Dunbar-Southlands  Legend  Sunset  Legend  Fairview  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Marpole  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Sunset  Arbutus-Ridge  South Cambie Riley Park  Fairview  Marpole  West End  Vulnerable Distance to Park: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1 Dot = 10 South Asian  Vulnerable Distance to Community Center: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1200 - 1600 m 1600 - 2000 m 1 Dot = 1 Latino  Mount Pleasant  Kitsilano  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Mount Pleasant  Oakridge  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Dunbar-Southlands  Kerrisdale  Shaughnessy  Kerrisdale  West Point Grey  Shaughnessy  Killarney  Dunbar-Southlands  West End  Downtown  Fairview  Arbutus-Ridge  Arbutus-Ridge  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Marpole  Kitsilano  Downtown  Kitsilano Fairview  Legend  Victoria-Fraserview  Marpole  Mount Pleasant  Oakridge  Kerrisdale  Vulnerable Distance to Park: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1 Dot = 1 Latino  West Point Grey  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Dunbar-Southlands  Legend  South Cambie Riley Park  Oakridge Sunset  Vulnerable Distance to Community Center: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1200 - 1600 m 1600 - 2000 m 1 Dot = 20 Asian  West Point Grey  Kitsilano Fairview  Vulnerable Distance to Park: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1 Dot = 1 Middle-Eastern  Legend  Kerrisdale  West End  West End  West Point Grey  Shaughnessy  Dunbar-Southlands  1 Dot = 20 Asian  80  Arbutus-Ridge  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Oakridge  Vulnerable Distance to Park: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m  Legend  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Mount Pleasant  Fairview  Dunbar-Southlands  West Point Grey  Kitsilano  Mount Pleasant  Fairview  Downtown  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise West Point Grey  Kitsilano  Victoria-Fraserview  Killarney  Vulnerable Distance to Community Center: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1200 - 1600 m 1600 - 2000 m 1 Dot = 10 South Asian  Kerrisdale  Oakridge Sunset Marpole  Victoria-Fraserview  Killarney  Population Groups:  Public Art West End  West Point Grey  Downtown  Kitsilano  Arbutus-Ridge  Shaughnessy  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Mount Pleasant  Fairview  South Cambie Riley Park  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Dunbar-Southlands  Legend  Oakridge  Kerrisdale  Sunset  Vulnerable Distance to Public Art: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1200 - 1600 m 1600 - 2000 m 1 Dot = 20 Asian  Victoria-Fraserview  Killarney  Marpole  West End  West Point Grey  Downtown  Kitsilano  Arbutus-Ridge  Shaughnessy  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Mount Pleasant  Fairview  South Cambie Riley Park  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Dunbar-Southlands  Legend  Oakridge  Kerrisdale  Vulnerable Distance to Public Art: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1200 - 1600 m 1600 - 2000 m 1 Dot = 1 Latino  Sunset  West End  Downtown  Kitsilano  Arbutus-Ridge  Shaughnessy  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  South Cambie Riley Park  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Dunbar-Southlands  Vulnerable Distance to Public Art: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1200 - 1600 m 1600 - 2000 m 1 Dot = 1 Middle-Eastern  Oakridge  Kerrisdale  Sunset  Victoria-Fraserview  MiddleEastern  Killarney  Marpole  West End  West Point Grey  Downtown  Kitsilano Fairview  Arbutus-Ridge  Vulnerable Distance to Public Art: 400 m 400 - 800 m 800 - 1200 m 1200 - 1600 m 1600 - 2000 m 1 Dot = 10 South Asian  Killarney  Mount Pleasant  Fairview  Legend  Victoria-Fraserview  Latin American  Marpole  West Point Grey  Legend  East Asian  5. URBAN AND REGIONAL SCALES  Shaughnessy  StrathconaGrandview-Woodland Hastings-Sunrise  Mount Pleasant  South Cambie Riley Park  Kensington-Cedar Cottage Renfrew-Collingwood  Dunbar-Southlands  Kerrisdale  Oakridge Sunset Marpole  Victoria-Fraserview  Killarney  South Asian  (developed by the author, Census 2006, CoV GIS data).  Figure 5.16 Spatiality of each cultural group with respect to the distribution of facilities and services, showing gaps and ‘uneveness’ in access to some amenities by certain cultures: For example it is observable that the South Asian population, with their heavy concentration in the southern section of the city (Sunset, VictoriaFraserview and Collingwood), is underserved by community centers, while the Latin American population has lower access to similar facilities in the center east of the city (between Mount Pleasant and Kensington-Cedar). Middle Eastern population is arguably underserved in the west quadrant (Dunbar, Kerrisdale and West Point Gray) by public art, while the Asian community might be slightly underserved by provision of parks in the center west sections (Kerrisdale, Oakridge and Marpole). A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  81  District Scale  Layered Walls  Sorour Abdollahi, mixed media on canvas, 18 cm x 36 cm, 2010  82  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) Neighbourhood Dynamics (micro analysis of existing neighbourhood typologies): The previous chapter made the case for the creation of an overall image of the urban social landscape, with particular settlement pattern of sociocultural groups (ethno-classes), in order to identify relative access of each group to the provision of public amenities. It was thus illustrated that these different groups form clusters with unique compositions at smaller scales, while being contained within the universal (to their region) boundary crossing structures. This chapter will continue this discussion at the smaller, and much more important, levels of district and neighborhood scales, exploring the appropriate strategies that need to be formulated to manage urban cultural change and hybridity in a diverse society. It is worth noting that while the larger urban scale analysis (using aggregated sociological and statistical methods) is an effective strategy to sketch out urban culture at a broader level, it is only a starting point for an intercultural planning lens with a limited explanatory potential for action. This is due to the fine grain nature of urban cultural arrangements on the ground, requiring much more ethnographic ways of understanding ‘difference’, something that could be overlooked through the more broader quantitative methods. Therefore, while the sociological methods are much better at showing averages, the ethnographic methods are necessary at the smaller and more important neighborhood and parcel scales, revealing more subtle manifestations of culture (Rapoport 1977). This is particularly paramount to our formulation of an intercultural urbanism, given the normative imperative to be cognisant of difference. The broader image obtained in the previous section already attested to a city of many neighborhoods - areas with unique social configurations. However, it is important not to assume the existence of such  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  83  District Scale  cultures (or neighborhoods) Figure 6.1 Cultural groups footprint in space can be a priori, but to actually do conceptualized as three realms of core, domain and sphere the work of uncovering them (Rapoport 1977, 267). through public engagement, observation, on-the-ground research, phenomenology and ethnography. Therefore, planners and designers need to narrow in on the different neighborhoods that were highlighted previously, while particularly paying attention to the areas that exhibited signs of cultural difference with possibility of conflict and/ or friction among vulnerable populations. At this scale, therefore, confirmation of the assumed cultures and in fact expansion upon the ethno-class categories that were previously quantified is necessary. This is important due to the varieties that exist within an assumed broader culture. For example, in the Iranian community in Vancouver, various age, class, religion and education levels can produce distinct subcultures that form different relationships with the wider urban context. Furthermore, unique expressions of culture might exist due to other values, world-views and tastes that are not  84  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  easily definable in statistical categories but are culminated in commonly known urban life-styles. Groupings such as cosmolites, yuppies, hipsters, bohemians and soccer moms attest to the multiplicity of urban cultural landscape.  Once cultures are discovered and understood, in terms of their spatial settlement patterns, then the interneighborhood and intercultural relationships in the urban context become important at this level, helping to mediate  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) the relationship among different communities. The first task, thus is to conceptualize the spatial nature of these distinct cultural groups (each possibly hyrbid in some way, and yet homogenous in other ways). The assumption here is that groups have the tendency to form clusters along various sociocultural preferences. These groupings are formed around such categories as race, ethnicity, class, occupation, religion, clan, stage of family cycle, life-style, generations and other forms of distinction. As mentioned in the last chapter, local history of areas, as well as design and affordibility issues also influence the settlement pattern of sociocultural groups (Rapoport 1977, 267; Talen 2008).  Rapoport (1977) asserts that cultural groups have three distinct realms over the urban landscape: Core: the area with the greatest concentration and density of a particular group, exhibiting an intensity of organization and relative homogeneity of cultural traits. People in such an area exhibit the greatest congruence in their mental image of their area. In the core areas, due to their critical mass, these groups have established necessary or desired services, facilities and sacred institutions such as church, grocery stores, restaurants, spiritual places, community centers, clubs, shops and unique hangout areas. Domain: the area where the culture might be still the dominant group but with noticeably lower intensity and density, compared to the core. Therefore, the culture specific services and institutions are  not as prominent and people show a lower environmental congruence. Sphere: is the area where the concentration of the group drops to the minority status, as compared to other groups, resulting in the least environmental image congruence with other populations. In such a formulation of cultural clusters, various groups tend to favour greatest privacy in their cultural core, while social mixing is favoured in the more neutral grounds at the realm of cultural sphere. Therefore, while diversity at the urban level is arguably sign of vitality and creativity, at the smaller scales it needs to be weighed against the benefits of clustering, given that grouping similar cultures produces the critical mass necessary for groups to lobby (and access) appropriate services close to home, while establishing congruent image of A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  85  As it was stressed in the previous sections, different groups deal with diversity and cultural change in unique ways, with some (such as Richard Florida’s 86  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  ‘creative class’) more open/adaptive towards the ‘other’, while those with less adaptive capacity threatened by noticeable and sudden differences. Hence, by providing areas of contact as well as areas of sacredness, refuge and privacy, planners and designers can achieve diversity as well as inclusivity, while providing democratic choice to all citizens Consequently, planners and policy makers need to both emphasise neighborhoods cores, celebrating their uniqueness and sacred nature to individual groups, while also celebrating boundary  Neighborhood Heart  Permeable Membrane  Cultural Cluster B  Neutral Meeting Zone  Cultural Cluster A  Permeable Membrane  If our task is to both support and recognise different cultures, providing them with supportive amenities and services, while also foster interaction and mutual support at the larger urban scale, we need to arrive at a urban model that celebrates multiple and overlapping villages across the urban landscape. These neighborhoods form internal cohesion and voluntary associations, while being permeable and open to one another and the wider city (Figure 6.3). Also, opportunity for civic engagement and interaction at the city (and metropolitan) levels need to facilitated by provision of cosmopolitan or neutral areas for all citizens - such as downtown area, university campuses, municipal halls, regional natural amenities and even airports.  Figure 6.2 Different strategies are required for different areas of the neighborhood, as both the neighborhood center as well as the boundary zone require careful planning.  Neighborhood Heart  District Scale  the area with encoded signs mediating their relationships in space.  zones that result in creative contact and intercultural engagement amongst multiple groups (Figure 6.2). What is thus argued here is strengthening distinct areas, with marked and open boundaries that are carefully managed and programmed. These more uniform clusters (along certain dimensions preferred by the local population) would be very small and fine-grained in nature, resulting in actual diversity over the larger scale. Also, undoubtedly there would be overlaps between each group’s spheres,  6. DISTRICT SCALE Figure 6.3 Conceiving Vancouver as a city of open villages, discovering distinct neighborhood clusters with unique lifestyles and cultures, while providing meeting opportunity on the neutral grounds and boundary zones.  (NEIGHBORHOOD)  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  87  District Scale  Historic Area / Gas  Do  CBD  International Village and New Developments  88  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) Figure 6.4 In reality, similar to  most cities, the City of Vancouver consists of many overlapping and competing cultural groups, in which their boundary zones are often not clearly defined nor completely neutral (identified by the dashed-lined area), potentially creating perceived and real sites of conflict and contestation of space.  