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Value, Aspiration & Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class China Moves Bennett, Zachary 2013

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VALUE, ASPIRATION, AND POLICY: HOW (AND WHY) TOMORROW’S MIDDLE CLASS CHINA MOVES by ZACHARY WILLIAM BENNETT B.A., University of Oregon, 2006 A PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS (PLANNING) in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this project as conforming to the required standard ...................................................... ..................................................... ..................................................... THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May 2013 © Zachary William Bennett, 2013  Executive	
  Summary	
   	
   China	
  has	
  a	
  nation	
  in	
  the	
  throes	
  of	
  massive	
  economic	
  growth	
  since	
  the	
  late	
  1970s,	
  a	
   situation	
  creating	
  both	
  benefits	
  and	
  pitfalls	
  as	
  the	
  nation	
  continues	
  its	
  headlong	
   course	
  of	
  development.	
  	
  One	
  of	
  the	
  major	
  results	
  of	
  economic	
  growth	
  has	
  been	
   massive	
  migration	
  to	
  urban	
  areas	
  and	
  an	
  increasingly	
  globalized	
  populace	
  through	
   the	
  infiltration	
  of	
  Western	
  media	
  and	
  entertainment.	
  	
  More	
  recently,	
  the	
  explosive	
   growth	
  of	
  private	
  automobile	
  ownership	
  is	
  asking	
  new	
  questions	
  of	
  cities	
   throughout	
  the	
  country	
  as	
  they	
  struggle	
  to	
  cope	
  with	
  congestion,	
  pollution,	
  and	
   issues	
  of	
  spatial	
  allocation	
  and	
  equity	
  in	
  society.	
  	
  There	
  is	
  the	
  suggestion	
  that	
  an	
   increasingly	
  materialistic	
  and	
  Western	
  values	
  system	
  is	
  a	
  factor	
  in	
  the	
  generation	
   gap	
  felt	
  between	
  groups	
  in	
  the	
  nation.	
  	
  This	
  paper	
  addresses	
  the	
  views	
  of	
  middle-­‐ class	
  youth	
  in	
  Shenzhen,	
  a	
  major	
  southern	
  city	
  of	
  China,	
  and	
  their	
  perspective	
  of	
   some	
  of	
  the	
  changes	
  occurring	
  in	
  Chinese	
  society.	
  	
  The	
  method	
  of	
  assessment	
  was	
  a	
   survey	
  asking	
  about	
  their	
  views	
  on	
  transportation,	
  personal	
  values,	
  and	
  reactions	
  to	
   hypothetical	
  transportation	
  policies.	
  	
  The	
  results	
  demonstrate	
  the	
  hold	
  that	
  the	
   automobile	
  has	
  on	
  the	
  collective	
  imagination	
  of	
  youth.	
  	
  There	
  is	
  also	
  evidence	
  that	
  as	
   incomes	
  rise	
  and	
  cars	
  become	
  normalized,	
  the	
  expectation	
  of	
  future	
  ownership	
   increases,	
  pushing	
  the	
  car	
  from	
  a	
  luxury	
  item	
  into	
  the	
  mainstream	
  for	
  middle-­‐class	
   aspirants.	
  	
  Despite	
  the	
  presence	
  of	
  materialism,	
  Western	
  values	
  do	
  not	
  seem	
  to	
  play	
   a	
  major	
  role	
  in	
  the	
  attitude	
  of	
  students	
  towards	
  cars,	
  and	
  potential	
  policies	
  either	
   promoting	
  transit	
  or	
  restricting	
  private	
  vehicles	
  were	
  met	
  by	
  strong	
  pushback,	
   though	
  the	
  policies	
  would	
  result	
  in	
  moving	
  more	
  trips	
  to	
  transit.	
  	
  Overall,	
  the	
  pace	
  of	
   motorization	
  signals	
  impending	
  disaster,	
  both	
  from	
  a	
  municipal	
  management	
  and	
  a	
   broader	
  environmental	
  stance	
  and	
  efforts	
  should	
  be	
  encouraged	
  within	
  China	
  to	
   manage	
  the	
  growth	
  and	
  usage	
  of	
  private	
  automobiles	
  in	
  the	
  urban	
  arena.	
  	
  	
  	
    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS	
   	
   In	
  the	
  course	
  of	
  this	
  project	
  I’ve	
  been	
  the	
  beneficiary	
  of	
  help	
  from	
  many	
  distant	
   corners.	
  	
  First	
  among	
  these	
  is	
  my	
  advisor	
  at	
  SCARP,	
  Dr.	
  Jinhua	
  Zhao,	
  whose	
   appreciation	
  of	
  the	
  material,	
  unflagging	
  enthusiasm,	
  attention	
  to	
  detail,	
  and	
  drive	
  for	
   a	
  constantly	
  better	
  product	
  have	
  brought	
  my	
  work	
  to	
  the	
  level	
  it	
  is	
  at	
  today.	
   	
   To	
  Dr.	
  Michael	
  Leaf	
  for	
  agreeing	
  to	
  be	
  a	
  second	
  reader,	
  providing	
  insight	
  into	
  the	
   discussion	
  of	
  values	
  in	
  East	
  Asia,	
  and	
  being	
  gracious	
  under	
  the	
  short	
  notice	
  of	
  time	
   that	
  my	
  request	
  allowed	
  him.	
   	
   To	
  Rupert	
  Campbell,	
  my	
  Kiwi	
  brother-­‐in-­‐arms	
  whose	
  own	
  research	
  project	
  helped	
   grow	
  so	
  many	
  different	
  ideas	
  and	
  directions	
  for	
  my	
  own	
  in	
  our	
  discussions	
  and	
   whose	
  understanding	
  of	
  China	
  kept	
  me	
  accountable	
  throughout.	
   	
   To	
  my	
  sister	
  Victoria	
  Bennett	
  and	
  Nicholas	
  Godsmark,	
  for	
  their	
  willingness	
  to	
  be	
   the	
  pilot	
  survey	
  guinea	
  pigs.	
   	
   To	
  Derek	
  Paylor,	
  my	
  friend	
  and	
  colleague	
  in	
  Shenzhen	
  who	
  did	
  the	
  outreach	
  and	
   coordination	
  needed	
  to	
  make	
  the	
  survey	
  meaningful.	
   	
   To	
  Tracy	
  Chen,	
  Joyce	
  Shen,	
  and	
  Zhan	
  Zhao	
  for	
  assistance	
  in	
  editing,	
  translation,	
   and	
  statistical	
  analysis.	
   	
   To	
  Miki	
  Chen,	
  Zhang	
  Dandan,	
  He	
  Lijun	
  for	
  their	
  help	
  with	
  translating	
  and	
   correcting	
  the	
  Chinese	
  version	
  of	
  the	
  survey.	
   	
   To	
  Eric	
  Booth,	
  Pete	
  and	
  Elyse	
  Winter,	
  Sarah	
  Gaida,	
  Thomas	
  Trinh,	
  and	
  the	
   students	
  of	
  Shenzhen	
  for	
  responding	
  to	
  and	
  collecting	
  the	
  survey.	
   	
   And	
  lastly,	
  for	
  two	
  of	
  those	
  who	
  kept	
  me	
  sane	
  in	
  the	
  process,	
  Jason	
  Hsieh,	
  whom	
   was	
  always	
  willing	
  to	
  share	
  a	
  pint	
  and	
  Eveline	
  Xia	
  for	
  understanding	
  the	
  odd	
  hours	
   I	
  keep.	
    	
   	
   	
   	
   	
    Table	
  of	
  Contents	
   	
    1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………….1	
   2. Research	
  Questions………………………………………………………………………………3	
   3. Literature	
  Review…………………………………………………………………………………4	
   3.1	
  Motorization	
  in	
  the	
  Developing	
  World……………………………………………5	
   3.2	
  Urbanization	
  in	
  China……………………………………………………………………..6	
   	
   Urban	
  Growth	
   	
   Beijing	
   	
   Shanghai	
   3.3	
  Allure	
  of	
  the	
  Private	
  Vehicle………………………………………………………….12	
   	
   Hong	
  Kong	
  –	
  China’s	
  Future?	
   3.4	
  Cultural	
  Values	
  and	
  Materialism…………………………………………………...15	
   	
   Materialism	
  and	
  Shifting	
  Values	
   3.5	
  The	
  Youth	
  Factor…………………………………………………………………………..20	
   3.6	
  Potential	
  Interventions…………………………………………………………………23	
   3.7	
  Need	
  for	
  Further	
  Research…………………………………………………………….27	
   4. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………….28	
   Survey	
  Scope	
  	
   Survey	
  Questions	
   Areas	
  of	
  Inquiry	
   5. Results………………………………………………………………………………………………..33	
   5.1	
  Shenzhen	
  in	
  Brief………………………………………………………………………….34	
   	
   Sample	
  Size	
  Characteristics	
   5.2	
  Travel	
  Attitudes	
  and	
  Perceptions………………………………………………….37	
   5.3	
  Picture	
  of	
  Success………………………………………………………………………….41	
   5.4	
  Future	
  Behavior…………………………………………………………...……………….44	
   5.5	
  Value	
  Orientation………………………………………………………………………….45	
   5.6	
  Sticks	
  and	
  Carrots:	
  Policy	
  Reaction……………………………………………….48	
   	
   Sticks	
   	
   Carrots	
   	
   Differences	
   5.7	
  Comparing	
  Values	
  and	
  Policy………………………………………………………..54	
   6. Interpretations…………………………………………………………………………………...55	
   7. Limitations………………………………………………………………………………………….57	
   8. Going	
  Forward…………………………………………………………………………………….60	
   9. Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………….62	
   10. 	
  Appendix……………………………………………………………………………………………66	
   	
   	
   	
   	
    	
   	
    List	
  of	
  Table	
  and	
  Images	
    	
   Table	
  1:	
  Shenzhen	
  Municipal	
  Characteristics	
    	
    	
    	
    p.	
  35	
    Table	
  2:	
  Study	
  Group	
  Characteristics	
    	
    	
    	
    p.	
  37	
    	
    	
    	
    p.	
  40	
    Table	
  4:	
  Picture	
  of	
  Success:	
  Most	
  Selected	
  Traits	
  	
   	
    	
    	
    p.	
  43	
    Table	
  5:	
  Responses	
  to	
  Values	
    	
    Table	
  3:	
  Common	
  Transportation	
  Perceptions	
  	
   	
    	
    	
    	
    p.	
  47	
    Table	
  6:	
  Proposed	
  Transportation	
  Policies	
  	
    	
    	
    	
    p.	
  49	
    Table	
  7:	
  Stick	
  Policies:	
  Acceptance	
  and	
  Reactions	
  	
    	
    	
    p.	
  50	
    Table	
  8:	
  Carrot	
  Policies:	
  Acceptance	
  and	
  Reactions	
  	
    	
    	
    p.	
  52	
    Image	
  1:	
  Picture	
  of	
  Success	
  	
   	
    	
    	
    p.	
  44	
    	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
    	
    	
    	
    	
    	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   1.	
  Introduction	
   	
    Since	
  the	
  economic	
  reforms	
  and	
  opening	
  of	
  China	
  in	
  1978,	
  the	
  country’s	
    economy	
  has	
  expanded	
  massively,	
  averaging	
  more	
  than	
  9%	
  growth	
  per	
  year	
  (Thun,	
   2006).	
  	
  In	
  this	
  same	
  span,	
  the	
  number	
  of	
  urban	
  Chinese	
  has	
  grown	
  massively,	
  along	
   with	
  their	
  relative	
  incomes	
  (Dargay,	
  2007).	
  Reflected	
  in	
  this	
  newfound	
  prosperity	
   has	
  been	
  a	
  headlong	
  rush	
  into	
  car	
  ownership	
  by	
  the	
  emerging	
  middle	
  class,	
  resulting	
   in	
  a	
  slew	
  of	
  accompanying	
  problems	
  such	
  as	
  congestion,	
  pollution,	
  and	
  urban	
  sprawl.	
  	
   	
    In	
  Shenzhen	
  and	
  other	
  cities,	
  the	
  number	
  of	
  cars	
  has	
  skyrocketed,	
  growing	
    from	
  105,097	
  in	
  1997	
  (Shenzhen	
  Statistical	
  Yearbook,	
  1997)	
  to	
  an	
  estimated	
  2	
   million	
  today	
  (Shenzhen	
  Daily,	
  8	
  February	
  2012).	
  	
  This	
  trend	
  of	
  growing	
  ownership	
   is	
  mirrored	
  across	
  the	
  country	
  in	
  the	
  massive	
  increase	
  of	
  the	
  number	
  of	
  cars	
  (China	
   Statistical	
  Yearbook,	
  2010).	
  	
  In	
  response,	
  local	
  municipalities	
  have	
  unleashed	
  an	
   array	
  of	
  measures	
  designed	
  to	
  ease	
  traffic	
  woes.	
  	
  These	
  can	
  take	
  on	
  many	
  different	
   shapes	
  and	
  forms:	
  targeting	
  and	
  limiting	
  car	
  ownership,	
  subsidies	
  for	
  electric	
   vehicles,	
  encouraging	
  bicycling,	
  and	
  expanding	
  public	
  transit	
  systems.	
   	
    Beyond	
  policy,	
  there	
  are	
  social	
  dimensions	
  to	
  be	
  considered	
  when	
  car	
    ownership	
  is	
  put	
  in	
  the	
  spotlight.	
  	
  A	
  study	
  of	
  satisfaction	
  with	
  transportation	
  in	
   Beijing	
  found	
  differing	
  levels	
  between	
  older	
  and	
  younger	
  generations	
  in	
  the	
  city.	
  	
   The	
  elderly	
  were	
  more	
  satisfied	
  with	
  the	
  current	
  state	
  of	
  the	
  system,	
  while	
  younger	
   people	
  felt	
  a	
  greater	
  level	
  of	
  dissatisfaction	
  (Ji	
  &	
  Gao,	
  2010).	
  	