stown  owntown East Side  Chinatown  The area marked by the dashed lines (particularly from Pender st to Cordova st) is a boundary zone that is claimed and used by multiple groups - such as the low income, marginalized population of Downtown Eastside, older Chinese population of Chinatown, young ‘Hipster’ population of the Historic Gastown Area and ‘Yuppie’ residents of new developments and many other types of ethnoclass-cultural groups. This area has both fostered urban vitality - as many creative firms and institutions are located here - as well as misunderstanding due to rapid change, conflicting norms and signs, as codified in the space and the activities of its users. A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  89  District Scale  providing areas of mixing and hybridity. If we establish such a conceptual model on Vancouver, we can arrive at many small neighborhoods that contain clusters of life-styles, activities, unique configurations of ethnoclasses, and families of different ages and life-cycles (Figure 6.2).  interact with the wider urban environment as well as towards their own internal matters. Neighborhoods can be systematically categorized in terms of their level of interaction, identity and connections, producing distinct typologies that perform differently (Altman and Wandersman 1987).  Once again, the argument here is that such neighborhoods and clusters need to be discovered rather than assumed. While Figure 6.3 illustrates an idealized model, in reality there would be many blurry lines and overlapping areas. Indeed, those areas that are not as clearly defined are the areas that might either serve as neutral zones of contact among different groups, or perhaps experience the highest level of friction/ conflict due to un-managed entropy.   In the environmental psychology literature, the following neighborhood categories have been identified, in terms of their relationship to the rest of the city (Gifford 1987, 267; Altman and Wandersman 1987, 4):  Neighborhood Typologies:  2) Parochial: similar to the integral neighborhood, except much more insular with fewer ties to the outside. Such a neighborhood is inward facing, discouraging participation on outside concerns, and ‘filters-out’ values that conflict with its  In mapping and uncovering these neighborhood clusters, it is also critical to understand the way such areas function and 90  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  1) Integral neighborhood: exhibiting ample face-to-face interaction, cohesiveness and interdependency, with support of local interests and values as well as considerable participation in organizations both within the neighborhood and outside the local area.  own. 3) Anomic: exhibit very little face-to-face contact, as well as little commitment to outside organizations and concerns. Population in such a neighborhood is highly atomized and disorganized, lacking participation and identification with inside community as well as outside of their sphere (apathy). 4) Stepping stone: consists of residents with very little commitment to the local area, as they maintain strong ties to the outside. 5) Transitory: with a considerably high population turnover and entropy, the residents exhibit low interaction, participation and identity. In the context of immigration, and the absorption of migrants into their new society, different neighborhoods possibly foster different types of responses from the immigrant group, and consequently result in different outcomes and relationships. Given the normative framework that has been argued for thus far, the ‘integral neighborhood’ seems to be the most  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) intercultural place for fostering communities that are attached and involved with the local context as well as the wider world, accommodating newcomers and change Integral neighbourhood Principle (Altman and Wandersman 1987, 3; Rapoport 1980).  way people perceive and interact with their neighborhood/ sphere, making it an important consideration for an immigrant society. The following sources of place attachment are often outlined (Gifford 1987, 272273):  Indeed, certain features of place-attachment can become points of contention amongst groups contesting space such as loss and destruction of bodies and sacred places), which was a common experience of the Balkan wars. However, other types of 1) genealogy: tracing back attachments can be used by the one’s roots to a place. community and its planners to create new forms of narratives 2) Loss and destruction: and myths that is open towards mourning a loss in a place or the immigration process, However, due to the forces trauma associated with a place. accepting newcomers into of modernization, the the host society. Furthermore, transitory and stepping 3) ownership: owning property public art, carnivals, festivals stone neighborhoods are and assets in an area for a long and place-making can play an increasingly the reality, of time. important role with these more much of the urban realm, constructive forms of placeif not the anomic type 4) cosmological: cultures attachment, in a diverse society. with large number of the mythological and religious views population showing apathy on person-place attachment. towards local and global Planning Strategies concerns, as geographies 5) pilgrimage: memory of the of sameness become the experience of movement and for Neighborhood norm. migration, at times for spiritual Core: reasons. Of course, ‘placeThe intercultural framework attachment’ plays a 6) narrative: stories about developed thus far has considerable role in the people-place interaction. emphasized planning two A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  91  District Scale  distinct areas with respect to neighborhood clusters at the district level: core areas and boundary zones. Here, an overview of important elements and strategies within a core area is given, while reiterating that much of such elements should be discovered on-the-ground and with the help of the community under study. As mentioned previously, core areas provide a sanctuary for any given cultural group. Therefore, in order for such areas to perform optimally, they need to at least meet the basic needs of the population in that particular cluster. Rapoport (1980, 33) has identified the following elements as signs of the ‘core’ area of a cultural group: 1) Group’s sociocultural characteristics such as ethnicity, language and religion. 2) Family and kinship structures and child-rearing practices. 3) Residence patterns, land divisions, land-owning and tenure systems.  92  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  4) Food habits. 5) Ritual and symbolic systems 6) Ways of establishing and indicating status and social identity. 7) Manners and nonverbal communication 8) Cognitive schemata 9) Privacy, density and territoriality  considered when designing and planning these distinct areas (Rapoport 1980): 1) The nature of the group identified through an understanding of life-style, values, environmental images, etc. 2) Symbols and signs that have personalized the dwelling, neighborhood and businesses of the group.  3) The nature of activities of members of the area, 10) Home range behavior and expressed in terms of networks distribution in time and space, particularly related to the 11) Various institutions, notion of ‘home-range’ and such as ways of working, territory. cooperating, praying and trading. 4) Communication and privacy needs, the unique Therefore, through mechanisms and defenses ethnographic methods and employed, textures, colors, community engagement materials, artifacts and other (chapter 8), an intercultural sensory items incorporated in planning lens would allow their life-world. for the discovery of ‘core’ areas and practices for the 5) Social organization, multiple cultures in a hybrid relations, and networks urban environment. This and their relation to the is done, in order to create neighborhood structure supportive environments for and movement patterns, the very core elements of interaction rates and settings acceptable groups. In order for interaction. to achieve this task, the following elements should be If a core is identified from  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) above items, and in turn supported and strengthened, then a more supportive environment is created for the local population. Indeed, such core elements are fused with the universal systems of the local region, forming hybrid typologies that mediate the need of the local people and the wider ecological and historical context.  In the case of vulnerable (migrant or local) populations, this activity becomes even more important, as these populations don’t have the political and financial ability to choose and define their own sacred territory. Therefore, in a culturally supportive environment, spatial organization of neighborhood, with its key services and facilities, should cater towards these marginal groups, their  dwelling location, temporal and spatial practices, etc. By the same token, the size of the core areas need to be such that it provides critical mass for certain services (Rapoport 1977). So for example, in an area with a considerable senior population, certain health facilities might be needed, and can only be provided if enough of a noticeable core is created. Similarly, for a Muslim population, creation of mosque and community centers might require a certain population size. Additionally, it is important to recognize that certain core elements are more important to some groups, while other groups might perceive other core elements as essential. Therefore, the relative importance of such core elements needs to be discussed with the members of the group. That said, child bearing and child raising aspects of  different ethno-classes have been identified as a key feature for most groups. This is due to the fact that the systems and places that facilitate in this process also mediate the important process of ‘enculturation’ - or continuation of the group’s cultural practices (Rapoport 1980). Another crucial aspect is privacy, often facilitated through arrangement and regulation of public and private areas. Proper arrangement of dwellings and spaces can either facilitate desired levels of privacy, allowing for appropriate levels of interaction and avoidance, or diminish it (Rapoport 1980). It has also been shown that failure to understand such requirements result in conflict or under-utilization of spaces and facilities. For example, in certain neighborhoods in the United States, inappropriate arrangement of park facilities with respect to their proximity A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  93  District Scale  to schools have resulted in Figure 6.5 Signs of human activity and personalization of kids who want to impress space by cultures: Little Italy (left) and China Town (right), New their peers to abandon York, New York. parks, playing games on the streets closer to their school (Rapoport 1977; LoukaitouSideris 1995; Byrne and Wolch 2009). Such seemingly trivial problems can result in outright conflict, if vulnerable and very different populations are inappropriately accommodated in built environments that were designed with universal assumptions. Lastly, given that many physical aspects of the urban environment remain constant for a considerable period of time, while the social systems embodying these spaces change much more rapidly, it is important to allow for organic and informal signs of human activity and personalization of space (Figure 6.5). Therefore, while the ‘hardware’ of these neighborhoods would not change much over time, the software of these places (signs, graffiti, decoration, furniture arrangement, other programming) shall be flexible enough to change and embody local needs  94  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  (Image by the Author)  <http://architessica.files.wordpress. com/2011/03/littleitaly1.jpg>  and practices, as they evolve over time.  Both above images from: <http:// www.cityprofile.com/new-york/ chinatown.html>  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) Planning Strategies for Boundary Zones: As important as neighborhood cores are in meeting the needs of particular groups, in a hybrid urban environment different groups need to be able to meet, interact, share ideas and create a common future. Particularly if planners and community members embrace the ideal of an ‘integral neighborhood’ one that is both involved with local issues as much as the wider concerns of all citizens. Therefore, careful planning and management of neutral meeting grounds are an essential part of the intercultural planning lens developed here. If our model helps to foster small clusters (possibly homogenous along a  certain social dimension), it also require clear and yet open boundary zones that are permeable for multiple cultural groups, mediated through neutral meeting grounds. As it was shown in the previous chapter, there are also areas of the city that have either historically or due to some new factors maintained a level of mixing and diversity that is above the average for the rest of the city. Such areas can indeed both teach us something about properly planned neutral zones, as well as act as mixing grounds for multiple communities (Talen 2008; Rapoport 1977)  provide the most appropriate places for common interaction and diversity (Rapoport 1977; Matsushita, Yoshida and Munemoto 2005; Morales 2009; Rishbeth 2004).  Moreover, facilities that are common to the entire city (such as park systems, community centers, schools, health facilities, transportation hubs and urban markets) can be strategically placed in these areas to bring multiple groups from their inner areas into common grounds. However, it is important to once again emphasise that such neutral grounds and possible appropriate activities within Hence it is important to discover them need to be discovered what activities, institutions and rather than assumed a priori. spaces are most appropriate Therefore, through public as points of interaction and engagement and ethnographic commonality, given that this research, planners and might be different for various designers need to better groups and situations. Arguably, understand what possible if the dwelling is the most places are perceived as neutral personal and private area, work by different people, and what place and children’s school elements influence the degree A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  95  District Scale 96  of neutrality of such spaces.  