  Similarly,	
  the	
  same	
   study	
  showed	
  that	
  income	
  variations	
  affect	
  one’s	
  view	
  of	
  transportation,	
  and	
  that	
  in	
   general	
  higher	
  incomes	
  showed	
  a	
  greater	
  preference	
  for	
  car	
  ownership	
  (Ji	
  &	
  Gao,	
   2010).	
  	
  	
    	
    Chinese	
  media	
  have	
  shown	
  a	
  growing	
  love	
  affair	
  with	
  the	
  car,	
  seen	
  in	
  more	
    obvious	
  advertising	
  placements	
  and	
  the	
  subtler	
  but	
  still	
  reinforcing	
  image	
  of	
   successful	
  characters	
  on	
  television	
  dramas	
  going	
  from	
  place	
  to	
  place	
  in	
  their	
  own	
   vehicle.	
  	
  It	
  is	
  to	
  the	
  point	
  that	
  middle-­‐class	
  culture	
  reflects	
  “a	
  growing	
  love	
  affair	
   with	
  the	
  car”	
  that	
  has	
  “sexualised	
  the	
  car	
  as	
  a	
  ’magical	
  object’	
  that	
  appeals	
  to	
  the	
   desire	
  for	
  power,	
  speed	
  and	
  excitement”	
  (Waitt	
  &	
  Harada,	
  2012).	
   	
    The	
  perceived	
  value	
  of	
  the	
  car	
  is	
  increasingly	
  entrenched.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  in	
  spite	
  of	
    the	
  discovery	
  that	
  the	
  value	
  attached	
  to	
  the	
  private	
  car,	
  and	
  its	
  perceived	
  utility,	
  are	
   seemingly	
  misplaced.	
  	
  In	
  Beijing,	
  the	
  average	
  speed	
  of	
  a	
  car	
  was	
  similar	
  to	
  that	
  of	
  a	
   brisk	
  cyclist,	
  about	
  12	
  kilometers	
  per	
  hour.	
  	
  When	
  compared	
  with	
  the	
  speed	
  of	
  the	
   Shanghai	
  subway,	
  clocking	
  in,	
  with	
  stops,	
  at	
  36	
  kilometers/hour,	
  driving	
  is	
  vastly	
   slower	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  Actual	
  usage	
  of	
  cars	
  differs	
  from	
  perception	
  as	
  well,	
  as	
  one	
   study	
  of	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  drivers	
  showed	
  that	
  most	
  anticipated	
  using	
  the	
  car	
  for	
  trips	
   they	
  would	
  not	
  otherwise	
  make,	
  yet	
  the	
  majority	
  of	
  trips	
  by	
  car	
  in	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  were	
   for	
  commuting	
  (Cullinane,	
  2003).	
   Cars	
  are	
  an	
  addiction	
  that	
  once	
  purchased	
  becomes	
  a	
  necessity.	
  	
  Even	
  in	
   Hong	
  Kong,	
  Cullinane	
  found	
  that	
  the	
  more	
  a	
  person	
  used	
  their	
  vehicle	
  the	
  more	
  it	
   was	
  viewed	
  as	
  indispensible	
  (2003).	
  	
  Indeed,	
  in	
  the	
  relatively	
  small	
  area	
  that	
   comprises	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  (426	
  square	
  miles),	
  it	
  was	
  found	
  that	
  the	
  average	
  car	
  still	
   traveled	
  22	
  miles	
  per	
  day,	
  further	
  evidence	
  that	
  once	
  a	
  car	
  is	
  purchased,	
  its	
  use	
   becomes	
  habitual	
  and	
  addictive.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  in	
  spite	
  of	
  statements	
  to	
  the	
  contrary	
  made	
   prior	
  to	
  purchasing	
  a	
  vehicle	
  (Cullinane,	
  2003).	
   	
    The	
  infiltration	
  of	
  materialistic	
  ideas	
  into	
  China	
  may	
  be	
  one	
  of	
  the	
  forces	
    driving	
  the	
  desire	
  for	
  a	
  private	
  vehicle	
  and	
  some	
  studies	
  have	
  been	
  done	
  to	
  this	
   effect.	
  	
  Typically	
  values	
  are	
  transmitted	
  from	
  one	
  generation	
  to	
  the	
  next.	
  	
  In	
  China,	
   this	
  has	
  been	
  disrupted	
  by	
  social	
  changes,	
  and	
  younger	
  generations	
  create	
  value	
  in	
  a	
   vacuum	
  (Gu	
  &	
  Hung,	
  2009).	
  	
  In	
  this	
  newly	
  materialistic	
  society,	
  the	
  driving	
  goal	
   centers	
  around	
  possession	
  and	
  acquisition	
  of	
  specific	
  products,	
  and	
  it	
  is	
  from	
  here	
   that	
  satisfaction	
  is	
  derived	
  (Gu	
  &	
  Hung,	
  2009).	
  	
  	
  	
   	
    Presuming	
  the	
  examples	
  of	
  the	
  US	
  and	
  Europe	
  is	
  emulated,	
  more	
  income	
    means	
  more	
  materialism	
  and	
  drive	
  to	
  own	
  possessions.	
  	
  These	
  have	
  begun	
  to	
  take	
   	
    2	
    hold	
  in	
  Asia	
  now,	
  with	
  Podoshen	
  noting	
  “Chinese	
  consumers	
  found	
  themselves	
   appropriating	
  a	
  modern	
  and	
  more	
  progressive	
  world,	
  one	
  in	
  which	
  goods	
  from	
  the	
   West	
  symbolized	
  a	
  new	
  found	
  freedom”	
  (2011).	
   A	
  seismic	
  change	
  in	
  Chinese	
  social	
   values	
  may	
  be	
  underway,	
  with	
  more	
  youth	
  aspiring	
  to	
  university	
  degrees	
  and	
  trying	
   their	
  luck	
  in	
  newly	
  industrialized	
  centers.	
  	
  Status	
  and	
  social	
  pressure	
  add	
  a	
  different	
   element	
  from	
  the	
  simple	
  Western	
  yearning	
  to	
  consume	
  based	
  on	
  desire	
  alone	
   (Podoshen,	
  2011).	
   As	
  this	
  occurs,	
  a	
  new	
  generation	
  of	
  Chinese	
  youth	
  is	
  growing	
  up,	
  part	
  of	
  a	
   society	
  where	
  cars	
  are	
  no	
  longer	
  an	
  exception	
  but	
  are	
  perceived	
  as	
  the	
  rule.	
  	
  They	
   exist	
  in	
  a	
  culture	
  that	
  is	
  undefined,	
  no	
  longer	
  tied	
  to	
  the	
  heavy-­‐handed	
  ideological	
   roots	
  or	
  traditions	
  of	
  older	
  generations.	
  	
  They	
  are	
  left	
  to	
  define	
  values	
  and	
   aspirations	
  for	
  themselves	
  in	
  a	
  country	
  in	
  the	
  midst	
  of	
  a	
  sustained	
  economic	
  boom	
   that	
  has	
  transformed	
  life	
  throughout	
  China.	
   	
    A	
  survey	
  of	
  students	
  at	
  universities	
  in	
  the	
  Yangtze	
  River	
  delta	
  showed	
  that	
  a	
    vast	
  majority,	
  indeed	
  almost	
  two-­‐thirds,	
  aspire	
  to	
  own	
  a	
  car	
  when	
  they	
  can	
  afford	
   one	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  These	
  same	
  students	
  hold	
  a	
  vastly	
  positive	
  view	
  of	
  the	
  automobile,	
   and,	
  mirroring	
  the	
  drop	
  in	
  average	
  age	
  of	
  the	
  car	
  driver	
  to	
  32,	
  most	
  students	
  in	
  the	
   survey	
  would	
  hope	
  to	
  own	
  a	
  car	
  within	
  4-­‐10	
  years	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  This	
  particularly	
   underscores	
  the	
  need	
  for	
  more	
  study	
  of	
  younger	
  generations	
  within	
  Chinese	
  society.	
  	
  	
   The	
  notion	
  that	
  young	
  people	
  in	
  China	
  hold	
  such	
  overwhelmingly	
  positive	
   views	
  of	
  the	
  car,	
  even	
  if	
  that	
  view	
  is	
  divorced	
  from	
  the	
  reality	
  of	
  its	
  likely	
  use,	
  bears	
   notice.	
  	
  Coupled	
  with	
  the	
  habituation	
  of	
  use	
  that	
  car	
  ownership	
  carries,	
  particular	
   importance	
  should	
  be	
  paid	
  to	
  youth	
  perceptions	
  and	
  the	
  types	
  of	
  policies	
  that	
  can	
   lessen	
  the	
  harmful	
  effects	
  of	
  urban	
  traffic	
  congestion.	
  	
  The	
  scale	
  and	
  density	
  of	
   Chinese	
  urban	
  areas,	
  increasing	
  environmental	
  woes,	
  and	
  massive	
  economic	
  change	
   further	
  underscore	
  the	
  need	
  for	
  more	
  research	
  along	
  this	
  avenue.	
   	
   2.	
  Research	
  Questions	
   A	
  pair	
  of	
  questions	
  guided	
  this	
  work.	
  	
  First,	
  what	
  values	
  and	
  life	
  aspirations	
   are	
  today’s	
  middle-­‐class	
  youth	
  choosing	
  for	
  themselves?	
  	
  Second,	
  how	
  do	
  these	
    	
    3	
    values	
  and	
  aspirations	
  combine	
  with	
  policy	
  to	
  affect	
  their	
  choices	
  on	
  personal	
   transportation	
  and	
  how	
  do	
  youths	
  react	
  to	
  theoretical	
  transportation	
  policies?	
   Embedded	
  within	
  the	
  primary	
  research	
  questions	
  are	
  lesser	
  ones	
  valuable	
  to	
   the	
  data	
  analysis	
  process.	
  	
  Foremost	
  is	
  the	
  thorough	
  assessment	
  of	
  the	
  demographic	
   traits	
  of	
  survey	
  respondents,	
  broken	
  down	
  by	
  age,	
  household	
  size,	
  estimated	
  family	
   income,	
  gender,	
  type	
  of	
  home,	
  and	
  family	
  car	
  ownership.	
  	
  With	
  these	
  baselines	
   established,	
  significance	
  of	
  the	
  sample	
  can	
  be	
  determined	
  and	
  used	
  in	
  comparative	
   analysis	
  of	
  other	
  survey	
  responses.	
  	
  	
   Next	
  comes	
  what	
  values	
  are	
  the	
  most	
  common	
  and	
  whether	
  or	
  not	
  there	
  has	
   been	
  an	
  infiltration	
  of	
  Westernized	
  values	
  competing	
  with	
  traditional	
  values	
  in	
   modern	
  Chinese	
  culture?	
  	
  Students’	
  future	
  ambitions	
  regarding	
  lifestyle	
  and	
  car	
   ownership/usage	
  are	
  investigated	
  as	
  well.	
  	
  The	
  research	
  also	
  allows	
  us	
  to	
  determine	
   a	
  picture	
  of	
  success	
  within	
  our	
  sample	
  group.	
   In	
  addition	
  to	
  looking	
  at	
  students’	
  perceived	
  future	
  relationship	
  with	
  cars,	
   the	
  responses	
  provide	
  information	
  about	
  perceptions	
  of	
  cars	
  and	
  bus	
  and	
  rail	
  transit.	
  	
   Assessment	
  of	
  environmental	
  views	
  is	
  conducted	
  at	
  a	
  basic	
  level,	
  along	
  with	
  the	
   influence	
  that	
  education	
  levels	
  have	
  on	
  all	
  the	
  aforementioned	
  views.	
   Finally,	
  proposed	
  policy	
  interventions	
  are	
  examined.	
  	
  General	
  trends	
  can	
  be	
   drawn	
  determining	
  the	
  relative	
  reception	
  and	
  effectiveness	
  of	
  incentives	
  and	
   discouragement	
  –	
  carrots	
  and	
  sticks	
  –	
  relating	
  to	
  transportation	
  behavior.	
  	
  The	
   individual	
  policies	
  are	
  also	
  assessed	
  in	
  finer	
  detail	
  for	
  specific	
  results.	
   	
   	
   3.	
  Literature	
  Review	
   	
    Mobility	
  issues	
  are	
  increasingly	
  coming	
  to	
  the	
  fore	
  in	
  the	
  cities	
  of	
  rapidly	
    developing	
  countries.	
  	
  These	
  accompanying	
  problems	
  to	
  motorization	
  are	
  not	
   unique	
  to	
  China	
  and	
  include	
  a	
  diverse	
  array	
  of	
  specific	
  challenges,	
  outlined	
  broadly	
   as	
  local	
  demand	
  and	
  motorization	
  exceeding	
  facility	
  capacity,	
  tension	
  between	
  land	
   use	
  and	
  transportation,	
  inadequate	
  road	
  maintenance	
  and	
  accountability,	
  and	
  more	
   fundamentally	
  the	
  incompatibility	
  of	
  the	
  present	
  urban	
  structure	
  with	
  increased	
   motorization	
  (Gakenheimer,	
  1999).	
   	
    4	
    	
    Harder	
  still	
  is	
  for	
  developing	
  countries	
  to	
  resist	
  the	
  example	
  offered	
  by	
  the	
    developed	
  Western	
  nations.	
  	
  Lessons	
  are	
  to	
  be	
  learned	
  from	
  Western	
  development,	
   but	
  blindly	
  following	
  the	
  established	
  model	
  is	
  a	
  recipe	
  for	
  disaster,	
  both	
  locally	
  and	
   globally	
  (Gakenheimer,	
  1999).	
  Cities,	
  provinces,	
  and	
  national	
  governments	
  in	
  dense,	
   rapidly	
  developing	
  nations	
  such	
  as	
  China	
  would	
  be	
  wise	
  to	
  heed	
  the	
  lessons,	
  both	
   the	
  positive	
  and	
  negative,	
  of	
  other	
  nations	
  in	
  forging	
  a	
  road	
  forward.	
   	
   3.1	
  MOTORIZATION	
  IN	
  THE	
  DEVELOPING	
  WORLD	
   	
    By	
  2030,	
  China	
  is	
  estimated	
  to	
  have	
  twenty	
  times	
  the	
  number	
  of	
  cars	
  it	
  did	
  in	
    2002,	
  surpassing	
  the	
  United	
  States’	
  vehicle	
  numbers	
  by	
  nearly	
  a	
  quarter;	
  in	
  spite	
  of	
   this	
  projection,	
  car	
  ownership	
  levels	
  will	
  only	
  be	
  on	
  par	
  with	
  those	
  from	
  the	
  1970s	
   in	
  Europe	
  and	
  Japan	
  (Dargay,	
  2007).	
  	
  Growth	
  rates	
  have	
  run	
  high,	
  with	
  vehicle	
   ownership	
  growing	
  annually	
  by	
  10.6%,	
  faster	
  than	
  nearby	
  fast-­‐developing	
  nations	
   like	
  India	
  and	
  Indonesia	
  (Dargay,	
  2007).	
   	
    Spread	
  out	
  over	
  time,	
  the	
  rate	
  appears	
  even	
  higher,	
  at	
  37.4%	
  annually,	
    though	
  this	
  may	
  be	
  a	
  factor	
  of	
  statistical	
  manipulation	
  considering	
  the	
  low	
  level	
  of	
   car	
  ownership	
  in	
  China	
  as	
  recently	
  as	
  1985	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  Regardless	
  of	
  the	
  manner	
   in	
  which	
  growth	
  is	
  quantified,	
  the	
  number	
  of	
  cars	
  stood	
  at	
  ‘only’	
  28	
  million	
  in	
  2008,	
   roughly	
  38	
  per	
  1000	
  people,	
  and	
  is	
  projected	
  to	
  continue	
  expanding	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
   This	
  underscores	
  the	
  pressing	
  need	
  related	
  to	
  issues	
  of	
  building	
   infrastructure	
  supporting	
  increasing	
  car	
  usage,	
  environmental	
  consequences	
   (Dargay,	
  2007),	
  the	
  inability	
  of	
  local	
  municipalities	
  to	
  match	
  the	
  exceedingly	
  rapid	
   growth	
  rate	
  of	
  personal	
  car	
  ownership,	
  and	
  the	
  external	
  pressures	
  on	
  land	
   expansion	
  for	
  development	
  that	
  are	
  exacerbated	
  by	
  the	
  growth	
  of	
  private	
  cars	
  (Yang	
   &	
  Zergas,	
  2010).	
   	
    An	
  attendant	
  issue	
  to	
  increasing	
  income	
  is	
  that	
  transit	
  usage	
  tends	
  to	
  drop.	
  	
  	
    A	
  study	
  by	
  de	
  Grange	
  found	
  that	
  with	
  every	
  10%	
  rise	
  in	
  income,	
  there	
  was	
  a	
  2%	
   reduction	
  in	
  transit	
  usage	
  (de	
  Grange	
  &	
  Troncoso,	
  2012).	
  	
  The	
  same	
  study	
  offered	
   signs	
  of	
  hope,	
  noting	
  that	
  policies	
  restricting	
  car	
  usage	
  and	
  higher	
  density	
   settlement	
  patterns	
  both	
  boosted	
  transit	
  patronage	
  (de	
  Grange	
  &	
  Troncoso,	
  2012).	
    	
    5	
    There	
  is	
  also	
  the	
  factor	
  of	
  personal	
  attachment	
  and	
  desire	
  for	
  private	
  vehicles	
   in	
  the	
  developing	
  world.	
  	
  Drivers	
  feel	
  a	
  greater	
  sense	
  of	
  independence	
  and	
  freedom,	
   both	
  more	
  in	
  control	
  of	
  their	
  schedule	
  and	
  autonomous	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
  	
  Even	
  though	
   many	
  Chinese	
  cannot	
  yet	
  afford	
  a	
  car,	
  more	
  and	
  more	
  view	
  their	
  future	
  earning	
   potential	
  with	
  optimism,	
  and	
  hold	
  expectations	
  of	
  a	
  future	
  car	
  purchase	
  not	
  merely	
   for	
  utility	
  but	
  as	
  a	
  symbol	
  of	
  arrival	
  into	
  the	
  middle	
  class	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
  2010).	
   	
    More	
  troublesome	
  for	
  those	
  with	
  a	
  negative	
  view	
  of	
  car	
  growth	
  in	
  China	
  is	
    that	
  the	
  trend	
  may	
  yet	
  accelerate.	
  	
  Car	
  ownership	
  growth	
  has	
  consistently	
  been	
   double	
  that	
  of	
  income,	
  and	
  as	
  more	
  Chinese	
  families	
  enter	
  the	
  middle-­‐income	
  class	
   (between	
  $3,000-­‐$10,000	
  per	
  year)	
  the	
  trend	
  in	
  purchases	
  is	
  expected	
  to	
  further	
   grow	
  (Dargay,	
  2007).	
  	
  	
   Growth	
  of	
  automobile	
  ownership	
  in	
  this	
  income	
  range	
  has	
  been	
  seen	
  in	
   Brazil,	
  Japan,	
  Spain,	
  and	
  more	
  recently	
  South	
  Korea,	
  as	
  large	
  numbers	
  of	
  people	
  in	
   these	
  nations	
  have	
  reached	
  middle	
  incomes	
  (Dargay,	
  2007).	
  	
  While	
  car	
  purchasing	
   decelerates	
  as	
  average	
  incomes	
  rise	
  (Dargay,	
  2007),	
  China	
  today	
  has	
  found	
  itself	
   squarely	
  in	
  the	
  midst	
  of	
  an	
  ever-­‐expanding	
  boom	
  of	
  private	
  vehicle	
  ownership.	
   Already	
  statistics	
  are	
  bearing	
  out	
  this	
  statistical	
  reality.	
  	
  As	
  far	
  back	
  as	
  the	
   first	
  half	
  of	
  2006,	
  car	
  sales	
  were	
  found	
  to	
  have	
  grown	
  by	
  nearly	
  50%,	
  with	
  1.8	
   million	
  cars	
  sold	
  in	
  that	
  period	
  (Pendyala	
  &	
  Kitamura,	
  2007).	
  	
  From	
  the	
  38	
  cars	
  per	
   1000	
  people	
  today,	
  the	
  proportion	
  is	
  anticipated	
  to	
  grow	
  to	
  269	
  per	
  1000	
  by	
  2030,	
   translating	
  to	
  an	
  estimated	
  twentyfold	
  increase	
  of	
  vehicles	
  totaling	
  390	
  million	
  (Zhu,	
   2012;	
  Dargay,	
  2007).	
   	
   3.2	
  URBANIZATION	
  IN	
  CHINA	
  	
   	
    In	
  China,	
  modernization	
  has	
  occurred	
  in	
  tandem	
  with	
  urbanization,	
  raising	
    questions	
  about	
  the	
  effect	
  of	
  these	
  phenomena	
  (Segall,	
  1986).	
  	
  Traditionally	
  China	
   has	
  stood	
  apart	
  from	
  other	
  developing	
  countries	
  in	
  measures	
  of	
  transportation,	
  a	
   result	
  of	
  the	
  one-­‐time	
  high	
  numbers	
  of	
  trips	
  conducted	
  by	
  bicycle.	
  	
  In	
  the	
  developing	
   world,	
  an	
  average	
  of	
  75%	
  of	
  trips	
  are	
  made	
  by	
  transit	
  (Gakenheimer,	
  1999).	
  	
  	
   	
    A	
  further	
  complication	
  for	
  motorization,	
  and	
  a	
  benefit	
  presently	
  for	
  Chinese	
    cities	
  eager	
  to	
  encourage	
  other	
  types	
  of	
  trips,	
  is	
  the	
  high	
  density	
  of	
  China’s	
  urban	
   	
    6	
    areas,	
  often	
  over	
  250	
  persons	
  per	
  hectare.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  significantly	
  above	
  the	
  Western	
   European	
  average	
  of	
  50	
  persons	
  per	
  hectare,	
  with	
  a	
  consequence	
  being	
  that	
  only	
   10%	
  of	
  China’s	
  urban	
  surface	
  area	
  are	
  roads	
  (Gakenheimer,	
  1999).	
  	
  Today,	
  that	
   advantage	
  is	
  being	
  eroded	
  with	
  the	
  development	
  of	
  far-­‐flung	
  suburban	
   developments	
  to	
  meet	
  the	
  demands	
  of	
  the	
  new	
  middle	
  class	
  and	
  their	
  vehicles.	
  	
   Employment	
  often	
  follows,	
  a	
  pattern	
  described	
  below	
  in	
  Shanghai,	
  and	
  in	
  the	
   process	
  lower-­‐income	
  people	
  are	
  usually	
  left	
  behind.	
   	
    In	
  addition	
  to	
  the	
  spatial	
  demands	
  of	
  the	
  car	
  on	
  the	
  physical	
  structure	
  of	
  the	
    city,	
  there	
  is	
  its	
  grasp	
  on	
  the	
  Chinese	
  heart.	
  	
  Despite	
  the	
  lower	
  amount	
  of	
  roadways	
   available,	
  shorter	
  trip	
  lengths,	
  and	
  transit	
  options,	
  families	
  in	
  China	
  are	
  willing	
  to	
   spend	
  two	
  years	
  of	
  income	
  on	
  a	
  car	
  purchase,	
  compared	
  to	
  an	
  average	
  of	
  27	
  weeks	
   of	
  income	
  for	
  Americans	
  (Gakenheimer,	
  1999).	
  	
  	
   	
   URBAN	
  GROWTH	
   	
    Tied	
  to	
  the	
  growth	
  in	
  motorization	
  has	
  been	
  the	
  rapid	
  expansion	
  of	
  cities	
    within	
  China.	
  	
  The	
  percentage	
  of	
  urbanized	
  population	
  has	
  shifted	
  rapidly,	
  going	
   from	
  29%	
  in	
  1995	
  to	
  45%	
  in	
  2007	
  (Wang,	
  2010),	
  a	
  shift	
  that	
  occurred	
  in	
  just	
  over	
  a	
   decade	
  and	
  is	
  expected	
  to	
  continue	
  into	
  the	
  future.	
  	
  In	
  terms	
  of	
  numbers,	
  there	
  were	
   only	
  80	
  million	
  urban	
  Chinese	
  in	
  1978;	
  by	
  2008	
  there	
  were	
  560	
  million	
  (Cervero).	
  	
   This	
  is	
  an	
  average	
  annual	
  shift	
  of	
  over	
  ten	
  million	
  rural	
  Chinese	
  to	
  cities,	
  and	
  these	
   new	
  residents	
  are	
  becoming	
  part	
  of	
  the	
  urban	
  problem	
  though	
  traveling	
  increased	
   distances	
  and	
  more	
  frequently	
  than	
  in	
  the	
  past,	
  propelling	
  congestion	
  and	
  demand	
   for	
  fossil	
  fuels	
  (Wang,	
  2010).	
   	
    One	
  of	
  the	
  issues	
  of	
  Chinese	
  urbanization,	
  as	
  observed	
  in	
  Beijing	
  and	
    Shanghai	
  (Wang,	
  2011;	
  Cervero,	
  2008),	
  is	
  that	
  the	
  increased	
  population	
  and	
  the	
   increased	
  dispersal	
  of	
  population	
  also	
  lead	
  to	
  the	
  spatial	
  spread	
  of	
  employment	
   (Wang,	
  2010).	
  	
  In	
  recognizing	
  this	
  outcome,	
  some	
  of	
  the	
  potential	
  policies	
  that	
  could	
   be	
  used	
  to	
  control	
  traffic	
  may	
  need	
  a	
  re-­‐examination.	
  	
  An	
  example	
  from	
  Wang	
   suggests	
  that	
  cordon	
  pricing,	
  similar	
  to	
  congestion	
  charging	
  in	
  London,	
  will	
  lose	
   effectiveness	
  as	
  jobs	
  migrate	
  farther	
  outside	
  the	
  central	
  cordon	
  zone,	
  and	
  the	
  effect	
   of	
  such	
  a	
  policy	
  may	
  have	
  limits	
  (2010).	
  	
  This	
  may	
  be	
  true	
  of	
  other	
  urban	
   	
    7	
    transportation	
  policies,	
  and	
  underscores	
  the	
  dynamic	
  connection	
  between	
   transportation	
  and	
  land	
  use.	
   	
   BEIJING	
   One	
  of	
  the	
  most	
  telling	
  examples	
  of	
  these	
  trends	
  is	
  Beijing,	
  the	
  Chinese	
   capital,	
  which	
  has	
  been	
  subject	
  to	
  massive	
  changes	
  in	
  the	
  past	
  few	
  decades.	
  	
  For	
  the	
   capital	
  there	
  is	
  a	
  growing	
  body	
  of	
  research	
  addressing	
  the	
  impacts	
  of	
  urbanization	
   and	
  motorization	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
  2010;	
  Wang,	
  2011;	
  Ji	
  &	
  Gao,	
  2010)	
  that	
  offer	
   glimpses	
  into	
  the	
  present	
  state	
  of	
  China’s	
  political	
  center.	
   A	
  2010	
  paper	
  covers	
  these	
  changes	
  from	
  the	
  perspective	
  of	
  the	
  capital	
  city,	
   noting	
  that	
  though	
  home	
  ownership	
  was	
  still	
  the	
  first	
  priority	
  of	
  Beijing	
  families,	
  as	
   incomes	
  rose,	
  households	
  became	
  more	
  and	
  more	
  likely	
  to	
  own	
  a	
  car,	
  consistent	
   with	
  broad	
  international	
  findings	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
  2010).	
   	