churches, synagogs, mosques and temples can Furthermore, these areas have occasional community can provide complimentary programs that are open to ‘supplements’ to what is the wider public beyond the already available in the inner local community. This will be neighborhoods (Rapoport even more effective if such 1977). Therefore, if two institutions form interfaith adjacent neighborhoods and intercultural networks are lacking in a service with each other, encouraging or facility that can be mutual and reciprocal shared or provided in a relationships. complimentary fashion,  then the border zones can In fact, by allowing for certain be a great place to provide cultural, spiritual and ritual such a supplement. It is also activities to occur at times important to remember that on the neutral city grounds, different groups perceive it can arguably facilitate ‘home-range’ and ‘workengagement with the ‘other’ range’ differently, leading on the common public realms to the uses of semi-public of the city, while also publicly places as third-places for recognizing the practices of either work related activity the minorities as that which or leisure. Such places can belongs to the hybrid city also be used for interaction (Figure 6.5). Finally, It has and enhancement of neutral also been shown that certain grounds. activities, such as tending multi-cultural community Certain religious, cultural gardens by kids have the and community facilities capacity to serve as the that might be perceived at micro-public environment the first sight as symbols necessary for learning of other of difference, if not divisive, culture’s customs (chapter 7). if designed/programmed with an intention to bring In conclusion, in a understanding and sharing heterogeneous context, the of ideas, can be opened to public realm can serve as the other groups, creating a border between different an environment of learning districts. These borders can and interaction. Therefore, act as ‘porous membranes’, Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  serving as places of exchange and contact between different groups, or as ‘guarded territory’ by providing enclosure (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010). In order to foster a city of ‘shared future’, designers therefore need to work with community members to create places of contact and understanding.  Strategies for a Divided City and Contested Neighborhoods: Some urban environments have undergone traumatic experiences that result in outright segregation, animosity and conflict, beyond the normal frictions that were discussed above. In post conflict situations, planning and urban design might be able to play a constructive role (or even a destructive role) in tackling some of the built in tensions that actively separate and divide the public. Frank Gaffikin et al (2010), in their examination of contested and divided cities of Belfast (Ireland) and Nicosia (Cypress) - with the efforts  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD)  Figure 6.6 Friday Muslim Prayer on the streets of New York City, temporarily transforming the public realm. Multiple cultural groups, public officials and members of the New York Police and Fire department joined the prayer and the post-prayer rally, showing support and unity in a post-9/11 world. <Images by the author, 2010>  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  97  District Scale  by their local authorities to ameliorate urban divisions have shown the importance of physical planning in such fractured environments and post-conflict rehabilitation processes It is critical for planners and designers to be aware of negative possibilities that can be promulgated through the physical environment. For example, erection, destruction and alteration of certain key landmarks (even if not purposefully done so) could incite renewed violence and tensions. Semi-fixed elements such as racially charged graffiti and posters could also keep deep wounds open, while “defensible spaces” could produced fragmented and highly territorialized urban landscapes (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010, 509-511). A culture sensitive urban planning system can respond positively to such situations, by producing shared spaces for peaceful engagement, use of carefully selected public art in order to facilitate the healing process, as well as the slow removal  98  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  of barriers and defensive structures. Furthermore, planners can strategically priorities projects that actively integrate a divided cities, rather than tackling more divisive elements (ibid). In the next chapter, a more detailed account of possible integrative urban elements and strategies will be provided.  Fostering Integral Neighbourhoods (macro design strategies):  their locational hierarchy. As a system, all these facilities should ideally meet the basic standards of good design and form an interconnected web of urban institutions. However, the design and function of the inner amenities would be influenced by the concerns of local culture/life-styles, while the ones in the boundary zones would be influenced by their ability to provide neutral meeting grounds.  These neighbourhoods can be identified initially through the local planning knowledge, city’s existing neighbourhood By applying the established categories and census data framework on the Vancouver model (Figure 6.3), we arrive (using general cultural groups) at a conceptual multi-layered as illustrated by the maps presented in the previous hierarchy of community chapter. Furthermore, local facilities, as well as neighborhood realms (Figure Business Improvement Agencies and real-estate 6.7 to 6.11). marketing groups also often have useful information with While most such facilities, regards to life-styles and and even the neighborhoods different neighbourhood themselves, are a hybrid categories (Figure 6.12). of the local culture and the However, this arrangement regional historical/ecological can be subsequently turned context, the guiding principle into a more fine grained set of would be to distinguish between the inner core areas areas, based on ethnographic methods and other and the boundary zones. By doing so, the design, planning observational techniques (Figure 6.13 to Figure 6.16). and programming of these facilities can be catered to For example, while China  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) Figure 6.7 Conceptual diagram of ‘discovered’ neighborhood clusters with clearly identified boundary zones acting as permeable membranes.  Parks Transit Community Facilities Boundary Zones  Figure 6.8 Establishing a hierarchy of urban park system, with smaller solid squares signifying inner neighborhood parks that cater to specific local cultural context and the bigger, blurry squares signifying neutral cosmopolitan parks, serving as meeting grounds.  Parks Transit Community Facilities Boundary Zones  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  99  District Scale  Town is not identified as Figure 6.9 Similar hierarchy of community facilities for the an official Vancouver neighborhood level and boundary zones. neighbourhood, it is a widely recognized district within the Downtown neighbourhood. In turn, China Town can be further broken down into sub-areas, depending on activities and settings that are contained within it. In a more realistic scenario, most neighbourhoods would themselves be somewhat heterogeneous, while still having a level of cultural Parks identity that can guide the Transit design process. In fact, the Community Facilities heterogeneous nature of Boundary Zones some areas could become their de facto cultural Figure 6.10 Similar hierarchy of transit facilities, with boundary marker. Additionally, in zones acting as multi-modal hubs for multiple cultures. situations that cultures are not readily distinct in their settlement pattern, by individually mapping each culture with respect to the provision of amenities, we can at least make sure the basic requirements of each culture are met - affirming the centrality of each group. Next chapter will cover various intercultural planning issues that are relevant at the level of individual urban element , such as a single park or a community center within a given area.  100  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Parks Transit Community Facilities Boundary Zones  Figure 6.11 An integrated, multi layered and strategic approach to providing facilities and services that both foster local cultural needs, but also foster ‘integral’ and ‘open’ neighborhoods that actively connect to one another and form a unified diverse whole.  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD)  Parks Transit Community Facilities Boundary Zones  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  101  District Scale  U1 – Urban Elite  U2 – Urban Upscale Ethnic  U4 – Urban Mix  U3 – Urban Upscale Ethnic  U2 – Urban Upscale Ethnic U5 – Urban Downscale Ethnic  102  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  U5 – Urban Downscale Ethnic  U7 – Urban Downscale  Figure 6.12 Urban profile segmentation by marketing, BIA and real-estate agencies can provide insightful information for neighbourhood “life-style” identification, if often also infused with certain business oriented biases and ideologies. Thus, it is important not to take such abstract groupings as the definitive cultural make up of an area, but rather use them as yet another layer of information for neighbourhood identification and cultural programming. On the left, are a series of urban life-style categories that have been created by the PRIZM C2 Segmentation system, which is used by many of Canada’s local BIA and real-estate agencies (from: http://www.tetrad.com/ pub/documents/candataeacn. pdf). U7 – Urban Downscale  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) Below: As an example, local real-estate web site Blobktalk.ca has broken down Vancouver’s Downtown neighbourhood population into “life-style” segmentation groups based on their 2006 census data (http://www.blocktalk.ca/ vancouver/downtown).  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  103  District Scale  “Greek” - Green dots/pins, “Italian” - Purple dots/pins,  “Japanese” - Red Dots, “Korean” - Purple Dots, “Indian” - Green Pins  Figure 6.13 As a crude method for initiating an ethnographic study of cultural settings, and their respective urban patterns, designers can use search engines and online mapping tools (such as Google maps and Bing maps). By searching for simple keywords, one can observe the relative spatiality of such search results (note that words in the “quotation” marks are search keywords that were used in these following series of maps.). These search results are of course not in any way a complete (or fully accurate) representations of each cultural category. However, they can serve as a preliminary investigation into cultural settings, prior to conducting a far more in depth field observation, and public engagement. Despite the crude nature of this method, the maps here show that there exists unique spatial patters for different cultural settings. These can be triangulated with other neighbourhood and statistical information, as well as data gathered from field studies and community involvement (maps.google.com, 2011).  104  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  6. DISTRICT SCALE “Jewish” - Purple Dots, “Catholic” - Green Dots, “Muslim” - Purple Pins  (NEIGHBORHOOD) Figure 6.14 Online search engine and mapping techniques can also be used for identifying other cultural markers and differences. For example, different sites of religious activity (top image) can be mapped and analyzed.  “Seniors” - Orange Pins, “Night Clubs” - Green Dot, “Bars” - Red Dot  Similarly, possible conflicts in life-styles between the senior population and the youth can be identified, by analyzing their respective settings and possible overlaps (bottom image) (maps.google.com, 2011).  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  105  District Scale  Vancouver’s Commercial Settings: “Shops” - Purple Pins, “Restaurant” - Orange Dots,  106  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) Barcelona’s Commercial Settings:  Toronto’s Commercial Settings:  Figure 6.15 Settings with an intense concentration of shops and commercial activities can identify border zones (if diverse or neutral in nature), and core areas (if homogenous). Through the identification of such border areas, the nature, shape and form of neighbourhoods in a particular city can be identified. For example, while Vancouver is predominantly a corridor city (with neighbourhoods contained in-between these corridors and intercultural activities along the corridors), Barcelona is a much more nodal city, with the City of Toronto exhibiting a combination of both structures. These maps are also highly useful in identifying areas were commerce and daily activity intensify, as well as areas were such activities dissipate. This is in turn helpful in identifying the overall rhythm of activities, as well as possible gaps within it (maps.google.com, 2011). A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  107  District Scale 108  “Chinese”  “Indian”  “Japanese”  “Korean”  “Mexican”  “Italian”  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  “Gay /Lesbian”  6. DISTRICT SCALE (NEIGHBORHOOD) Figure 6.16 A closer look at different key words, signifying different cultural groups including race, gender and lifestyle. Some settings and lifestyles are more concentrated than others (maps.google.com, 2011).  “Yoga”  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  109  Parcel/Micro Scale  Plaza de las Tres Culturas (“Square of the Three Cultures”) Tlatelolco, Mexico City, by Mexican architect and urbanist Mario Pani, 1966.  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plaza_de_las_ Tres_Culturas  110  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  An interesting case of celebrating hybridity in the Mexican culture, with the three distinct histories of pre-Columbian, Spanish colonial, and the modern, independent “mestizo” nation of Mexico recognized in the buildings within this site. The square contains the remains of Aztec temples and is flanked by the Santiago de Tlatelolco Catholic church, built in the 16th century, and a modernist massive housing complex built in 1964.  