    This	
  desire	
  for	
  a	
  car,	
  borne	
  out	
  anecdotally	
  on	
  the	
  traffic-­‐choked	
  streets,	
  is	
    also	
  statistically	
  true.	
  	
  In	
  a	
  country	
  with	
  car	
  ownership	
  levels	
  far	
  below	
  Western	
   counterparts,	
  Beijing	
  boasted	
  a	
  car	
  ownership	
  rate	
  of	
  171	
  per	
  thousand	
  residents	
  in	
   2009	
  among	
  the	
  3.7	
  million	
  cars	
  within	
  the	
  capital’s	
  boundaries	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
   2010;	
  Beijing	
  Statistical	
  Yearbook,	
  2010).	
  	
  Since	
  2009	
  the	
  number	
  of	
  cars	
  has	
  kept	
   climbing,	
  though	
  even	
  in	
  Beijing	
  more	
  serious	
  restrictions	
  have	
  been	
  brought	
  to	
  the	
   fore	
  with	
  the	
  2011	
  advent	
  of	
  a	
  car	
  ownership	
  lottery	
  policy.	
   	
    Yang	
  furthers	
  speculates	
  that	
  the	
  appetite	
  for	
  autos	
  will	
  only	
  increase	
  in	
    Beijing.	
  	
  Families	
  classified	
  as	
  “big,	
  young,	
  and	
  affluent”	
  –	
  those	
  most	
  likely	
  to	
  desire	
   cars	
  –	
  are	
  expected	
  to	
  continue	
  flocking	
  to	
  Beijing	
  seeking	
  the	
  higher	
  salaries	
  offered	
   in	
  the	
  capital	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
  2010).	
  	
  It	
  is	
  anticipated	
  that	
  this	
  growing	
  class	
  will	
   occupy	
  a	
  greater	
  share	
  of	
  the	
  local	
  demographic.	
   	
    In	
  2011,	
  a	
  survey	
  of	
  Beijing	
  households	
  organized	
  across	
  ten	
  different	
    neighborhoods	
  was	
  conducted	
  covering	
  car	
  ownership	
  and	
  other	
  transportation	
   elements.	
  	
  Results	
  showed	
  that	
  behavior	
  was	
  shaped	
  by	
  two	
  primary	
  factors:	
   personal	
  attitudes	
  and	
  the	
  built	
  environment,	
  with	
  the	
  latter	
  being	
  potentially	
   stronger	
  (Wang,	
  2011).	
  	
  	
    	
    8	
    The	
  danwei	
  unit,	
  a	
  traditional	
  type	
  of	
  Beijing	
  housing	
  in	
  which	
  residences	
  are	
   organized	
  around	
  a	
  work	
  area	
  and	
  many	
  daily	
  needs	
  are	
  within	
  an	
  easy	
  walk,	
  had	
   lower	
  car	
  ownership	
  levels	
  than	
  the	
  newer	
  suburban	
  communities	
  built	
  by	
   developers	
  since	
  the	
  1980s	
  (Wang,	
  2011).	
  	
  These	
  newer	
  developments,	
  located	
  near	
   the	
  urban	
  fringe,	
  all	
  had	
  characteristics	
  of	
  increased	
  travel	
  time	
  and	
  higher	
  private	
   car	
  ownership	
  (Wang,	
  2011),	
  though	
  it	
  was	
  unclear	
  what	
  type	
  of	
  person	
  lived	
  in	
   these	
  various	
  types	
  of	
  housing	
  and	
  if	
  personal	
  economic	
  factors	
  are	
  at	
  play.	
   	
    Yang	
  &	
  Zergas	
  agree	
  with	
  the	
  premise	
  of	
  varying	
  forms	
  of	
  urban	
    development	
  guiding	
  preferences	
  for	
  vehicle	
  ownership,	
  along	
  with	
  issues	
  of	
  speed,	
   privacy,	
  and	
  prestige	
  (2010).	
  	
  Likewise,	
  there	
  is	
  a	
  cyclical	
  pattern	
  wherein	
   increasing	
  car	
  ownership	
  spurs	
  on	
  further	
  urban	
  development	
  that	
  serves	
  the	
  car,	
   thus	
  necessitating	
  further	
  car	
  ownership,	
  and	
  the	
  role	
  that	
  government,	
  through	
   road-­‐building	
  schemes,	
  exacerbates	
  these	
  effects	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
  2010).	
  	
  	
   	
    Past	
  speculation,	
  the	
  urban	
  expansion	
  phenomenon	
  is	
  visible	
  in	
  Beijing,	
    where	
  the	
  built-­‐up	
  area	
  in	
  2007	
  was	
  2.6	
  times	
  the	
  size	
  it	
  was	
  in	
  2000	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
   2010).	
  	
  Government	
  efforts	
  such	
  as	
  the	
  construction	
  of	
  over	
  1800	
  kilometers	
  of	
  new	
   roads	
  and	
  completion	
  of	
  Beijing’s	
  Sixth	
  Ring	
  Road,	
  over	
  15	
  kilometers	
  from	
  the	
  city	
   center,	
  have	
  done	
  little	
  to	
  alleviate	
  the	
  city’s	
  new	
  image	
  as	
  a	
  perpetually	
  gridlocked	
   metropolis	
  existing	
  under	
  a	
  haze	
  of	
  smog;	
  little	
  surprise	
  when	
  transportation	
  is	
   responsible	
  for	
  an	
  estimated	
  77%	
  of	
  carbon	
  monoxide	
  emissions	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
   2010).	
   	
    For	
  Beijing,	
  there	
  is	
  little	
  evidence	
  of	
  a	
  slowdown	
  in	
  the	
  explosive	
  increase	
  of	
    car	
  ownership.	
  	
  Where	
  only	
  4%	
  of	
  households	
  owned	
  a	
  car	
  in	
  2001,	
  the	
  number	
   grew	
  to	
  13%	
  by	
  2006	
  and	
  to	
  17%	
  by	
  2009	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
  2010).	
  	
  This	
  rapid	
  change	
   meant	
  that	
  even	
  though	
  the	
  city	
  embarked	
  on	
  an	
  ambitious	
  road-­‐building	
  campaign	
   that	
  increased	
  road	
  area	
  per	
  capita	
  in	
  Beijing,	
  the	
  amount	
  of	
  road	
  area	
  for	
  private	
   car	
  dropped	
  nearly	
  in	
  half,	
  from	
  95	
  m2	
  to	
  54	
  m2	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
  2010).	
   	
    While	
  the	
  municipality	
  is	
  incapable	
  of	
  meeting	
  the	
  demands	
  of	
  the	
  new	
    vehicles,	
  there	
  is	
  little	
  sign	
  of	
  consumer	
  lust	
  for	
  private	
  cars	
  abating.	
  	
   Homeownership,	
  a	
  high	
  priority	
  in	
  the	
  emerging	
  middle	
  class	
  of	
  China,	
  has	
  been	
   found	
  to	
  increase	
  the	
  likelihood	
  of	
  car	
  ownership,	
  whereas	
  renters	
  are	
  more	
  likely	
   	
    9	
    to	
  live	
  near	
  frequently	
  visited	
  locations	
  like	
  work.	
  	
  For	
  homeowners,	
  there	
  is	
  an	
   added	
  symbolic	
  value	
  to	
  car	
  ownership	
  that,	
  though	
  difficult	
  to	
  quantify,	
  carries	
  an	
   influence	
  (Yang	
  &	
  Zergas,	
  2010).	
   	
    A	
  complicating	
  factor	
  in	
  the	
  equation	
  is	
  the	
  generally	
  low	
  status	
  that	
  public	
    transportation	
  is	
  regarded	
  with.	
  The	
  results	
  of	
  a	
  2010	
  survey	
  of	
  attitudes	
  towards	
  	
   Beijing	
  public	
  transit	
  was	
  published	
  using	
  proximity	
  to	
  transit	
  stations	
  as	
  a	
  criteria	
   for	
  identifying	
  participants	
  (Ji	
  &	
  Gao).	
  	
  Similar	
  surveys	
  in	
  other	
  Asian	
  cities	
  like	
  Hong	
   Kong,	
  Singapore,	
  and	
  Taipei	
  found	
  that	
  locations	
  near	
  to	
  amenities	
  and	
  transport	
   were	
  highly	
  prized	
  by	
  residents,	
  results	
  that	
  were	
  decidedly	
  more	
  mixed	
  in	
  Beijing	
   (Ji	
  &	
  Gao,	
  2010).	
  	
  	
   	
    Within	
  the	
  Beijing	
  sample,	
  the	
  wealthy,	
  the	
  young,	
  and	
  the	
  elderly	
  were	
    found	
  to	
  be	
  especially	
  dissatisfied,	
  though	
  for	
  different	
  reasons.	
  	
  For	
  older	
  urban	
   residents,	
  comfort	
  and	
  convenience	
  took	
  precedence,	
  areas	
  where	
  the	
  transport	
   system	
  fared	
  poorly	
  (Ji	
  &	
  Gao,	
  2010).	
  	
  For	
  younger	
  workers,	
  the	
  critical	
  dimension	
   was	
  time	
  spent	
  commuting,	
  particularly	
  as	
  over	
  half	
  the	
  workers	
  faced	
  one-­‐way	
   commutes	
  of	
  at	
  least	
  30	
  minutes	
  (Ji	
  &	
  Gao,	
  2010).	
   	
    Speculation	
  on	
  the	
  source	
  of	
  dissatisfaction	
  in	
  high-­‐income	
  households	
    (those	
  earning	
  Y15,000	
  or	
  higher	
  monthly)	
  centered	
  on	
  the	
  daily	
  experience	
  of	
   severe	
  and	
  chronic	
  traffic	
  congestion	
  (Ji	
  &	
  Gao,	
  2010).	
  	
  Families	
  with	
  low	
  monthly	
   incomes	
  (less	
  than	
  Y3,000)	
  actually	
  tended	
  to	
  be	
  more	
  satisfied	
  with	
  Beijing’s	
   transport	
  network.	
  	
  Primarily	
  relying	
  on	
  the	
  bus	
  and	
  subway	
  system,	
  both	
  of	
  which	
   have	
  seen	
  significant	
  investment	
  and	
  expansion	
  in	
  recent	
  years,	
  low-­‐income	
   households	
  have	
  benefited	
  from	
  this	
  municipal	
  policy	
  direction	
  (Ji	
  &	
  Gao,	
  2010).	
  	
  For	
   Beijing’s	
  governing	
  group,	
  public	
  transit	
  investment	
  has	
  proven	
  successful,	
  while	
   road	
  expansion	
  for	
  private	
  cars	
  has	
  formed	
  the	
  same	
  function	
  as	
  plugging	
  holes	
  in	
  a	
   dam.	
   	
   SHANGHAI	
   	
    Shanghai,	
  1200	
  kilometers	
  southeast	
  of	
  Beijing,	
  tells	
  a	
  similar	
  story,	
  though	
    with	
  some	
  different	
  details.	
  	
  While	
  Beijing	
  enjoys	
  status	
  at	
  the	
  political	
  center	
  of	
  the	
   nation,	
  Shanghai	
  plays	
  a	
  role	
  as	
  the	
  dynamic	
  economic	
  hub	
  of	
  Mainland	
  China.	
  	
   	
    10	
    Given	
  this	
  prominent	
  role,	
  it	
  is	
  little	
  wonder	
  that	
  a	
  series	
  of	
  articles	
  about	
  the	
  city	
   have	
  been	
  published	
  in	
  recent	
  years	
  (Cervero,	
  2008;	
  Pan,	
  2009;	
  Li	
  &	
  Ye,	
  2010).	
  	
  	
  One	
   similarity	
  between	
  the	
  two	
  metropolises	
  is	
  the	
  rapid	
  growth	
  of	
  private	
  vehicles:	
   from	
  1991	
  to	
  2002,	
  private	
  vehicles	
  grew	
  from	
  200,000	
  to	
  1.4	
  million	
  in	
  Shanghai	
   (Cervero,	
  2008).	
  	
   A	
  2008	
  study	
  found	
  that	
  spatial	
  spread	
  of	
  the	
  city	
  has	
  become	
  a	
  major	
  issue,	
   with	
  one	
  result	
  being	
  the	
  proliferation	
  of	
  isolated	
  and	
  self-­‐contained	
  superblocks	
  of	
   towers	
  removing	
  life	
  from	
  the	
  streets	
  (Cervero,	
  2008).	
  	
  This	
  development	
  pattern	
   has	
  led	
  to	
  a	
  decline	
  in	
  access	
  to	
  jobs,	
  along	
  with	
  a	
  rise	
  in	
  both	
  motorized	
  travel	
  and	
   commute	
  lengths	
  (Cervero,	
  2008).	
  	
  Li	
  &	
  Ye	
  believed	
  that	
  the	
  major	
  factor	
  pushing	
   suburbanization,	
  job	
  and	
  destination	
  diffusion,	
  and	
  rising	
  motorization	
  has	
  been	
  the	
   massive	
  economic	
  expansion	
  of	
  the	
  region	
  and	
  nation	
  (2010).	
  	
   One	
  of	
  the	
  few	
  bright	
  spots	
  amongst	
  the	
  sea	
  of	
  results	
  was	
  that	
  residents	
  of	
   communities	
  built	
  within	
  proximity	
  of	
  a	
  metro	
  station	
  bore	
  a	
  stronger	
  tendency	
  to	
   opt	
  for	
  transit	
  (Cervero,	
  2008).	
  	
  Another	
  ray	
  of	
  light	
  was	
  the	
  finding	
  that	
  though	
   central	
  city	
  population	
  in	
  Shanghai	
  has	
  slightly	
  declined,	
  density	
  remains	
  high	
  and	
   the	
  core	
  districts	
  do	
  not	
  seem	
  to	
  be	
  at	
  risk	
  of	
  massive	
  population	
  flight	
  like	
  that	
   experienced	
  in	
  mid-­‐20th	
  century	
  America	
  (Li	
  &	
  Ye,	
  2010)	
   Metro	
  station	
  proximity	
  was	
  not	
  the	
  only	
  factor	
  that	
  influenced	
   transportation	
  behavior	
  among	
  Shanghai	
  dwellers.	
  	
  Pan	
  noted	
  that	
  neighborhoods	
   that	
  were	
  friendly	
  to	
  bike	
  and	
  pedestrians	
  tended	
  to	
  have	
  shorter	
  average	
  trip	
   distances	
  and	
  boast	
  higher	
  shares	
  of	
  non-­‐motorized	
  transport,	
  presumably	
  a	
  factor	
   of	
  the	
  ability	
  to	
  easily	
  move	
  around	
  by	
  means	
  other	
  than	
  car	
  (2009).	
  	
   For	
  the	
  city	
  as	
  a	
  whole,	
  increases	
  to	
  both	
  trip	
  demand	
  and	
  average	
  trip	
  length	
   have	
  far	
  outpaced	
  population	
  growth	
  (Li	
  &	
  Ye,	
  2010),	
  almost	
  certainly	
  a	
  result	
  of	
   Shanghai’s	
  suburbanization.	
  	
  These	
  developments	
  nurture	
  private	
  car	
  dependency	
   in	
  their	
  built	
  format	
  and	
  more	
  and	
  more	
  of	
  the	
  newly	
  developing	
  areas	
  are	
  built	
   around	
  wide	
  streets	
  and	
  supersized	
  blocks	
  (Pan,	
  2009).	
   	
    In	
  spite	
  of	
  the	
  advantages	
  that	
  a	
  denser,	
  ground-­‐oriented	
  built	
  environment	
    can	
  offer	
  in	
  respect	
  to	
  travel	
  behavior	
  and	
  the	
  strong	
  hand	
  that	
  local	
  governments	
  in	
   China	
  can	
  play	
  in	
  the	
  realm	
  of	
  land-­‐use	
  regulations,	
  Pan	
  also	
  concedes	
  the	
  point	
  that	
   	
    11	
    rising	
  incomes	
  point	
  to	
  an	
  ongoing	
  increase	
  in	
  vehicle	
  ownership	
  (2009).	
  	
  In	
  spite	
  of	
   the	
  tie	
  between	
  affluence	
  and	
  ownership,	
  the	
  study	
  ultimately	
  recommends	
  that	
   land	
  use	
  must	
  be	
  paired	
  with	
  other	
  urban	
  planning	
  interventions	
  to	
  reduce	
  the	
   strain	
  on	
  Shanghai’s	
  roads,	
  and	
  that	
  government	
  should	
  play	
  a	
  major	
  role	
  in	
  this	
   (Pan,	
  2009).	
  	
  	
   	
    Another	
  article	
  takes	
  the	
  role	
  of	
  government	
  a	
  step	
  further,	
  from	
  that	
  of	
  a	
    potential	
  agent	
  of	
  change	
  to	
  one	
  that	
  has	
  already	
  played	
  a	
  major	
  role.	
  	
  From	
  this	
   viewpoint,	
  the	
  disappearance	
  of	
  danwei	
  housing	
  and	
  the	
  state-­‐sponsored	
  support	
  of	
   the	
  auto	
  industry	
  are	
  both	
  contributing	
  factors	
  in	
  the	
  changes	
  to	
  land	
  use	
  and	
  local	
   travel	
  in	
  Shanghai	
  (Li	
  &	
  Ye,	
  2010).	
  	
  	
   	
    While	
  the	
  spatial	
  and	
  urban	
  design	
  dimensions	
  of	
  new	
  development	
  can	
    influence	
  travel	
  behavior	
  and	
  decisions	
  by	
  individuals,	
  it	
  is	
  hard	
  to	
  imagine	
  that	
   interventions	
  on	
  this	
  scale	
  will	
  succeed	
  in	
  holding	
  private	
  cars	
  at	
  bay.	
  	
  As	
  seen	
  above	
   in	
  Beijing,	
  the	
  built	
  area	
  of	
  Shanghai	
  expanded	
  from	
  1985-­‐2003	
  by	
  175%,	
  growing	
   from	
  200	
  square	
  kilometers	
  to	
  550	
  square	
  kilometers	
  (Li	
  &	
  Ye,	
  2010).	
  	
  Other	
  major	
   Chinese	
  urban	
  regions	
  demonstrated	
  large	
  jumps	
  in	
  built	
  area	
  over	
  a	
  similar	
  period,	
   with	
  Guangzhou’s	
  urban	
  area	
  growing	
  by	
  59%	
  and	
  Chengdu’s	
  by	
  166%	
  (Li	
  &	
  Ye,	
   2010).	
  	
  	
   	
   3.3	
  ALLURE	
  OF	
  THE	
  PRIVATE	
  VEHICLE	
   	
    Much	
  literature	
  and	
  research	
  is	
  devoted	
  to	
  describing	
  the	
  appeal	
  of	
  private	
    vehicles	
  and	
  why,	
  as	
  incomes	
  grow,	
  people	
  tend	
  to	
  gravitate	
  toward	
  them	
  (Pan,	
   2009).	
  	
  Commonly,	
  four	
  values	
  are	
  examined:	
  car	
  use,	
  symbolic,	
  instrumental,	
  and	
   affective	
  (Lois,	
  2009).	
  	
  One	
  of	
  the	
  most	
  cited	
  values,	
  affective,	
  is	
  examined	
  in	
  more	
   depth	
  below	
  (Lois,	
  2009;	
  Waitt,	
  2012;	
  Gardner,	
  2007;	
  Pan,	
  2009;	
  Steg,	
  2005).	
  	
  	
   Waitt	
  documents	
  the	
  long-­‐standing	
  “love	
  affair”	
  with	
  the	
  car,	
  how	
  this	
  ‘magic	
   object’	
  is	
  sexualized	
  in	
  a	
  way	
  that	
  far	
  exceeds	
  its	
  potential	
  utility	
  to	
  the	
  purchaser	
  by	
   speaking	
  to	
  issues	
  of	
  power,	
  excitement,	
  and	
  even	
  love	
  (2012).	
  	
  In	
  this	
  view	
  and	
  in	
   others,	
  the	
  car	
  is	
  thus	
  a	
  supreme	
  expression	
  of	
  comfort,	
  of	
  mobility,	
  of	
   independence;	
  a	
  machine	
  that	
  carves	
  a	
  singular	
  vision	
  for	
  its	
  use	
  (Waitt,	
  2012;	
  Steg,	
   2005).	
  	
  Even	
  in	
  a	
  more	
  pragmatic	
  and	
  less	
  poetic	
  evaluation	
  of	
  car	
  ownership	
  and	
   	
    12	
    use,	
  it	
  was	
  found	
  that	
  an	
  underlying	
  factor	
  for	
  drivers	
  were	
  issues	
  of	
  control	
   (Gardner,	
  2007).	
   	
    One	
  of	
  the	
  proposed	
  means	
  to	
  escape	
  this	
  overly	
  commercialized	
  and	
    unrealistic	
  manifestation	
  of	
  ultimate	
  freedom	
  through	
  vehicle	
  ownership,	
  Waitt	
   suggests,	
  is	
  by	
  finding	
  the	
  root	
  causes	
  in	
  the	
  behavior	
  of	
  people	
  that	
  makes	
  them	
   responsive	
  to	
  this	
  image	
  (2012).	
  	
  Making	
  drivers	
  conscious	
  of	
  their	
  travel	
  behaviors	
   and	
  attitudes	
  is	
  a	
  good	
  starting	
  point	
  but	
  it	
  does	
  not	
  drive	
  hard	
  enough	
  at	
  leveling	
   the	
  playing	
  field	
  for	
  all	
  modes	
  of	
  transport	
  within	
  a	
  city.	
   	
    Another	
  proposed	
  research	
  path	
  would	
  explore	
  the	
  psychological	
    determinants	
  most	
  effective	
  at	
  altering	
  driver	
  beliefs	
  and	
  attitudes.	
  	
  This	
  could	
   include	
  factors	
  like	
  the	
  tendency	
  for	
  drivers	
  to	
  estimate	
  driving	
  time	
  on	
  open	
  roads	
   or	
  viewing	
  traffic	
  congestion	
  as	
  an	
  exception	
  (Gardner,	
  2007).	
  	
  	
   	
    Membership	
  within	
  a	
  group,	
  whether	
  actual	
  or	
  perceptual,	
  is	
  another	
    motivating	
  factor	
  for	
  a	
  vehicle	
  purchase	
  (Gardner,	
  2007).	
  This	
  is	
  an	
  example	
  of	
   affective	
  values	
  holding	
  sway	
  over	
  utility.	
  	
  It	
  has	
  been	
  shown	
  that	
  motorization	
   increases	
  as	
  a	
  person’s	
  ability	
  to	
  pay	
  for	
  a	
  car	
  rises,	
  namely	
  through	
  growing	
   personal	
  income	
  (Dargay,	
  2007;	
  Pan,	
  2009).	
  	
  Becoming	
  part	
  of	
  the	
  middle	
  class	
  or	
   being	
  perceived	
  as	
  affluent	
  by	
  others,	
  may	
  conspire	
  to	
  push	
  people	
  toward	
  a	
  car	
   purchase.	
  	
  Issues	
  like	
  traffic	
  or	
  environmental	
  concerns	
  typically	
  become	
   externalized	
  in	
  these	
  cases,	
  with	
  a	
  feeling	
  that	
  as	
  an	
  individual,	
  they	
  are	
  not	
  part	
  of	
   the	
  problem	
  (Gardner,	
  2007).	
  	
  	
   	
    Circling	
  back	
  to	
  affective	
  motivations	
  for	
  car	
  ownership,	
  Lois	
  speculated	
  in	
    2009	
  that	
  these	
  affective	
  values	
  were	
  propped	
  up	
  by	
  internalized	
  embedding	
  of	
   symbolic	
  and	
  instrumental	
  values	
  under	
  the	
  umbrella	
  of	
  affective	
  values.	
  	
  Within	
   this	
  classification	
  is	
  the	
  further	
  notion	
  that	
  the	
  youth,	
  especially	
  men,	
  are	
  most	
  the	
   most	
  influenced	
  (Lois,	
  2009).	
   	
    Steg’s	
  work	
  supports	
  the	
  notion	
  that	
  affective	
  motivation	
  is	
  a	
  primary	
  driver	
    behind	
  car	
  commuting	
  for	
  all	
  users	
  and	
  for	
  young	
  men	
  in	
  particular	
  (2005).	
  	
  This	
   affective	
  bias	
  in	
  favor	
  of	
  cars	
  was	
  visible	
  even	
  in	
  drivers	
  who	
  used	
  their	
  car	
  only	
   rarely,	
  and	
  the	
  theory	
  was	
  posed	
  that	
  drivers	
  (and	
  people	
  generally)	
  compare	
   themselves	
  with	
  what	
  they	
  feel	
  their	
  self-­‐image	
  to	
  be	
  (Steg,	
  2005).	
  	
  If	
  we	
  accept	
  this	
   	
    13	
    as	
  true,	
  and	
  accept	
  too	
  that	
  car	
  ownership	
  is	
  a	
  value	
  and	
  symbol	
  of	
  middle	
  class	
   membership	
  in	
  China,	
  then	
  it	
  is	
  sensible	
  to	
  expect	
  Chinese	
  to	
  desire	
  a	
  personal	
   vehicle	
  in	
  spite	
  of	
  the	
  numerous	
  infrastructure	
  limitations	
  and	
  financial	
  burden	
  of	
   ownership.	
   	
    A	
  proposed	
  two-­‐prong	
  intervention	
  addressing	
  Chinese	
  motorization	
    suggests	
  both	
  increasing	
  the	
  instrumental	
  value	
  of	
  public	
  transportation	
  while	
   finding	
  a	
  way	
  to	
  reduce	
  the	
  psychosocial	
  value	
  of	
  cars	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  This	
   recommendation	
  was	
  based	
  on	
  a	
  recent	
  study	
  of	
  university	
  student	
  attitudes	
   towards	
  car	
  ownership	
  in	
  the	
  Yangtze	
  Delta,	
  though	
  specifics	
  on	
  how	
  to	
  do	
  this	
  were	
   not	
  included.	
   	
    The	
  students	
  surveyed	
  agreed	
  with	
  the	
  notion	
  that	
  cars	
  were	
  comfortable,	
    saved	
  time,	
  and	
  useful	
  in	
  transporting	
  goods.	
  	
  In	
  truth,	
  Beijing	
  traffic	
  crawls	
  at	
  one-­‐ third	
  the	
  speed	
  of	
  a	
  Shanghai	
  subway	
  line,	
  illustrating	
  the	
  disconnect	
  between	
   perception	
  and	
  reality	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  The	
  facts	
  have	
  yet	
  to	
  change	
  the	
  perceptions	
   among	
  these	
  students,	
  and	
  in	
  the	
  absence	
  of	
  a	
  solution	
  new	
  policy	
  directions	
  or	
   interventions	
  should	
  be	
  considered	
  to	
  reduce	
  the	
  perceived	
  instrumental	
  value	
  and	
   to	
  affect	
  the	
  car’s	
  symbolic	
  and	
  affective	
  worth.	
  	
  	
   	
   HONG	
  KONG	
  –	
  CHINA’S	
  FUTURE?	
   	
    The	
  experience	
  of	
  Western	
  countries	
  can	
  be	
  instructive	
  but	
  may	
  not	
  carry	
  the	
    cultural	
  and	
  situational	
  relevance	
  as	
  examples	
  of	
  motorization	
  and	
  urbanization	
   within	
  Asia.	
  	