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES Fostering Culture Supportive Places (micro design strategies for public realm, hybrid typologies and cultural vernaculars): In this section we arrive at the smallest scale of the urban fabric, the parcel - such as individual dwelling units (with the household), streets, parks, community centers, markets, schools, religious institutions, and others. In a hybrid and an intercultural urbanism, such small scale spaces are the actual site of contact, conflict, contestation, belonging, assertion, understanding, recognition, creativity and celebration. Moreover, the very erection, omission, design and shaping of such (cultural) spaces can form an overtly political meaning for the residents and multiple communities of the urban environment. Here, particularly an examination of the role of public realm is conducted, given the potential of public spaces in bridging physical and psychological divides. As discussed earlier, minorities often assert their existence on the landscape by influencing the built form as mush as possible. This is often attributed to the persistence of a particular vernacular as manifested in the saptio-cultural practices of the newcomers, revealing the struggle, and even the resilience of the minority’s culture in asserting itself into the dominant vernacular, as cases from Turkey, Ireland, Israel, Palestine, Greece and other locations would attest to (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010; Salazar 1998). In examining the transformation of the built form by minorities and refugees, Dayana Salazar points out that “typology itself transcends arbitrary national territorial boundaries, and therefore its application still carries meaning to a variety of builders and users who perpetuate it across borders” (Salazar 1998, 324). Therefore, as urban design professionals we need to understand the needs and requirements of new cultures (particularly that of vulnerable groups) within the existing landscape, in order to better accommodate new populations, while avoiding negative conflicts and better guiding future development. Thus, the potential for purposeful hybrid vernaculars is stressed here as a way to bridge the gulf between the needs of migrants and the  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  111  Parcel/Micro Scale  Figure 7.1 The Midrash Building in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil is an example of hybrid vernacular built for the Jewish Congregation of Brazil. “The center is devoted to the debate, discussion and teaching of various themes around Jewish traditions as in literature, arts, history, psychology, politics, etc., in the search for meaning, connections and references in life.” Midrash, which in Hebrew means ‘to draw sense’, has a facade with a fiberglass mesh of Hebrew letters in different sizes, layers and tones. It celebrates the Jewish identity while also re-imagining it in a contemporary context and through a hybrid form. Its introduction to the urban fabric creates the possibility for other cultures to engage with this group, while also providing a space for the Jewish community to gather and interact with one another. In terms of scale and massing, this urban infill project is very respectful of its surrounding. < http://www.morfae.com/0305-isayweinfeld/>  112  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES Figure 7.2 Park 51 community center can be seen as an attempt by some in the New York Muslim community to arrive at a hybrid vernacular, while providing an opportunity for engagement with other cultures in the city. The developer’s vision for the site has been to provide “a vibrant and inclusive community center, reflecting the diverse spectrum of cultures and traditions, serving New York City with programs in education, arts, culture and recreation.”  While the Park 51 has been framed by its opponents as “the ground zero mosque”, giving it negative connotations, the actual attempt here has been to consciously celebrate hybridity, or as stated in its website “Inspired by Islamic values and Muslim heritage, Park51 will weave the Muslim-American identity into the multicultural fabric of the United States”. However, the hostility generated by this attempt also shows the sensitive and fragile nature of such intercultural attemps, validating much of Lu’s (2000) critical analysis. http://park51.org/facilities/Park51 A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  113  Parcel/Micro Scale 114  dominant culture (Figures 7.1 and 7.2). Moreover, new conceptions of community development need to be formulated in the face of diversity, given that community itself might be a problematic term and in need of reformulation in terms of “difference and unity” within across multiple boundaries and jurisdictions (Checkoway 2011).  such as balconies, entrances, sidewalks, pavements and other architectural expressions. For example, while in certain cultures, such as in some Middle Eastern countries, the interior of the building belongs to the domain of the woman and therefore the neatness of the inside a reflection of family pride, the outside of the building can serve as a point of interaction with the Therefore, it seems that However, both these public and sociability. In such planners and urban forms are needed when neighborhoods, flexible use of designers need to come accommodating difference. street furniture, such as chairs to terms with the required For example, that which might and tables for community changes to the local be closed to the outside might gathering at particular times practices and processes give a degree of freedom to of the day, can help “bridge that might be consciously the local inhabitants of space, the separation between the or unconsciously disas long as it is accompanied secluded inner and visible empowering different by complimenting open outer areas”, contributing to groups. By recognizing forms. Hence, it is the manner “a sense of place” (Figure 7.3 that hybrid forms, and in which such ‘open’ and and 7.4) (Salazar 1998, 319) introduction of new ‘closed’ elements shape the vernaculars, often serve “as public realm, mediating the At the this smaller scale, a bridge to restore a severed relationship between the therefore, a certain amount way of life, providing vehicle private dwelling and the public of mutual understanding and to establish a sense of sphere, that needs to be the coherence in the design and continuity amidst the chaos main area of concern at this management of public and of resettlement”, new scale. private spaces through the attitudes might be formed arrangement of dwelling units at the local level towards Salazar provides the example (internally and externally) minority groups (Salazar of the role that building and their relationship to one 1998, 317). facade play in mediation the another and to the public relationship between the realm allows for a more Often such changes by ‘closed’ inside of the building conflict free environment the new group would and the ‘open’ outside of a (Rapoport 1977, 297). This entail both open and building, through elements is perhaps easier to achieve Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  closed characteristics for the structure of the neighbourhood. ‘Open’ can be inclusive, sociable, open interaction, and hence be seen as positive aspects of new neighbourhood structures, while ‘closed’ could imply exclusive bonds, closure, isolation, confinement and deprivation and therefore imply negative connotations (Salazar 1998, 318).  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES Figure 7.3 Picnurbia, Viva Vancouver, turning Robson st into a temporary pocket park, allowing residents to picnic in the middle of a busy downtown street. Many different cultural groups mingled and used this temporary seating area. (Image by the author, 2011  Back OPEN FORM  More Private  Living Area  Yard  Front  More Publuc  Public Realm/Street More Publuc  Front Living Area  More Private  Yard  Back  CLOSED FORM  Figure 7.4 Comparing two different dwelling units, with different internal arrangement of space. The top dwelling, by locating its yard to the front makes the recreational activities of the household more public (such as barbecuing). The dwelling depicted at the bottom is more ‘close’, given that it tucks away the yard to the back. However, the household in the bottom dwelling might prefer using the streets for gathering and socialization (Rapoport 1977, 290 298).  Outside Gathering By the Household In the Closed Dwelling  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  115  Parcel/Micro Scale 116  in cultural clusters, but can also come about through public engagement and community collaboration in more heterogeneous areas, by establishing norms and common grounds.  groups that were previously database of the user discovered at the higher scale groups can be created of the neighborhood analysis. and their activities mapped conceptually over the already These are some of the existing spaces and tested questions that need to be against observation and answered when designing the community engagement. public realm through a cultural In the case of publicly used lens (Rapoport 1977): Furthermore, in terms of the spaces, such as parks, dwelling unit itself, a more community centers, libraries - By whom they are used accurate understanding of and hospitals, the design (ethnic, class, age, sex, the family structure of the of space often regulates lifestyle groups)? cultural group is necessary, behavior. Such places, by as the local housing mix clearly marking areas (such - Where groups congregate and available typologies as noise free sections) leave or separate? might not accommodate cues for the public, and are these different lifestyles. For therefor ‘behavior setting’ - When places are used example, some cultures have (Rapoport 1977, 298). Given (weekend, weekday, time of larger households and interthe fact that such places day)? generational living habits, as are most often visited by they require families of their more than one type of user - How long is spent in which children to remain in the same group/culture), they indeed places? physical structure as the rest benefit from a purposeful of the family (Figure 7.5). management of space. - What is allowed or prohibited in various Therefore, in places such In a hybrid cultural settings (the rules)? as the City of Surrey, two environment, the design identical dwelling units (with of these spaces would - What are the latent the same massing and indeed benefit from better aspects of activities and footprint) might perform understanding of their their cultural meaning? very differently in terms potential user groups and of population density, as their activities - particularly - What are the spatial and it might house a multitime of use, frequency, temporal relationship generational Indian family manner and type of activity, among the various places with six members, or a White etc. Therefore it would and their relationship to the family consisting of two be useful for planners to dwelling of the group? retired old couple. In fact, conduct a survey in a given cultural factors and limitations area and gather detailed Perhaps when conducting of the built environment in profile of different user such an analysis, a (visual) accommodating new user Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES Figure 7.5 Dramatic rise in the number of multifamily households in the City of Surrey, particularly in the areas with a high concentration of visible minorities, such as South Asian population. (Produced by the author for Design Center for Sustainability, 2011)  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  117  Parcel/Micro Scale  groups might explain some aspects of subordinations of ethnic groups (alluded to in chapter 5). Indeed, some suburban Cul-de-sac have proven useful for immigrant groups with the habit of living close to their extended family network, and with a degree of privacy.  rampant commercialization of the public realm and the privatization of various spaces in the city. Particularly, lack of funding and uneven allocation of resources have resulted in utter decay and dilapidation of public spaces used by the marginal and vulnerable populations in the urban periphery and inner cities (Madanipour 2004; Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010).  public spaces and facilities. Consequently, pocket parks, streets, squares, community centers and playgrounds have to accommodate multiple (and at times incompatible) uses in the same space, resulting in conflict and alienation.  