  Hong	
  Kong,	
  the	
  former	
  British	
  colony	
  at	
  the	
  far	
  south	
  of	
  China,	
  offers	
  a	
   more	
  relatable	
  perspective	
  on	
  these	
  issues.	
  	
  Here,	
  the	
  attitudes	
  and	
  behavior	
  of	
   drivers	
  have	
  been	
  well-­‐documented	
  in	
  recent	
  years	
  through	
  a	
  pair	
  of	
  papers	
  by	
   Cullinane,	
  the	
  first	
  from	
  2003	
  and	
  the	
  more	
  recent	
  from	
  2010.	
   	
    Even	
  Hong	
  Kong,	
  with	
  its	
  highly	
  dense,	
  concentrated	
  population	
  centers	
  and	
    well-­‐connected	
  and	
  patronized	
  public	
  transit	
  system,	
  has	
  seen	
  car	
  ownership,	
   congestion,	
  and	
  environmental	
  problems	
  grow.	
  	
  In	
  response,	
  the	
  government	
  is	
   seeking	
  to	
  raise	
  public	
  transit	
  ridership	
  from	
  33%	
  to	
  45%	
  by	
  2016,	
  but	
  both	
   Cullinane	
  surveys	
  of	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  residents	
  found	
  that	
  this	
  goal	
  is	
  unlikely	
  to	
  be	
    	
    14	
    achieved	
  unless	
  more	
  controls	
  on	
  car	
  purchasing	
  and	
  use	
  are	
  implemented	
  (2003;	
   2010).	
  	
   	
    As	
  seen	
  in	
  surveys	
  of	
  mainland	
  Chinese,	
  there	
  was	
  a	
  predisposition	
  in	
  favor	
    of	
  car	
  ownership	
  seen	
  strongly	
  in	
  young	
  men,	
  who	
  were	
  far	
  more	
  likely	
  to	
  express	
   an	
  intent	
  on	
  car	
  ownership	
  when	
  it	
  became	
  affordable,	
  than	
  women	
  or	
  older	
  adults	
   (Cullinane,	
  2003;	
  2010).	
  	
  In	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  it	
  has	
  been	
  suggested	
  that	
  car	
  owners	
  may	
   only	
  use	
  their	
  vehicles	
  for	
  non-­‐work	
  trips,	
  yet	
  was	
  found	
  that	
  once	
  a	
  car	
  was	
   purchased	
  there	
  was	
  increased	
  incentive	
  to	
  use	
  it,	
  seen	
  in	
  the	
  fact	
  that	
  the	
  average	
   Hong	
  Kong	
  driver	
  covers	
  22	
  miles	
  a	
  day	
  (Cullinane,	
  2003),	
  a	
  surprising	
  number	
   when	
  considered	
  in	
  the	
  relatively	
  small	
  geographical	
  context	
  of	
  Hong	
  Kong’s	
   boundaries.	
  	
  Thus,	
  the	
  car	
  becomes	
  a	
  necessity	
  to	
  those	
  who	
  purchase	
  them,	
  even	
  in	
   a	
  city	
  where	
  over	
  a	
  third	
  of	
  the	
  population	
  live	
  within	
  500	
  meters	
  of	
  an	
  MTR	
  station	
   (Cullinane,	
  2010).	
   	
    In	
  a	
  study	
  of	
  important	
  aspects	
  of	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  public	
  transport,	
  frequency	
  was	
    found	
  to	
  be	
  the	
  most	
  important,	
  followed	
  by	
  fares	
  and	
  reliability.	
  	
  In	
  these	
  areas	
  the	
   MTR	
  system	
  performed	
  well,	
  outperforming	
  other	
  public	
  transit	
  in	
  measures	
  of	
  both	
   reliability	
  and	
  frequency	
  (Cullinane,	
  2010).	
  	
  Whether	
  or	
  not	
  this	
  good	
  showing	
  has	
   an	
  effect	
  on	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  residents,	
  or	
  perhaps	
  to	
  what	
  extent	
  it	
  does,	
  remains	
  unclear.	
   	
    By	
  2010,	
  34%	
  of	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  residents	
  expressed	
  no	
  intention	
  to	
  buy	
  a	
  car	
    and	
  another	
  34%	
  did	
  not	
  view	
  it	
  as	
  a	
  priority.	
  	
  Perhaps	
  more	
  instructive	
  is	
  to	
  look	
  at	
   the	
  remaining	
  survey	
  respondents.	
  	
  21%	
  stated	
  they	
  would	
  buy	
  a	
  car	
  when	
  it	
   became	
  affordable,	
  and	
  the	
  final	
  11%	
  said	
  they	
  would	
  do	
  the	
  same	
  were	
  it	
  not	
  for	
   the	
  cost	
  and	
  difficulty	
  of	
  parking	
  (Cullinane,	
  2010).	
  	
  For	
  policy	
  makers	
  and	
  cities,	
   Hong	
  Kong	
  offers	
  insight	
  into	
  the	
  power	
  of	
  parking	
  as	
  a	
  tool	
  to	
  leverage	
  and	
  deter	
   car	
  ownership.	
  	
  Without	
  a	
  car,	
  dependence	
  on	
  the	
  car	
  cannot	
  be	
  established	
  by	
   individuals,	
  and	
  even	
  if	
  only	
  a	
  tenth	
  of	
  the	
  population	
  are	
  dissuaded,	
  those	
  people	
   are	
  critical	
  when	
  addressing	
  traffic	
  congestion	
  in	
  an	
  urban	
  setting.	
   	
   3.4	
  CULTURAL	
  VALUES	
  AND	
  MATERIALISM	
   	
    The	
  importance	
  of	
  considering	
  culture	
  in	
  survey	
  design	
  and	
  research	
  has	
    recently	
  risen	
  in	
  prominence.	
  	
  Segall	
  noted	
  in	
  the	
  1980s	
  that	
  too	
  often	
  “cross-­‐culture	
   	
    15	
    psychology”	
  is	
  ignored	
  and	
  research	
  is	
  prepared	
  as	
  if	
  culture	
  were	
  irrelevant	
  (1986).	
  	
   In	
  his	
  definition,	
  culture	
  is	
  composed	
  of	
  a	
  litany	
  of	
  items,	
  many	
  of	
  which	
  (language,	
   political	
  institutions,	
  population	
  density	
  or	
  social	
  rules,	
  to	
  name	
  a	
  few)	
  are	
  vastly	
   different	
  between	
  China	
  and	
  Western	
  nations	
  (Segall,	
  1986).	
  	
  Awareness	
  then	
  of	
   these	
  differences	
  is	
  critical	
  for	
  research	
  into	
  China	
  by	
  Western	
  academics	
  if	
  good	
   information	
  is	
  to	
  be	
  collected.	
   	
    In	
  the	
  face	
  of	
  these	
  cultural	
  distinctions,	
  Gakenheimer	
  proposed	
  that	
  certain	
    aspects	
  of	
  travel	
  behavior	
  seem	
  to	
  follow	
  consistent	
  patterns.	
  	
  Indeed,	
  it	
  has	
  been	
   demonstrated	
  that	
  affluence	
  influences	
  the	
  decision	
  to	
  purchase	
  a	
  car	
  (Dargay,	
   2007;	
  Pan,	
  2009),	
  but	
  time	
  spent	
  traveling	
  remains	
  constant	
  at	
  an	
  hour	
  a	
  day,	
  and	
   personal	
  travel	
  typically	
  accounts	
  for	
  10%	
  of	
  household	
  expenses	
  (Gakenheimer,	
   1999).	
  	
  It	
  is	
  unclear	
  if	
  this	
  trend	
  holds	
  true	
  today	
  in	
  China,	
  as	
  Gakenheimer’s	
  work	
  is	
   over	
  a	
  decade	
  old	
  and	
  a	
  higher	
  share	
  of	
  income	
  in	
  China	
  is	
  needed	
  for	
  vehicle	
   purchases.	
  	
  More	
  so,	
  the	
  willingness	
  to	
  impart	
  this	
  large	
  share	
  of	
  one’s	
  savings	
  on	
  a	
   car	
  underscores	
  the	
  desire	
  for	
  a	
  private	
  car	
  among	
  Chinese.	
  	
  	
   	
    In	
  the	
  West,	
  a	
  number	
  of	
  examples	
  exist	
  of	
  academic	
  work	
  in	
  relation	
  to	
    transportation	
  behavior	
  and	
  attitudes.	
  	
  These	
  come	
  from	
  an	
  array	
  of	
  places:	
  the	
  UK,	
   Australia,	
  and	
  Portugal	
  (Goodwin	
  &	
  Lyons,	
  2010;	
  Kattiyapornpong,	
  2009;	
  Beirao,	
   2007)	
  and	
  are	
  examined	
  in	
  some	
  detail	
  here	
  to	
  offer	
  context.	
   	
    Survey	
  results	
  coming	
  out	
  of	
  the	
  UK	
  show	
  the	
  disconnect	
  between	
  identifying	
    problems	
  and	
  finding	
  individual	
  accountability.	
  	
  Majorities	
  of	
  UK	
  residents	
  felt	
  that	
   traffic	
  congestion	
  was	
  a	
  national	
  concern,	
  that	
  speed	
  reductions,	
  traffic	
  restrictions	
   in	
  residential	
  areas,	
  and	
  improved	
  public	
  transit	
  were	
  important,	
  yet	
  felt	
  less	
   strongly	
  that	
  they	
  as	
  individuals	
  or	
  families	
  faced	
  traffic	
  problems	
  (Goodwin	
  &	
   Lyons,	
  2010).	
  	
  	
   	
    More	
  controversial	
  were	
  ideas	
  of	
  continued	
  road	
  building	
  or	
  of	
  road	
  pricing	
    (Goodwin	
  &	
  Lyons,	
  2010),	
  showing	
  that	
  though	
  identifying	
  a	
  problem	
  can	
  be	
  readily	
   done,	
  taking	
  action	
  will	
  be	
  harder.	
  	
  Similarly,	
  environmental	
  concerns	
  played	
  a	
  role	
   in	
  individual	
  decisions,	
  but	
  less	
  than	
  those	
  of	
  proximate	
  personal	
  benefits	
  that	
  a	
   resident	
  could	
  experience	
  personally,	
  be	
  it	
  air	
  quality,	
  increased	
  fitness,	
  or	
  saved	
   time	
  or	
  money	
  (Goodwin	
  &	
  Lyons,	
  2010).	
   	
    16	
    	
    In	
  Porto,	
  a	
  city	
  in	
  northern	
  Portugal,	
  an	
  in-­‐depth	
  study	
  was	
  undertaken	
  on	
    local	
  transportation	
  attitudes	
  and	
  behaviors	
  through	
  a	
  series	
  of	
  interviews	
  with	
  a	
   group	
  of	
  local	
  residents.	
  	
  Emerging	
  from	
  these	
  results	
  were	
  several	
  noteworthy	
   claims:	
  that	
  perception	
  of	
  speed	
  and	
  public	
  transit	
  are	
  valuable,	
  that	
  targets	
  aimed	
   at	
  reducing	
  car	
  usage	
  should	
  target	
  those	
  already	
  amenable	
  to	
  it,	
  and	
  that	
  public	
   transit	
  needs	
  to	
  respond	
  to	
  the	
  diverse	
  and	
  wide-­‐ranging	
  needs	
  of	
  potential	
  users	
   better	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
   	
    Within	
  the	
  article	
  were	
  suggestions	
  for	
  policy	
  guidelines	
  that	
  would	
  make	
    slow	
  travel	
  (transit,	
  biking,	
  or	
  walking)	
  more	
  attractive	
  while	
  simultaneously	
   making	
  car	
  travel	
  less	
  attractive	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
  	
  Specific	
  policy	
  ideas	
  were	
  however	
   lacking,	
  and	
  more	
  research	
  is	
  needed	
  to	
  better	
  understand	
  what	
  types	
  of	
  treatment	
   would	
  be	
  most	
  effective.	
  	
  One	
  avenue	
  of	
  research	
  called	
  for	
  is	
  a	
  better	
  understanding	
   of	
  the	
  psychological	
  factors	
  that	
  affect	
  mode	
  choice,	
  with	
  a	
  recommendation	
  on	
   continued	
  use	
  of	
  qualitative	
  methods	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
  	
  	
   	
    Among	
  public	
  transport	
  options	
  there	
  was	
  also	
  a	
  difference	
  in	
  perception	
    between	
  bus	
  services	
  and	
  light	
  rail.	
  	
  Buses,	
  particularly	
  at	
  rush	
  hour,	
  were	
  seen	
  as	
   slow	
  and	
  thus	
  a	
  waste	
  of	
  time	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
  	
  Light	
  rail,	
  on	
  the	
  other	
  hand,	
  was	
   viewed	
  as	
  more	
  reliable,	
  spacious,	
  comfortable,	
  frequent,	
  and	
  faster,	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  more	
   fun	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
  	
  These	
  perceptions	
  were	
  also	
  found	
  to	
  be	
  true	
  among	
  car	
  users,	
   who	
  attached	
  further	
  affective	
  value	
  to	
  light	
  rail	
  as	
  carrying	
  a	
  certain	
  status	
  and	
   ambience	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
   	
    As	
  in	
  the	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  example,	
  drivers	
  in	
  Porto	
  are	
  also	
  dependent	
  on	
  their	
    cars	
  after	
  purchasing	
  one.	
  	
  The	
  car,	
  it	
  was	
  said,	
  gives	
  freedom	
  and	
  a	
  sense	
  of	
  control,	
   the	
  ability	
  to	
  keep	
  a	
  personal	
  timetable,	
  all	
  combining	
  into	
  enhanced	
  autonomy	
  for	
   drivers	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
  	
  It	
  is	
  interesting	
  to	
  note	
  that	
  in	
  cities	
  and	
  cultures	
  as	
   disparate	
  as	
  Porto	
  and	
  Hong	
  Kong,	
  there	
  is	
  still	
  a	
  cross-­‐cultural	
  bias	
  and	
  dependence	
   in	
  favor	
  of	
  the	
  car,	
  and	
  that	
  even	
  within	
  the	
  details	
  of	
  usage	
  there	
  are	
  similar	
   perceived	
  values	
  to	
  vehicle	
  ownership.	
  	