This is particularly true if these groups are also sharing such spaces with marginalized The Design and and impoverished local Role of Public population, as it was stressed Spaces in a in the previous chapters That said, recent trends have (Madanipour 2004, 271). Hybrid City: shown that policy makers In such situations, space have once again recognized could be monopolized by Public space at the city the importance of central one group (for example and the neighbourhood public spaces for their multiple the youth with their own level can play a crucial benefits, and even economic unique forms of expression, role in mediating urban payoffs, such as spurring such as graffiti), making it diversity, while fostering investments, fostering new perceptually un-welcoming to public interaction and creative firm clusters, and others and leading to lower communication. As it was the re-branding of the postcommunication possibilities illustrated in our model in industrial cities. However, between different generations, the previous chapter, careful smaller neighbourhood genders and cultures (ibid arrangement of such spaces level spaces still often suffer 2004). on the boundary zones can from lack of attention by the bring multiple communities decision makers (Madanipour It is useful to make some together in a cooperative 2004). distinctions on the types fashion, enhancing of public spaces and their mutual understanding and Marginal immigrant functions here. These spaces reciprocity. populations (such as Latin can be seen in terms of their American communities in Los physicality – as places In many urban settings, Angeles or African migrants where one’s actions are however, the social in Barcelona) are often observable by others – or regenerative potential of entrapped in neighborhoods their procedural aspects – these spaces have been facing decay and limited as places for discussion of diminished, as a result of resources, such as adequate common interests and goals 118  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010, 496). While these two models are not mutually exclusive, they need to also be considered against ‘counter-publics’, where some people are actively excluded from the space (such as gay and lesbians or woman and elderly). In our normative formulation of an intercultural lens, the issue of ‘shared future’ is critical in understanding the role of public spaces in mediating difference. This term implies a “significant increase in integrated living and collaborative working across the divide, rooted in principles of inclusion, respect for diversity, equity and inter-dependence” (ibid). Therefore public spaces - including paths, nodes and edges in addition to more obvious squares,  parks and markets – with their capacity to create chance encounters and contact are seen as critical for an urbanism that recognizes difference. While Amin has argued that public spaces have become ‘spaces of transit’ and therefore devoid of meaningful contact, Messy’s conception of the role of space for ‘shared future’ is of much more positive in nature (Gaffikin, Mceldowney and Sterrett 2010):  site of an event, ever changing and always open and fluid, we can better understand the need for design of public realms that constitute such characteristics. However, often important tradeFigure 7.6 The covered courtyard  in the Woodwards complex is often site of multiple events by different groups. (Images by the author)  1) Space is the outcome of interrelations; it is ‘constituted through interaction’ 2) Space is an arena of ‘coexisting heterogeneity’; reflecting and changing the multiplicities and pluralities of contemporary society 3) Space is forever a work in progress, continuously being remade By conceptualizing space as a A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  119  Parcel/Micro Scale  offs are needed to be made in multicultural societies, in order to keep spaces as both inclusive (for various ethnic identities) and at the same time civic (for shared discussion). In the rest of this chapter, several spaces, which bare the highest potential in bridging cultural divides at this urban scale, are briefly discussed:  Urban Parks, Squares, Plazas and Streets: These spaces are an integral part of the urban fabric, both forming a larger network of boundary crossing universal systems in a region (chapter 5), while also creating micro sites of cultural contact at the smaller scale of the parcel (as nodes, edges, paths and corridors). Nisha Fernando (2004, 3) stresses that “While considerations of macro-scale spaces are indeed very critical for culturally sensitive planning, people perceive spaces in a much smaller scale, such as individual buildings, sidewalks, a single street or 120  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  the immediate neighborhood. This fact bears direct implications for differences between cultural groups as well.” These differences are particularly important given the previously mentioned concern that high quality public realms are often limited and far in between in locations that have a high concentration of marginal populations, turning them into sites of conflict due to competing uses by multiple cultural groups. Therefore, an intercultural understanding of these spaces can reduce negative friction, while also increasing positive contact and encounter.  therefore require an in depth understating of the local context (Figure 7.7)	. It is useful to conceptualise these urban elements as systems of settings and systems of activities (Fernando, 2004, Rapoport, 1980). These two systems are seen as interdependent, given that certain settings and activities (street vending) results in other types of activities (pedestrian customers). Environmental settings themselves can be broken down to fixed, semifixed and non-fixed elements (Fernando 2004).  In a hybrid setting, the human influence on space can be very helpful in creating a An ethnographic approach public realm that is specific to design of such spaces is and responsive to the cultural highly important, as supported requirements of a group. by Sandercock assertion This is particularly important that “neither parks nor public in contemporary cities that or open spaces have been have multiple and changing designed with the daily and cultures. While fixed elements recreational habits of diverse are the basic structures of cultures in mind”, and thus space (buildings, lots, street “there has been little attempt pavements, etc), and stay to find out how different constant for a long period communities understand and of time, the semi-fixed and desire to use public space” non-fixed elements can be (Sandercock 2000, 7). Park adapted and shaped by use, for example, is inherently different cultures embodying linked to park users and the space.  Figure 7.7 Park USE Choice model provides a comprehensive set of issues that need to be taken into account when designing such spaces for different cultural groups and activities (Byrne and Wolch 2009). HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL CONTEXT OF PARK PROVISION  Spatialized ethno / racial discrimination Ideology of land use History of property development Philosophy of planning  POTENTIAL USERS Socio-demographics Socio-economic status Location & mobility Time resources Attitudes to nature Leisure preferences  • Park politics • Ideology of park provision • Racial politics of park development • Differential accessibility to parks  PERCEPTIONS Tolerance Friendliness Exclusivity Danger Access Costs  Use  Reasons Frequency Intensity Duration Costs & benefits  PARK SPACE  Physical characteristics Nearby neighborhoods Service provision costs Management philosphy Maintenance & staffing Signage  Non-Use  Park USE Choices  Ethnic enclaves, such as China Towns, can teach us great lessens in flexible design, as the ornamentation on the building facade (such as banners, light fixtures, colors) as well as nonfixed elements of the sidewalks (street vendors, etc) directly meet the needs of the users of the space, without requiring  Reasons Alternatives Costs & benefits  much change from the physical structures of the area. Hence, in situations of diversity and rapid population change, a certain degree of open-endedness, programmability and informality, through the provision of semifixed elements can greatly enhance the quality of space for its multiple cultures - Flexible Design Principle (Figure 7.8).  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES Extensive research into ethnic and racial group’s interaction with urban parks have also resulted in formation of some generalizations with regards to cultural preferences of different groups. While it is important to discover actual manifestations of culture (and resulting activities) on the ground, the following summery of variations of different racial groups in the United States could be a useful starting point in moving away from euro-centric assumptions(Loukaitou-Sideris 1995; Byrne and Wolch 2009): African-Americans: Enjoy more sociable, formal, sports orientated, urban park settings. Look for organized recreation opportunities, such as basketball, but also sitting, talking, and walking. Are often accompanied by peers and friends. Passive users of space, using it as is rather than altering it. Group behavior consisted mostly of animated A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  121  Parcel/Micro Scale  Below: Bryant Park, New York City, New York is a great example of a space programmed through non-fixed and semi-fixed elements that change during the day and night, and by its users. Among some activities observed, were reading, group yoga, movies, ping-pong, dining, sun tanning and many others (images by the author).  Above: Movable elements create settings that encourage certain compatible activities and humanization of urban open spaces such as streets, plazas and courtyards (illustration by the author).  Above: Woodwards courtyard, Vancouver is an example of flexible space that is located in a boundary zone, often site of multiple cultures (image by the author). 122  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Figure 7.8 Examples of park activity, park setting and park usage, with different fixed and non-fixed elements. Below: Emery Barnes Park, Vancouver is an example of a layered and zoned, behavior setting park, with marked boundaries identifying appropriate activities. While the park is not very flexible in arrangement, it does provide choice for different groups (images by the author). Interaction between two girls with different cultural and age backgrounds.  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES  An area dominated by working men on their lunch break. Clearly marked children area is often site of cultural diversity. A couple feeding the birds while enjoying privacy of the edge area. Friends using benches that face each other for discussion.  Grass used by sun tanners, mostly younger couples and individuals, as well as children playing soccer. A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  123  Parcel/Micro Scale  talk (performance like), joking and laughing, and girl watching. Also parenting toddlers by mothers is common. Asians/Chinese: Prefer ‘scenic beauty’ over recreational functionality, favor park visits with extended family or organized groups, but also visit parks to escape social responsibilities and to exercise (Tai chi). Their ideal park would have gorgeously designed outdoor garden filled with colorful flowers, ponds, pavilions, and tea-houses for passive enjoyment, sightseeing, and relaxation. Are not as familiar with the North American park systems, as sites of sports and picnic. Latinos: See parks as a substitute to the central town plaza. Desire ‘a more developed environment’ with good access to group facilities such as parking, picnic tables and washrooms. They seek to socialize, typically with extended family groups, and also to enjoy ‘fresh air’. In terms of activities, tend to engage in sedentary and informal social activities  124  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  such as picnicking, but also enjoy soccer, camping, and hiking. Seek active use of space by appropriation and alteration of it. Get involved in gregarious uses including parties, celebrations of birthdays and wedding anniversaries, and picnics. Large groups usually sit in circular configurations having food at the very center.  Loukaitou-Sideris (1995) stresses that even in situations of diversity, park users tend to stay separated by activity types and their cultural preferences. However, the children’s playing ground has been observed to be the only site of true diversity and interaction, as parents and children find common ground in this vital micro-public.  Whites: Tend to focus on individualism and apparently prefer settings that offer secluded nature. May seek solitude and opportunities to exercise, as they have been shown to disproportionately enjoy camping, hiking, hunting, boating, swimming, cycling, and dog-walking. Highly care about the aesthetic qualities of parks, such as greenness, landscaping, and natural elements.  Given such findings, it is crucial to cater to the unique needs of different groups (also elderly, children, woman, men, dog owners, etc), depending on the location of the public space (in the core of a homogenous neighbourhood versus a diverse boundary zone). In more diverse settings, introduction of flexibility through semi-fixed and non-fixed elements, as well as careful layering and separation, forming time and activity zones, can greatly enhance the civic potential of such spaces (LoukaitouSideris 1995; Fernando, 2004).  There are also variations between different generations of the same racial group as it has been observed that (Byrne and Wolch 2009): Hispanics born in Mexico preferred clean, litter-free areas, whereas the nativeborn Latinos emphasized the importance of park safety.  Figure 7.9 Project for Public Spaces outlines the following benefits of urban markets.  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES  <http://www.pps.org/articles/the-benefits-of-public-markets/>  Urban Markets: Urban public markets are unique in their ability to integrate multiple activities through their provision of non-fixed and semi-fixed  settings. Therefore, by their very nature, these places are context based and culturally sensitive, albeit if transitory and ever changing. This is precisely why economic development planners and urban designers alike can incorporate markets  as a low cost strategy that addresses social, economical and even environmental issues, while creating new networks and connections among multiple groups. This of course can be done A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  125  Parcel/Micro Scale  Figure 7.10 Examples of urban markets from around the world. Iranian Bazaar (Zanjan) Vancouver Chinatown (image < http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ by the author) File:Bazaar_zanjan.jpg>  Informal market in Mandalay in central Myanmar <http://  christophermartinphotography.com/category/ travel/>  Markets integrated with the local shops (illustration by the author)  Mexican market (image by the author)  European Christmas market in a town plaza, Jena <http://www.flickr. com/photos/rene-germany/2126809489/>  126  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Below: Citra Niaga Urban Development, Samarinda, Indonesia, nominated for The Aga Khan Award for Architecture, shows how markets can incorporate informal and marginal activities of street vendors with the more formalized shop fronts, providing mutual benefit while creating an inclusive area for all sociocultural classes.  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES Left and Below: Markets are active urban elements that can create porous membranes between several neighborhoods. These aerial images of linearly laid out informal markets in Mexico City show how these non-fixed structures can transform space and provide settings for human activities. < http://www.crisisfronts.org/?p=1174>  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  127  Parcel/Micro Scale  both at the neighborhood’s core (as an ethnic market celebrating one culture) or at the boundary zones, as a permeable membrane showcasing urban diversity, and creating economic connections among groups. Furthermore, markets are a strategy that can tackle other challenges in a neighborhood, such lack of economic activity, dangerous and deserted streets, urban food deserts and low social capital, tackling sustainability in multiple and overlapping ways - Sustainability Principle.  