  	
   	
    The	
  negative	
  aspects	
  of	
  car	
  ownership	
  are	
  also	
  similar.	
  	
  Porto	
  drivers,	
  like	
    their	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  counterparts,	
  complained	
  about	
  traffic	
  congestion	
  and	
  the	
  difficulty	
   of	
  finding	
  and	
  paying	
  for	
  parking	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
  	
  Reflecting	
  results	
  from	
  the	
   	
    17	
    Goodwin	
  and	
  Lyons	
  UK	
  survey,	
  individual	
  drivers	
  in	
  Porto	
  tended	
  not	
  to	
  see	
  the	
  full	
   costs	
  of	
  car	
  ownership,	
  or	
  intend	
  to	
  switch	
  to	
  transit	
  in	
  spite	
  of	
  the	
  cost	
  savings	
   (Beirao,	
  2007;	
  Goodwin	
  &	
  Lyons,	
  2010).	
   	
   MATERIALISM	
  AND	
  SHIFTING	
  VALUES	
   	
    Chinese	
  culture	
  and	
  history	
  stretch	
  back	
  thousands	
  of	
  years,	
  an	
  example	
  of	
    one	
  of	
  the	
  earliest	
  remaining	
  unified	
  cultures.	
  	
  In	
  spite	
  of	
  this	
  enormous	
  historical	
   wealth,	
  the	
  changes	
  being	
  wrought	
  in	
  the	
  country	
  today,	
  coupled	
  with	
  globalization,	
   may	
  be	
  affecting	
  some	
  of	
  the	
  traditional	
  tenets	
  held	
  by	
  the	
  average	
  Chinese	
  person.	
  	
   In	
  China,	
  modernization	
  goes	
  hand	
  in	
  hand	
  with	
  the	
  urban	
  migration	
  process,	
  the	
   behavioral	
  and	
  psychological	
  effects	
  of	
  which	
  have	
  yet	
  to	
  be	
  fully	
  seen	
  (Segall,	
  1986).	
   	
    A	
  major	
  difference	
  between	
  Americans	
  and	
  Chinese,	
  according	
  to	
  Segall,	
  was	
    the	
  divide	
  between	
  individualism	
  and	
  collectivism	
  as	
  defining	
  social	
  characteristics	
   (1986).	
  	
  The	
  article	
  showed	
  that	
  at	
  the	
  time,	
  Chinese	
  students	
  were	
  more	
  equality-­‐ oriented	
  and	
  willing	
  to	
  serve	
  others	
  than	
  their	
  more	
  money-­‐driven	
  American	
   counterparts	
  (Segall,	
  1986).	
  	
  Today	
  it	
  is	
  unclear	
  how	
  the	
  past	
  twenty-­‐five	
  years	
  of	
   economic	
  growth	
  may	
  have	
  changed	
  this	
  balance	
  in	
  China.	
   	
    Research	
  has	
  emerged	
  in	
  recent	
  years	
  exploring	
  the	
  social	
  and	
  cultural	
    changes	
  occurring	
  in	
  China	
  (Kopnina,	
  2011;	
  Weber	
  &	
  Hsee,	
  2000;	
  Zhang,	
  2005;	
   Rosen,	
  2004;	
  Gu	
  &	
  Hung,	
  2009;	
  Podoshen,	
  2011).	
  	
  One	
  of	
  the	
  major	
  causes	
   attributed	
  to	
  shifting	
  values	
  has	
  been	
  increased	
  exposure	
  to	
  Western	
  ideas	
  through	
   globalized	
  media,	
  like	
  the	
  Internet,	
  and	
  closer	
  economic	
  ties	
  (Zhang,	
  2005).	
   	
    Kopnina	
  recognizes	
  this	
  cultural	
  shift	
  in	
  terms	
  of	
  value	
  placed	
  on	
  owned	
  or	
    purchased	
  goods,	
  specifically	
  referencing	
  the	
  private	
  vehicle.	
  	
  She	
  notes	
  that	
  to	
  own	
   a	
  car	
  in	
  the	
  context	
  of	
  a	
  Western	
  European	
  nation	
  carries	
  a	
  different	
  level	
  of	
   significance	
  than	
  it	
  does	
  in	
  a	
  developing	
  country,	
  where	
  it	
  is	
  far	
  more	
  than	
  simply	
  a	
   means	
  of	
  transportation	
  (2011).	
   	
    Chinese	
  society	
  is	
  still	
  more	
  oriented	
  towards	
  social	
  communities	
  and	
    situations	
  and	
  has	
  yet	
  to	
  fully	
  adapt	
  the	
  more	
  self-­‐serving	
  and	
  individualistic	
   tendencies	
  of	
  Western	
  countries	
  (Weber	
  &	
  Hsee,	
  2000).	
  	
  There	
  is	
  a	
  stronger	
   tendency	
  in	
  Chinese	
  culture	
  to	
  view	
  life	
  events	
  in	
  a	
  fatalistic	
  way,	
  with	
  less	
   	
    18	
    individual	
  agency	
  proscribed	
  to	
  actions	
  than	
  in	
  the	
  more	
  cause-­‐and-­‐effect	
  Western	
   viewpoint	
  (Weber	
  &	
  Hsee,	
  2000).	
   	
    Rosen	
  went	
  so	
  far	
  as	
  to	
  define	
  the	
  1980s	
  generation	
  of	
  youth	
  whom	
  Segall	
    wrote	
  about	
  as	
  a	
  group	
  ‘searching	
  for	
  life’s	
  meaning’,	
  contrasting	
  them	
  to	
  the	
   success-­‐oriented	
  and	
  financially	
  driven	
  Chinese	
  youth	
  of	
  today	
  (2004).	
  	
  Part	
  of	
  this	
   shift	
  is	
  evidenced	
  in	
  the	
  provision	
  of	
  state-­‐sanctioned	
  role	
  models,	
  once	
  represented	
   by	
  model	
  workers	
  building	
  the	
  state,	
  now	
  being	
  the	
  well-­‐to-­‐do	
  yuppies	
  of	
  China	
   (Rosen,	
  2004).	
  	
  The	
  value	
  and	
  stature	
  of	
  money	
  has	
  grown	
  and	
  is	
  now	
  an	
  indicator	
   of	
  financial	
  success	
  over	
  generations,	
  due	
  in	
  part	
  to	
  the	
  commercialization	
  of	
   education	
  (Rosen,	
  2004).	
   	
    With	
  increased	
  education	
  and	
  increased	
  income	
  has	
  come	
  greater	
    consumption	
  as	
  the	
  newly	
  wealthy	
  look	
  for	
  outlets,	
  often	
  finding	
  them	
  in	
  items	
  that	
   carry	
  high	
  symbolic	
  value	
  and	
  evidence	
  a	
  growing	
  appetite	
  for	
  material	
  culture	
  (Gu	
   &	
  Hung,	
  2009).	
  	
  This	
  pattern	
  echoes	
  similar	
  shifts	
  observed	
  in	
  Europe	
  and	
  America	
   in	
  the	
  course	
  of	
  economic	
  development	
  generations	
  ago,	
  and	
  has	
  probably	
  been	
   exacerbated	
  in	
  China	
  by	
  mass	
  media	
  exposure	
  (Gu	
  &	
  Hung,	
  2009).	
   	
    More	
  recently,	
  Podoshen’s	
  article	
  points	
  out	
  the	
  importance	
  of	
  paying	
    attention	
  to	
  emergent	
  values	
  of	
  materialism	
  and	
  ‘conspicuous	
  consumption’	
  in	
  East	
   Asia,	
  going	
  so	
  far	
  as	
  to	
  point	
  out	
  the	
  role	
  Western	
  films	
  and	
  television	
  play	
  in	
   promoting	
  more	
  Western-­‐style	
  products	
  (2011).	
  	
  In	
  China	
  it	
  may	
  be	
  a	
  reactionary	
   casting	
  off	
  of	
  the	
  constraints	
  that	
  the	
  Cultural	
  Revolution	
  and	
  state-­‐driven	
  economic	
   policies	
  placed	
  on	
  people,	
  who	
  now	
  celebrate	
  freedom	
  through	
  more	
  purchasing	
   power	
  (Podoshen,	
  2011).	
   	
    Ultimately	
  traditional	
  Chinese	
  values	
  of	
  conscientious	
  social	
  interactions	
  and	
    communalism	
  remain	
  intact.	
  	
  While	
  materialism	
  has	
  chipped	
  away	
  at	
  these	
  values,	
   there	
  is	
  the	
  notion	
  that	
  Western	
  values	
  are	
  being	
  grafted	
  onto	
  the	
  old	
  ones,	
  so	
  that	
   consumption	
  and	
  materialism	
  in	
  East	
  Asia	
  occur	
  in	
  response	
  to	
  social	
  cues	
  and	
   status	
  markers,	
  and	
  are	
  limited	
  by	
  communal	
  and	
  social	
  definitions	
  of	
   appropriateness	
  (Podoshen,	
  2011).	
  	
  The	
  rapidly	
  changing	
  social	
  and	
  economic	
   landscape	
  however	
  makes	
  it	
  hard	
  to	
  assert	
  such	
  judgments	
  as	
  constants,	
  but	
  more	
   so	
  as	
  snapshots	
  of	
  a	
  given	
  time	
  and	
  subject	
  to	
  further	
  change.	
   	
    19	
    	
   3.5	
  THE	
  YOUTH	
  FACTOR	
   In	
  Hong	
  Kong,	
  it’s	
  been	
  shown	
  that	
  younger	
  people	
  have	
  a	
  surprisingly	
  high	
   preference	
  for	
  car	
  ownership,	
  even	
  if	
  the	
  time	
  they	
  may	
  afford	
  one	
  lies	
  far	
  in	
  the	
   future	
  (Cullinane,	
  2010).	
  	
  This	
  is	
  a	
  good	
  example	
  of	
  why	
  youth	
  ought	
  to	
  be	
  surveyed	
   about	
  transportation	
  values	
  and	
  behavior,	
  a	
  field	
  often	
  neglected.	
  	
  In	
  China,	
  some	
   assessments	
  of	
  youth	
  have	
  been	
  conducted,	
  regarding	
  both	
  travel	
  and	
  values	
  (Zhang,	
   2005;	
  Zhu,	
  2012;	
  Gu	
  &	
  Hung,	
  2009;	
  Smith	
  &	
  Wylie,	
  2004).	
   One	
  of	
  the	
  more	
  detailed	
  research	
  pieces	
  regarding	
  youth	
  attitudes	
  around	
   transportation	
  is	
  Kopnina’s	
  survey	
  of	
  elementary-­‐age	
  student	
  in	
  Amsterdam.	
  	
  The	
   author	
  acknowledges	
  the	
  dearth	
  of	
  existing	
  research	
  in	
  this	
  segment	
  of	
  the	
  field,	
   particularly	
  in	
  regard	
  to	
  the	
  viewpoints	
  of	
  children	
  (Kopnina,	
  2011).	
  	
  	
  The	
  work	
  is	
   based	
  on	
  the	
  idea	
  that	
  children’s	
  notions	
  of	
  cars	
  and	
  transport	
  may	
  affect	
  their	
   future	
  behavior	
  as	
  adults,	
  and	
  that	
  developing	
  a	
  curriculum	
  for	
  children	
  could	
   further	
  the	
  cause	
  of	
  sustainable	
  transport	
  (Kopnina,	
  2011).	
   A	
  notable	
  result	
  was	
  that,	
  like	
  in	
  China	
  and	
  other	
  developing	
  nations,	
   affective	
  factors	
  like	
  independence	
  and	
  personal	
  identity	
  were	
  important	
  choices	
  in	
   car	
  ownership	
  within	
  families	
  (Kopnina,	
  2011).	
  	
  Another	
  parallel	
  finding	
  was	
  that	
  as	
   the	
  influence	
  of	
  globalization	
  increases,	
  children	
  are	
  more	
  and	
  more	
  likely	
  to	
  have	
   attitudes	
  that	
  differ	
  from	
  their	
  parents,	
  though	
  attitudes	
  are	
  still	
  often	
  developed	
  in	
   youth	
  and	
  have	
  a	
  tendency	
  to	
  be	
  transferred	
  generationally	
  (Kopnina,	
  2011).	
  	
   An	
  aspect	
  that	
  stood	
  out	
  was	
  that	
  adolescents	
  whose	
  parents	
  owned	
  cars	
   were	
  less	
  likely	
  to	
  blindly	
  accept	
  cars	
  and	
  were	
  actively	
  more	
  critical	
  of	
  them,	
   encouraging	
  car-­‐free	
  lifestyles	
  more	
  readily	
  than	
  their	
  non-­‐car	
  owning	
  counterparts	
   (Kopnina,	
  2011).	
  	
  It	
  is	
  unknown	
  if	
  Chinese	
  circumstances	
  would	
  mirror	
  these	
   attitudes	
  or	
  if	
  family	
  car	
  ownership	
  would	
  simply	
  act	
  as	
  a	
  predictor	
  of	
  future	
   personal	
  vehicle	
  expectation.	
  	
   In	
  2004	
  a	
  poll	
  was	
  conducted	
  exploring	
  the	
  concept	
  of	
  what	
  was	
  considered	
   to	
  be	
  ‘cool’	
  by	
  Chinese	
  university	
  students.	
  	