As cases such as Citra Niaga Urban Development (Figure 7.10), in Indonesia, and markets in Chicago illustrate, the careful design, planning and managements of markets not only allows for a more formalized avenue for the informal economy to express itself, but also can create interesting linkages between formal shops and market vendors. Therefore, rather than competing, street vendors can find new customers in local shops, while drawing in people to the area that benefit these formal businesses.  Moreover, certain established businesses (and local Many studies and reports farmers) might enjoy setting up temporary shops in these have documented the markets, catering to new numerous benefits of customers that might have markets, such as their not been exposed to their placemaking potential, products in their absence. ability to serve as sites For the minorities and of employment and newcomers, these markets business incubation, and are low barrier to entry providing immigrants with platforms, that both give them new networks, economic chance to experiment, while opportunity and increased social capital, not to mention also learn from other local greater access by residents businesses that are part of the market, and gain confidence. to fresh and sustainable These environments have products produced close been shown to also enhance to home (Project for Public intercultural relationships Spaces 2003; Morales among various cultural 2009). 128  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  participants in the market area, as they start to form new relationships and interdependencies. Thus planners and policy makers need to examine the unique situation of migrants,, particularly refugees and marginal groups, in order to address their unique needs through the creation of market space. Morales argues that planners can both address public uses of streets with markets while also utilizing them as “means of addressing labour market marginalization, particularly by providing women, the handicapped, displace workers and new immigrants with a place to earn a living” (Morales 2009, 430).  Other Spaces and Facilities: Finally, we need to consider all other spaces that are in between the dwelling and the public realm. These include spaces that are more public in nature - such as community centers and libraries - to cultural specific institutions - such as religious buildings and cultural facilities - to the basic everyday life spaces of  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES workplace, restaurants, pubs coffee shops and internet cafes, often referred to as third places. In fact, research has shown that real interaction and friction happens in such spaces more than any other urban setting. In a study of multi-ethnic network formation in the mixed neighbourhood of Wanachai District in Hong Kong, research revealed the importance of several key urban components (Matsushita, Yoshida and Munemoto 2005). It was concluded that the following urban places all contribute to a varying degree to such network formations (listed in order of their level of interaction from highest to lowest): 1) Entertainment business (tourism) related locations – bars, discos, nightclubs, ethnic restaurants.  2) Construction related businesses and creative industry – architects, engineering firms, interior material showrooms. 3) Public leisure facilities – open public parks, basketball grounds, playgrounds. 4) Public places – streets, market places, 5) Place of Residence – self or others. Another research has revealed the importance of community places of interaction, such as community gardens, with their introduction of ethnic vernaculars and plants, for knowledge sharing, education and learning amongst various groups (Rishbeth 2004). Consequently, it is critical to examine how such spaces relate to both one’s sense of cultural identity (their level of openness and acceptance  towards difference), as well as how their provision and location can foster an ‘integral’ urbanism, or a sense of belonging and shared future. According to the model developed in the previous chapters, the spaces that have the highest potential in creating cross-cultural relationships should be strategically located in neighborhood boundary zones, while the more cultural specific facilities and services in the neighborhood core. Beyond such a hierarchy, it is also prudent to allow and encourage cultural icons that have considerable symbolic value for one culture to be established and celebrated by all residents at prominent/ central locations, symbolizing the openness and diversity of the urban environment. This will be strengthened if such places (such as the Greek Community Center or the Muslim Mosque or the Latin Cultural Club) have regional A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  129  Parcel/Micro Scale  elements and materials as well as celebrating their own cultural heritage - creating purposeful hybrid forms. Gale’s (2004, 18) detailed account of mosque development in UK, showing that “applications to develop these buildings have frequently given rise to forms of aesthetic contestation that are embedded in processes of identity construction amongst non-Muslims”, reveal the challenging and important role of planning in a hybrid cultural context.  Finally, it is important to explore the role that use of space and programming of space makes in fostering ‘bridging’ and ‘linking’ social capital , assisting with economic development of diverse communities, creating social cohesions and greater networking among citizens (chapter 8).  Therefore, an intercultural planning lens needs to look beyond physical design of space, by also emphasise human networks and intercultural relationships. Furthermore, participatory techniques and Gale (2004) stresses the engagement methods need role of planning by asserting to be developed that can that “urban planning incorporate different cultural knowledge and viewpoints. mediates processes of social boundary construction The next chapter will attempt to address some of these that coalesce around non-design facets of an mosque designs and intercultural lens. becomes in turn a nexus in which some of the meanings and associations that accrue to such sites are articulated”. Thus, given the possibility of aesthetic conflict, the hybrid form can play a strong role in creating a bridge between multiple cultures, as well as past and present (Figure 7.11). 130  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Figure 7.11 The hybrid form can serve as a bridge. Museo Nacional de Antropología, Mexico City, Mexico - bridging the Aztec past with the contemporary Mexican culture.  7. PARCEL + MICRO SCALES Tomb of Omar Khayyám, Neishapur, Iran - bridging contemporary Iranian identity, as a fusion of Islamic identity and Persian culture.  Bridge School, Xiashi, Fujian Province, China - A school as a real and figurative bridge connecting two villages.  The Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris - celebrating the relationship between France and Arab World  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  131  Other Systems  Carnival in the Mountains,  Paul Klee, 1924: Watercolor on paper on board. 23.5 x 31.1 cm  132  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS + TOOL BOX  Ethnographic Urban Design (social systems, engagement toolbox and co-design): The framework that have been sketched out since the start of this discussion, has traversed from theoretical realms, global processes and higher metropolitan scales down to the smaller scales of the neighbourhood and parcel. In practice, however, an intercultural planning lens would be a much more ground up activity, starting at the local community and even household level, emphasizing people and their involvement with their local environments (physical space) and one another (social space), rather than larger design projects implemented at the urban and metropolitan levels. While a well developed theoretical and philosophical framework, with a higher understanding of the macro-processes of late modernity, assists planners in better anticipating change at the local level, the real solutions ultimately lie with the public and various cultural groups. In fact, strategic and targeted approaches (urban acupuncture) at the smaller scales can successfully add up to the larger urban levels, if not the world. Given this recognition, the framework developed thus far needs to be seen as open-ended one, and only as a beginning (developing key terms and ideas). On the field, these arguments need to be adapted to the local context and their unique needs, with each community adopting and shaping their own intercultural planning framework. Consequently, in this last chapter, ethnographic tools, participatory techniques and social systems that are integral to a more community oriented approach to intercultural planning will be explored. As it has been stressed through out the previous chapters, an intercultural planning lens would require an investigation into the livelihood, lifestyle, values and world view of cultural groups  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  133  Other Systems  (in the broadest sense of Figure 8.1 Story telling through photography - Lester’s Army’s the term). While research ‘shelter project’ workshop for seniors at the Lion’s Den (design into common practices facilitators/consultants: Patrick Chan, Sam Mohamad-Khany). of assumed groups can be a first step strategy, in order to develop a more complete picture a much more on the ground study is required. This can be achieved through direct participation of individuals and groups in the design process (co-deign) and ethnographic (observational/ interpretational) methods. Both these strategies provide useful knowledge and can be complementary to one anther. In terms of participatory methods, traditional ways of public engagements often fail in reaching diverse groups. Many minority communities (for a variety of reasons, from feelings of anxiety due to language barriers, to lack of proper understanding of local participatory practices) avoid these formal engagement settings and venues (public hearings, open houses, etc). Therefore, participatory planning needs to be much more creative in its engagement with other cultures.  134  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  As I explained in the previous chapters, different cultures need be discovered at the urban and neighborhood levels. However, once these cultures are discovered, it is prudent to set up discussion groups and workshops with each identified group (in small formats). Doing so will allow the participants to get involved with the design process, while making new connections with each other and the design team.  In fact, through use of pictures (taken by participants of their settings), story telling, readings, drawings and in depth discussions, as well as use of visualization techniques and computer programs (such as Sketch up, Google Earth, Elements DB), the community group can arrive at appropriate ‘hybrid models’. In such settings, groups will first discuss their ideal environments, their idea  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS + Figure 8.2 Diagraming seniors’ ideal living space arrangement in a small dwelling, with the participation of the senior groups from lions den (Patrick Chan, Sam MohamadKhany).  TOOL BOX  of home and homeland, perhaps sharing ideas through photography of their realm (from core to their sphere), showing what they like (colors, textures, patterns, etc) to what they don’t like (Figure 8.1). Then through the use of cut-out pieces, hand drawn sketches and computer illustrations, and with the assistance of a design facilitator who brings existing typologies and good design practices to the table, the group can arrive at ‘hybrids’ that both meets the requirements of the region (ecological and historical context), as well as their unique cultural needs (Figure 8.2). Therefore, these models (be it a neighborhood concept plan, a community center, a park, a single dwelling, a market area, economic development strategy or even a festival) will be arrived at through negotiation and constant engagement of the users of the space. During such a process, the group’s lifestyles, norms, preferred settings A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  135  Other Systems  and activities will also be recorded and used for the design. This will give cultural groups an active role in the ‘production’ of their own spaces, as they are ultimately tied up with a particular livelihood contained within the social and physical space under study. Therefore, rather than passively experiencing space, collaborative design methods will allow communities to actively engage with the ‘operational’ aspect of their environment and transform it.  could go a far way in allowing for the establishment of proper settings that create social, cultural and economic opportunity, and enhancing the overall legibility (mental image) of an area. This, however, requires acceptance of greater urban informality and decreased levels of regulation by the state government.  Beyond the direct involvement of local population, designers need to gain better access to the life-world of cultural communities.	Indeed, in any planning project with a cultural lens, a community profile needs to be established that Perhaps within such gives detailed account of the methods lie the possibility cultural context and people to act and create better who the design will be for livelihoods, since - something that marketers the creation of these often do effectively, albeit for a neighborhood solutions at different reason (Figure 6.13). least partially would reflect Important elements that need the creative capacity and to be recorded are activities values of their own residents (such as eating), system rather than outside forces of activities (eating while and assumptions. The sitting with friends), settings involvement of the minority (outdoors on a bench) and groups and marginal system of settings (in a park, populations does not need near children’s playing area to alter the structure of and close to home) (Rapoport urban environment radically, 1980). since small changes to the semi-fixed and non-fixed In doing so, as new elements of neighborhoods cultures and activities are 136  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  discovered and recognized, perhaps more inclusive and legible environments can be created, which recognize the differences and similarities of diverse groups - as well as gaps within their environments. It was also previously mentioned that it is important to find out how human environments organize the following elements: 1) Space 2) Meaning 3) Communication 4) Time Finally, it is crucial to better understand various social networks that are formed by each group at the urban and neighborhood levels. These networks have spatial qualities and can assist planners and designers to identify the cultural core, domain and sphere - by merely analyzing the level of intensity/density of such networks and its relationship to the urban fabric. Network mapping will also allow us to identify where overlaps occur, and create solutions that would mediate friction, and decrease conflict. For example, if elementary school students take a particular path on their daily route to school,  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS + TOOL BOX  and this path at some point overlaps with highschool student’s path (or more starkly, a local gang), then an understanding of this dynamic could help planners to design safer environments at such unmediated border zones. This, however, requires an in depth knowledge of multiple groups, their networks and the paths and settings people use to get access to their networks.  places and paths rather than surfaces” Such network analysis (their shape, extent, intensity) would give designers and planners a better sense of differences in tempos, rhythms and manners of behavior/use of space, and allow for a better synchronization among multiple groups. It is also very important not to disrupt essential cultural networks, as changes to the urban environment are conducted (Rapoport 1977).  some East Indian enclaves in Surrey). Thus an awareness of these cultural requirements would allow us to create environments that are sensitive to cultural networks, rather than being disruptive to them.  Figure 8.3 and 8.4 summarize the ideas here, by showing how network mapping and formal cultural profile surveys can be helpful as pre-design tools. Beyond direct engagement, however, ethnographic observations are also helpful in the development of a better Rapoport (1977, 267) Indeed, network formations understanding of the overall claims that “Each individual are a complex phenomenon cultural and environmental in the city has a network of and sometimes carry over legibility of an area. Depending relationships with various in the immigration process on the subject of study, a series people and places which (Rapoport 1977). Perhaps, of pre-designed and yet openvary, but are more similar some migrant populations ended surveying tables can be for members of any group prefer certain suburban settings constructed, which can then be than among groups. The for the very reason that they populated by surveyors as they organization of space and can maintain their networks and observe people, activities and how places are related is, adapt them to their new setting settings in a particular area. therefore, important since without completely severing they reflect and reinforce their ties and proximity (hence Such ethnographic data can be orbits and networks. Such the use of Cul-de-Sac and creatively overlaid with other social spaces consist of multigenerational housing in data creating a pre-design A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  137  Other Systems 138  Figure 8.3 An example of network mapping, showing the extent, intensity and spatial form of one’s network in the urban setting. As network intensity drops, the cultural realm enters its domain and sphere from the more intense core. Here the big light blue circle represent the dwelling (its extent and range is defined by one’s culture), while the smaller dots are the places, people and settings that one would visit most everyday of the week. In engagement with a particular user group, such a map can be rapidly constructed by using pins on a printed map, or perhaps if this survey is being conducted on the field (for example a park), then it can be developed through use of mobile devices and Google map pin function.  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Figure 8.4 A sample survey that details one’s cultural profile with respect to urban setting and activities’ proper. It takes into account the time of the day, distance, frequency, duration, setting, and other factors, while also conducting asset mapping and social network analysis with members of the group. The columns in this template can be pre-printed cards that are given to a discussion group, in which members can write-in/discuss their most important daily activities.  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS + TOOL BOX  Cultural Identifications (sex, age, race, generation, other cultural associations):  Time:  Time:  Time:  Time:  Activity:  Activity:  Activity:  Activity:  Setting/Location:  Setting/Location:  Setting/Location:  Setting/Location:  With Whom:  With Whom:  With Whom:  With Whom:  Manner/How:  Manner/How:  Manner/How:  Manner/How:  Any Complimentary Activities:  Any Complimentary Activities:  Any Complimentary Activities:  Any Complimentary Activities:  Distance to Dwelling:  Distance to Dwelling:  Distance to Dwelling:  Distance to Dwelling:  Tools involved:  Tools involved:  Tools involved:  Tools involved:  Social Network Analysis:  Asset Mapping:  Significance, Activity, Path:  Time, Frequency, Distance  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  139  Other Systems 140  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Figure 8.5 Using tablet devices and pre-made excel spreadsheets to facilitate ethnography: In an initial visit to the site, a list of possible user types, activities and settings was created, which were formalized in an spreadsheet and in drop-down menus, which can be expanded on the spot (left images). Also the site (Pender st in this case) was broken down into equal segments prior to the final observation. Finally, these tools were taken to the site and used for the actual field observation (in this case just a quick test run), producing a detailed account of human-space interaction.  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS + TOOL BOX  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  141  Other Systems  Figure 8.6 (left) Diversity of uses: data from business types along the corridor were used to develop this pie-chart, showing diversity of settings and activities. Also the same data was used in a Simpson diversity formula, raveling that in terms of street level commercial activity, the site is 83% (highly) diverse. This is in support of our Celebrate Diversity Principle, which calls for diversity of uses and activities in support of cultural diversity and vitality.  Border Zone  Zone 1  Zone 2  Zone 3  Zone 4  Zone 5  Zon  Physical Elements  Facades Features  Fixed  Common Colors  SemiFixed  Banners  Land-Use/Setting  Residential  Commercial Corner Store  Restaurant  Bakery  MeatStore  Herbs Store  MeatStore  MeatStore  Grocery Store  Industrial Cook- Travel ware Agency Vacant  Corner Store  Vacant  Instituitional Herbs Store  Grocery Store  Grocery Store  Office Travel Agency  Fashion Retail  Tea Shop  Ban  Culture Specific Universial/Neutral Activiy Systems  Morning  Afternoon  Evening  Night  Shopping/Vendinge Eating Walking Biking Sitting Interacting  Moving  Relaxing Queing/Clubbing Praying/Celebrating  Intensity of Activities Conflict Settings  142  Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Border Zone  ne 6  nking  Figure 8.7 (below) Post-observation template: after a field study, data gathered on the spreadsheets templates were aggregated. Additionally, a careful analysis of available images from the site was conducted (looking at facades, fixed/semi-fixed/non-fixed elements), trying to identify common threads. These information were synthesized in the bottom template, in which an overall image of the environment emerges - showing diversity, intensity, gaps in legibility, etc. (note that activity graphs here are not based on detailed  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS + TOOL BOX  observations and are only for demonstration purposes).  Zone 7  Zone 8  Zone 9  Zone 10  Zone 11  Zone 12  Zone 13 Diversity  Banking  Banking  Fashion Bakery Restaurant Retail  Retail  Travel Grocery Restaurant Cafe BubbleTea Agency Store  Retail  Giftshop Travel Retail Agency  Gift-Shop Retail Restaurant  TV Channel  Framing Publishing  Arts & Crafts  Chinese Center  Home Arts & Fashion Art Arts & Hair Arts Decor Crafts Retail Supplies Crafts Salon  0.83  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  143  Other Systems 144  ethnographic “image” of an environment.  ties, as well as increased economic relationships and urban resiliency. Similar to Figure 8.5, 8.6 and 8.7 the rest of this text, here the show an example of such physical space and social techniques on a corridor in space are not seen as the Chinatown area, where independent of one another, the site also intersects the and rather as mutually lower income community supportive systems. Hence, of Downtown Eastside, on social capital is both fostered the intersection of Main Therefore, the role of planning through social space as well and Pender st. While the in fostering the conditions as the built environment and data in these tables are necessary for the formation greater economic activity not all based on extensive of social capital (bonding, - Bridging Social observation, even in a bridging and linking) is an Capital short period of note-taking, integral part of an intercultural Principle. a border zone was clearly framework. It has been identified Figure 8.7. argued that neighborhoods It is important to stress that with high income disparity social capital here is not seen and ethno-class diversity can as a silver-bullet panacea Social Capital, particularly suffer from lack becomes an end to itself, Knowledge Sharing, of social cohesion and lower that rather a tool through which Urban Resilience social capital (Mason 2010; an overall system resiliency Rapoport 1980; Rapoport is achieved in a diverse and and Community 1977). This problem is changing context (Castells Preparedness: further amplified in a rapidly 2009; Gaffikin, et al 2010; changing environment (such Cheong 2006; Smets 2011). Although the importance as massive immigration, of social networks was economic stress and disaster It has been suggested that briefly emphasized above context), as decreased social diversity is integral to the and in the last chapter, capital and inequality can lead overall system resiliency it is prudent to conclude to increased vulnerability of a (Walker and Salt 2006; Talen this entire discussion by particular population, and in 2008). Greater diversity further elaborating on social turn the entire social system. (social, economic, landscape, systems in a diverse society. biological) offers multiple While cultures often form However, an intercultural options and increase system networks within their own community planning process capacity to grow, respond to groups, in a hybrid urban poses a unique opportunity change and withstand shock, environment the relationship to bring multiple communities particularly in the face of between multiple groups is together to foster social disaster (social or physical). Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  as important as the internal relationships of these communities. This is not only important for the daily functioning of the city, but also extremely important in situations of stress - such as excessive and rapid change and disaster situations.  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS + TOOL BOX  However, the system’s overall resilience is also contingent upon principles of social capital and innovation (Walker and Salt 2006). Social capital is particularly important for human systems that would require various actors and institutions to have the capacity to “respond together and effectively, to change any disturbance”. That said, Walker et al (2006) recognize that social networks alone would not create an agile system (and even might obstruct change) and therefore emphasis the need for a system to have ‘learning capacity’ and ‘experimentation’ at its core. Such innovation can be both part of the design process as well as built into the activities of the community and their relationships with one another (use of festivals  will be covered shortly). In terms of physical design, research has shown that well designed streets, sidewalks, parks and gathering spaces such as markets can lead to interaction amongst neighbourhood residents and increased community trust (Mason 2010; Morales 2009). Mixed used neighborhoods that encourage walking and therefore interaction amongst residents can lead to both perceived and real social ties to the community. Interestingly, cul-de-sac design has been positively correlated with ‘trust’, something that is attributed to the repeat trips that are created through the single entrance/ exit to the cul-de-sac. Such attribute of the cul-de-sac design can be captured in other types of public spaces - such as pedestrian only streets, squares and pocket parks - encouraging face to face interaction and engagement (Mason 2010).  Beyond strategic design practices, however, place-making potential of urban design needs to be stressed as a more holistic approach towards fostering community ties in a particular neighbourhood with unique natural features. Relph posits that, “a place is a whole phenomenon, consisting of the three intertwined elements of a specific landscape with both built and natural elements, a pattern of social activities that should be adapted to the advantages or virtues of a particular location and a set of personal and shared meanings (Sime 1986). Therefore, an intercultural planning lens can encourage a sense of place for multiple groups and integral neighbourhoods that share a common future in their urban environment. That said, and as argued previously, a place cannot be externally designed for people or superficially A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  145  Other Systems 146  imposed on a population by outsiders.  environment in which families are embedded”.  the necessary conditions in which trust and bonding can emerge. One could posit Stressing this very same Therefore, in order for social that only through a true and point, Jonathan Simme capital to be effective and not engaged community oriented argues that “it is often force hegemony or conflict participatory process we important for people to be amongst sub-groups, we can create the genesis of a involved in the production, need to address what Cheong resilient community design. decoration, furnishing calls “neighbourhood and maintenance of their communication action Therefore, Co-design and environment” (Sime 1986, context” in the participatory (community oriented design) 57). In light of this assertion, design process (Figure 8.5). other culturally aware participatory design participatory techniques would practices become important This model illustrates be an effective mechanism to the production of place, important elements of a that allows for various actors and in return greater social neighbourhood context that to get together and bring their ties. need to be addressed in a knowledge and understanding participatory design process, of their environment into the It is worth noting that in order for the bonding, design process. This model social capital needs to be bridging and linking facets states that local media and utilized in a specific social amongst multiple groups to communication amongst and physical context of a be forged in a constructive various actors are key in particular neighbourhood, manner. Cheong stresses creating the underlying with its own internal the role of physical features conditions for greater social dynamics and challenges, (design of streets, schools, ties. Through this direct in a contextualized fashion. amenities, parks) in bringing engagement processes, the Based on the findings from people together, but she also act of knowledge sharing and a study of diverse Hispanic highlights the importance of learning becomes a bridging neighbourhoods of Los psychological features that and linking strategy. Angeles, Pauline Cheong would determine if groups feel (2006) emphasizes that free and welcome to engage The important role of key one another (Sime 1986). urban elements, such as “the potential impact of markets, third-places, urban social capital on social Moreover, the neighbourhood gardens and community cohesion will vary depending context model shows the centers in providing active on the ways in which its importance of community links and bridges between effects are enhanced or stakeholders, such as local cultures and life-styles should diminished by the context institution, law enforcement, also be stressed. These of local neighborhoods residents, and community “micro-publics” clearly show and the communication organizations in developing that not only we can enhance Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  Figure 8.8 Social capital in neighbourhood communication action context, showing important elements that influence trust in the neighborhoods and amongst residents. It is worth noting that urban design (area appearance) is one element among many others. An intercultural planning lens needs to tackle all these elements with the involvement of residents from all cultural groups and institutions (Cheong 2006).  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS + TOOL BOX  Street Safety/Fear Law Enforcement  Residents  Ethnic Diversity  Area Appearance  Healthcare Resrources Local Media  Community Organizations Childcare Resources  Schools Social Capital Storytelling Networks  Transportation Communication Action Context  A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  147  Other Systems 148  economic and environmental cultural mosaic of the city. sustainability of diverse cultural groups, but also Critiques of Social help in the formation of new Capital, Community linkages (social capital) amongst various existing Formation, Cultural and new sociocultural Difference and groups (Morales 2009; Gaffikin, et al 2010; Morales Placemaking: 2009; Rishbeth 2004; This discussion will conclude Loukaitou-Sideris 1995; with some cautionary remarks Smets 2011). about the concepts mentioned above. It is imperative to Beyond such participatory recognize that not all forms of methods and physical social capital are conducive environments, use of to resiliency and cultural community events and integration. In fact, in the cultural festivals can play absence of a proper context an integral role in creating with open and inclusive mutual understanding and participatory processes, greater social network a community could face formation (Figure 8.6). increased fragmentation along Arguably, a hybrid urban ethnic, racial, cultural and environment would require class lines. its own unique rituals, myths, stories and festivals. Also misapplication of this concept can lead to While creation of activities decreased individual freedom, that celebrate the hybridity and hegemony of place of urban environment and the collective over the require time and effort, in uniqueness of the individual. order to authentically grow Yuko Nakagawa and Rajib roots, existing cultural festivals can also be opened Shaw underlined what they call the ‘dark side’ of social up to other cultures. Doing so would allow all citizens to capital by stating that, gain a deeper understanding “The very elements of trust into a particular cultural and networks could be a practice, celebrating its cause of exclusion of others, contribution to the greater Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  restriction on individuals of a particular group or community, and the fostering of socially unwanted groups such as gangs and mafia” (Nakagawa and Shaw 2004). Hence, it is useful to pay attention to the internal structure of social capital, rather than applying the wider concept as a blunt instrument. In fact, in a diverse and fragmented context, the bonding social capital (ties to immediate family, friends and associations with similar demographic characteristics) can counteract with the bridging (ties among people of different racial, cultural, economic and social groups) and linking (vertical ties among people in position of power/influence and others within the community) aspects of social capital, and consequently create an internally inconsistent dynamic with un-sustainable outcomes (Nakagawa and Shaw 2004).  Perhaps we also need to recognize that the very formation of bonding, bridging and linking social ties involves the concerted act of creating perceptual boundaries that have the potential to exclude  Figure 8.9 Cultural festivals can be an integral part of urban experience, while bringing greater understanding towards different practices and norms.  1  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS + TOOL BOX  2  5  3  7 4  6  1) Indigenous Dance, Zocalo, Mexico <author’s own image> 2) Festival in India <chestnuthilllocal.com> 3) Matsuri in Kishiwada, Japan <anenglishmaninosaka.blogspot.com> 4) Chinese new year festival, NYC <http://www.flickr.com/photos/globaljet/2256338278/> 5) Venice Regatta <planetoddity.com> 6) La Tomatina, Spain < funis2cool.com> 7) Iranian festival <payvand.com> 8) Carnival, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil <discoverblackheritage.com> 9) Dance destival, Guanajuato, Mexico <author’s own image> 10) Dia de los muertos, Mexico <journeymexico.com>  8  10  9 A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  149  Other Systems 150  others absent in the present context. Therefore, such social ties need to be constantly reformulated and re-imagined, as the very context they were built upon transforms itself through time and space. As Walker et al have cogently argued, this tension between the changing context (diversity) and social capital are resolved through innovation and constant learning in a complex system dynamic.  gratitude and obligation) and emphasize the role of positive contact for mutual understanding – something that depends on the quality of the contact (Smets 2011, ii20).  the creation of new places where people can meet and recognize each other, talk and enter into relationships” (Smets 2011, ii26-ii29).  With regards to placemaking and community formation, it is While he critically examines equally worth being cautious, several failed strategies as ‘place’ and ‘community’ at creating bridging social can take disjunctive qualities. capital, he does at the end Clearly, place can imply stress the importance of an authentic and rooted finding modern means that allow for the people to interact connection between people with each other and between and their social and lived space, while community can groups (such as markets positively connote social ties Peer Smets’ research into and volunteering groups). and cohesion. Yet, these community development These strategies could lead terms can also become part strategies in the Netherlands to familiarity, exchange and of an exclusionary practice affirms the above findings, mutual empathy. that overtly territorializes while also emphasizing the spaces which were once role of ‘micro-publics’ and However, he attributes in transition and change, bottom-up social programs. the success of various making new immigrants a He introduced the Snel neighbourhood led social and Boonstra’s concept of programs to their emphasis on transient population that ‘bonding ladder’ where: issues that transcended ethnic are un-welcomed in the established ‘community’, and and cultural differences, and consequently rendering them 1) people meet instead focus on community ‘placeless’. Therefore, one needs and interests. 2) develop (positive) Therefore, an over-emphasis needs to embrace the type of placemaking, and community knowledge about the other on cultural differences formation, that is inclusive and can actually be seen as ever changing, and therefore 3) this knowledge could be counterproductive, fostering results in production of spaces the basis for cooperation new divisions. (mental, social and physical) that can allow for the ‘other’ to 4) development of He concludes that the be welcomed and invited. relations of mutual help creation of social networks (trust relations), which is is “a gradual and cumulative dependent on reciprocal process” and “is dependent on Indeed, embracing a changing, open and accepting exchange (feelings of dedicated social leaders and Migration, Hybridity and Urban Landscape  8. SOCIAL SYSTEMS +  Figure 8.10 ‘Red Bridge’ by Paul Klee  TOOL BOX  intercultural society is deeply engrained in much of the intercultural design framework, and the set of principles, that I have put forward in this body of work. Anthony Giddens’ polemical description of our contemporary condition perhaps best captures my attempt in this work to produce a positive response towards our changing condition: “The post-traditional society is an ending; but it is also a beginning, a genuinely new social universe of action and experience. ... a global society, not in the sense of a world society but as one of ‘indefinite space’. It is one where social bonds have effectively to be made, rather than inherited from the past - on the personal and more collective levels this is a fraught and difficult  enterprise, but one also that holds out the promise of great rewards. It is decentred in terms of authorities, but recentred in terms of opportunities and dilemmas, because focused upon new forms of interdependence. To regard narcissism, or even individualism, as at the core of the post-traditional order is a mistake - certainly in terms of potentials for the future that it contains” (Beck, Giddens and Lash 1994, 106-107).  from an increasingly fragmented universe. The intercultural city is a place where cultures can be celebrated, differences recognized, and effective bridges formed - as the city is the space that provides all cultures a common future.  Such a city provides the necessary space for what Giddens (1994, 106) calls “dialogic democracy - recognition of the authenticity of the other, whose views and ideas one He concludes by expressing is prepared to listen to and that “in the domain of debate, as a mutual process”. interpersonal life, opening out This form of democracy, and to the other is the condition in many ways the pursuit of an of social solidarity; on the intercultural urbanism is “the larger scale a proffering of only alternative to violence in the ‘hand of friendship’ within the many areas of the social a global cosmopolitan order order where disengagment is is ethically implicit in the new no longer a feasible option” agenda” (ibid). (ibid). Thus above all, the intercultural city will be the city In such a society, the city is of multiple solidarities, and in arguably the only place with the return the space for human capacity to provide a sense of creativity and cultural vitality. meaning and a possible refuge A Template on Managing Urban Cultural Diversity  151  Appendix: Diagramming cultural realms: Core vs. Boundaries  Use of semi-fixed and non-fixed elements in turning a path into a node of engagement  Nature can be a universal boundary crossing element, as well as an intercultural bridge  Intercultural l gard  learning through dening  Here are some of the rough concept diagrams and sketches that were drawn while initially exploring the ideas in this work. Sketching can be a powerful tool in interacting with the cultural groups in a neighborhood, allowing planners and the public to hash out strategies to tackle local issues, while exploring and adapting concepts suggested here for the local context. Creating physical, social and programming connections  Conceptualizing boundary zones  Public furniture and seating arrangements need to be discussed, as they are particular to each culture  Exploring different neighborhoods in Vancouver  Managing transitions between vernaculars  Use of outdoors and nature could be culture specific.  Exploring various strategies for the intercultural city  Exploring urban markets as a strategy in a boundary zone  Bibliography: Altman, Irwin, and Abraham Wandersman. Neighborhood and community environments. Vol. Volume 9 of Human behavior and environment. Springer, 1987. Aristotle. The Politics. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1992. Arvot, Iris. “Back to Phenomenological Placemaking.” Journal of Urban Design 7, no. 2 (2002): 201 — 212. Beck, Ulrich. The cosmopolitan vision. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2006. Beck, Ulrich, Anthony Giddens, and Scott Lash. Reflexive Modernization: Politics, Tradition and Aesthetics in the Modern Social Order. 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