  Concepts	
  such	
  as	
  individualism	
  and	
   innovation	
  were	
  characteristics	
  that	
  made	
  companies	
  cool,	
  in	
  the	
  eyes	
  of	
  these	
    	
    20	
    students,	
  and	
  a	
  preference	
  for	
  brands	
  that	
  fit	
  the	
  aforementioned	
  descriptors	
  were	
   preferred	
  by	
  these	
  students	
  (Smith	
  &	
  Wylie).	
   A	
  series	
  of	
  interviews	
  conducted	
  in	
  Beijing,	
  Shanghai,	
  and	
  Guangzhou	
  of	
   children	
  and	
  mothers	
  found	
  desires	
  for	
  future	
  jobs	
  conferring	
  authority	
  and	
   freedom	
  (Zhang,	
  2005).	
  	
  Differences	
  reinforcing	
  Western	
  individualism	
  and	
  Chinese	
   ideas	
  of	
  hard	
  work,	
  a	
  happy	
  family,	
  and	
  strong	
  achievement	
  among	
  Chinese	
  youth	
   were	
  also	
  found	
  (Zhang,	
  2005).	
  	
  	
  	
  What	
  was	
  ‘cool’	
  was	
  seen	
  to	
  be	
  a	
  good	
  predictor	
  of	
   aspiration	
  and	
  special	
  attention	
  ought	
  to	
  be	
  paid	
  to	
  what	
  these	
  indicators	
  in	
  a	
   cultural	
  setting	
  (Zhang,	
  2005).	
   As	
  noted	
  by	
  Rosen,	
  this	
  definition	
  of	
  ‘cool’	
  in	
  China	
  is	
  amorphous.	
  	
  Wealth	
  has	
   become	
  a	
  common	
  aspiration	
  and	
  urban	
  professionals	
  are	
  the	
  current	
  government-­‐ approved	
  role	
  model	
  (Rosen,	
  2004).	
  	
  A	
  survey	
  of	
  university	
  students	
  found	
  that	
  71%	
   felt	
  the	
  ability	
  to	
  make	
  money	
  was	
  a	
  standard	
  for	
  judgment	
  among	
  peers,	
  and	
  86%	
   felt	
  it	
  had	
  great	
  importance	
  (Rosen,	
  2004).	
  	
  To	
  the	
  statement	
  that	
  “a	
  modern	
  man	
   must	
  be	
  able	
  to	
  make	
  money”	
  there	
  was	
  only	
  7%	
  disagreement	
  (Rosen,	
  2004).	
  	
   Whether	
  Chinese	
  youth	
  should	
  be	
  seen	
  as	
  shallow	
  is	
  debatable,	
  as	
  it	
  is	
  natural	
  to	
   secure	
  a	
  future	
  for	
  oneself	
  in	
  any	
  culture,	
  and	
  no	
  comparison	
  was	
  made	
  with	
   Western	
  youth,	
  who	
  could	
  share	
  similar	
  ideas.	
   More	
  in	
  line	
  with	
  the	
  purpose	
  of	
  this	
  paper	
  is	
  a	
  2012	
  study	
  of	
  university	
   students	
  in	
  the	
  Yangtze	
  Delta	
  exploring	
  desire	
  for	
  car	
  ownership.	
  	
  The	
  initiative	
  for	
   the	
  study	
  was	
  grounded	
  in	
  the	
  fact	
  that	
  the	
  25-­‐29	
  year	
  age	
  group	
  compose	
  the	
   largest	
  portion	
  of	
  car	
  purchases	
  in	
  China	
  now,	
  and	
  today’s	
  university	
  student	
  may	
   buy	
  their	
  own	
  cars	
  in	
  as	
  soon	
  as	
  five	
  years	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
   A	
  surprising	
  finding	
  was	
  that	
  though	
  at	
  least	
  two-­‐thirds	
  of	
  students	
  felt	
  cars	
   had	
  positive	
  instrumental	
  value,	
  a	
  full	
  25%	
  of	
  students	
  felt	
  cars	
  did	
  not	
  give	
  them	
   more	
  travel	
  options	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  Similarly,	
  though	
  cars	
  were	
  held	
  in	
  a	
  positive	
  light	
   by	
  at	
  least	
  a	
  plurality	
  of	
  respondents,	
  significant	
  numbers	
  (22%-­‐39%,	
  depending	
  on	
   the	
  question)	
  were	
  less	
  enthusiastic	
  about	
  cars	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
   In	
  contrast	
  to	
  Kopnina’s	
  findings,	
  students	
  from	
  car-­‐owning	
  families	
  in	
  China	
   seem	
  to	
  have	
  higher	
  psychosocial	
  opinions	
  of	
  cars	
  than	
  students	
  from	
  non-­‐car-­‐ owning	
  families,	
  with	
  Zhu	
  speculating	
  that	
  a	
  car	
  was	
  a	
  relevant	
  symbol	
  of	
  success	
   	
    21	
    (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  A	
  gender	
  dynamic	
  emerged	
  too,	
  in	
  that	
  men	
  held	
  a	
  higher	
  psychosocial	
   attitude	
  towards	
  cars,	
  unsurprising	
  given	
  the	
  same	
  was	
  found	
  in	
  Hong	
  Kong	
   (Cullinane,	
  2010),	
  whereas	
  women	
  held	
  a	
  more	
  positive	
  instrumental	
  view	
  of	
   vehicle	
  ownership	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  	
   The	
  most	
  dangerous	
  harbinger	
  of	
  future	
  behavior,	
  if	
  we	
  accept	
  that	
   university	
  students	
  will	
  follow	
  through	
  on	
  their	
  ambitions,	
  is	
  that	
  65%	
  of	
  surveyed	
   students	
  agreed	
  with	
  the	
  statement	
  that	
  they	
  will	
  definitely	
  buy	
  a	
  car	
  when	
   financially	
  able	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  Given	
  the	
  already	
  dangerous	
  levels	
  of	
  congestion	
  and	
   pollution	
  in	
  Chinese	
  cities,	
  it	
  gives	
  one	
  pause	
  to	
  imagine	
  a	
  future	
  where	
  nearly	
  two-­‐ thirds	
  of	
  homes	
  own	
  their	
  own	
  cars.	
   Gu	
  and	
  Hung	
  point	
  to	
  the	
  transfer	
  of	
  values	
  as	
  a	
  generational	
  activity,	
  passed	
   down	
  from	
  parents	
  to	
  youth,	
  a	
  process	
  that	
  has	
  been	
  interrupted	
  in	
  modern	
  day	
   China	
  by	
  the	
  chasm	
  between	
  a	
  generation	
  that	
  lived	
  through	
  the	
  Cultural	
  Revolution	
   and	
  the	
  youth	
  today	
  who	
  are	
  embedded	
  in	
  a	
  globalized	
  world	
  (Gu	
  &	
  Hung,	
  2009).	
  	
   These	
  differences	
  are	
  said	
  to	
  stem	
  from	
  and	
  become	
  exaggerated	
  by	
  the	
  difference	
   in	
  media	
  exposure	
  and	
  financial	
  pressures	
  felt	
  by	
  each	
  respective	
  generation,	
  thus	
   contributing	
  to	
  the	
  disruption	
  of	
  transferred	
  values.	
  (Gu	
  &	
  Hung,	
  2009).	
   Acquisition	
  centrality	
  and	
  novelty	
  seeking	
  are	
  central	
  to	
  the	
  adoption	
  of	
   materialism,	
  placed	
  in	
  the	
  center	
  of	
  a	
  person’s	
  life	
  by	
  the	
  satisfaction	
  found	
  in	
   obtaining	
  certain	
  goods	
  (Gu	
  &	
  Hung,	
  2009).	
  	
  It	
  has	
  already	
  been	
  seen	
  that	
   materialistic	
  traits	
  are	
  being	
  integrated	
  into	
  the	
  behavior	
  of	
  Chinese	
  youth,	
  though	
   the	
  measures	
  of	
  materialism	
  are	
  still	
  less	
  than	
  seen	
  in	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  or	
  even	
   Japan	
  (Podoshen,	
  2011).	
  	
  	
   Materialism	
  too	
  is	
  a	
  means	
  of	
  adapting	
  to	
  a	
  new	
  society	
  in	
  which	
  the	
   children’s	
  views	
  of	
  the	
  world	
  may	
  radically	
  differ	
  from	
  their	
  immediate	
   predecessors,	
  substituting	
  the	
  loss	
  of	
  community	
  and	
  traditional	
  Chinese	
  social	
   values	
  with	
  their	
  newfound	
  purchasing	
  power	
  (Gu	
  &	
  Hung,	
  2009).	
  	
  	
  It	
  is	
  in	
  the	
  most	
   economically	
  developed	
  corners	
  of	
  China,	
  that	
  youth	
  have	
  turned	
  away	
  from	
  the	
   prospect	
  of	
  steady	
  government	
  employment	
  and	
  directed	
  themselves	
  to	
  higher	
   education	
  and	
  aspirations	
  of	
  upward	
  social	
  mobility	
  (Podoshen,	
  2011).	
  	
  How	
   materialism	
  may	
  change	
  Chinese	
  culture	
  remains	
  an	
  open-­‐ended	
  question.	
  	
  	
   	
    22	
    	
   3.6	
  POTENTIAL	
  INTERVENTIONS	
   	
    Residents	
  of	
  any	
  nation	
  do	
  not	
  simply	
  act	
  in	
  a	
  vacuum	
  when	
  it	
  comes	
  to	
  the	
    choices	
  they	
  make	
  in	
  regard	
  to	
  transportation	
  and	
  various	
  policy	
  measures	
  can	
   create	
  influence.	
  	
  Measures	
  and	
  interventions	
  should	
  be	
  enacted	
  that	
  not	
  only	
   promote	
  the	
  use	
  of	
  slower	
  and	
  more	
  sustainable	
  modes	
  like	
  cycling	
  or	
  walking,	
  but	
   also	
  advocate	
  for	
  better	
  public	
  transit	
  and	
  reducing	
  the	
  attractiveness	
  of	
  car	
   ownership	
  and	
  use	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
   	
    The	
  need	
  for	
  intervention	
  is	
  underscored	
  by	
  the	
  notion	
  that	
  moral	
    imperatives,	
  like	
  environmental	
  protection,	
  may	
  not	
  be	
  enough	
  to	
  drive	
  decision-­‐ making,	
  and	
  that	
  decisions	
  often	
  break	
  down	
  into	
  individual	
  cost	
  and	
  benefit	
   scenario	
  (Daboval,	
  1995).	
  	
  Government	
  is	
  the	
  most	
  obvious	
  point	
  at	
  which	
  to	
  place	
   interventions,	
  and	
  particularly	
  relevant	
  in	
  China	
  where	
  metropolitan	
  areas	
  are	
   unified	
  under	
  single-­‐entity	
  county-­‐level	
  governments,	
  creating	
  a	
  realm	
  in	
  which	
   enacted	
  policies	
  can	
  be	
  universally	
  applied	
  (Gakenheimer,	
  1999).	
   	
    One	
  of	
  the	
  simplest	
  measures	
  is	
  to	
  stop	
  building	
  new	
  roadways,	
  halting	
  the	
    expansion	
  of	
  roadway	
  capacity	
  and	
  allowing	
  congestion	
  to	
  serve	
  as	
  a	
  disincentive	
  to	
   driving.	
  	
  In	
  Hong	
  Kong,	
  congestion	
  was	
  enough	
  of	
  a	
  deterrent	
  that	
  47%	
  of	
  car	
   owners	
  left	
  their	
  vehicle	
  at	
  home,	
  instead	
  using	
  transit	
  (Cullinane,	
  2003).	
  	
  Similar	
  to	
   road	
  capacity	
  is	
  the	
  provision	
  of	
  parking,	
  both	
  availability	
  and	
  cost,	
  working	
  as	
  a	
   brake	
  on	
  car	
  usage.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  done	
  in	
  the	
  central	
  areas	
  of	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  with	
  results	
  that	
   drivers	
  are	
  discouraged	
  from	
  using	
  their	
  cars	
  (Cullinane,	
  2003).	
   	
    Past	
  car	
  limitations	
  is	
  the	
  expansion	
  of	
  transit	
  options,	
  especially	
  rail	
  transit.	
  	
    In	
  China,	
  cities	
  are	
  already	
  at	
  population	
  (five	
  million	
  or	
  more)	
  and	
  density	
  (15,000	
   persons	
  per	
  square	
  kilometer)	
  thresholds	
  that	
  are	
  traditionally	
  used	
  to	
  justify	
  rail	
   transit	
  (Cervero,	
  2008).	
  	
  Metro	
  transit,	
  with	
  full	
  grade	
  separation,	
  offers	
  a	
  reliable	
   and	
  frequent	
  connection	
  along	
  its	
  length	
  free	
  from	
  any	
  roadway	
  surface	
  congestion.	
   	
    Rail	
  transit	
  also	
  brings	
  up	
  issues	
  of	
  the	
  surrounding	
  built-­‐form	
  and	
  the	
  built	
    environment	
  in	
  Chinese	
  cities	
  as	
  they	
  expand	
  their	
  area	
  at	
  rates	
  exceeding	
  their	
   population	
  growth.	
  	
  For	
  those	
  living	
  within	
  1	
  kilometer	
  of	
  a	
  metro	
  station,	
  it	
  was	
   seen	
  that	
  there	
  was	
  a	
  much	
  greater	
  chance	
  that	
  the	
  metro	
  rail	
  would	
  be	
  used	
   	
    23	
    (Cervero,	
  2008).	
  	
  Cities	
  with	
  developed	
  rail-­‐transit	
  systems	
  also	
  tend	
  to	
  have	
  better	
   preserved	
  downtown	
  areas,	
  an	
  area	
  of	
  some	
  concern	
  in	
  China	
  where	
  city	
  centers	
  are	
   being	
  eroded	
  by	
  diffusion	
  of	
  population	
  and	
  jobs	
  (Gakenheimer,	
  1999).	
   	
    One	
  study	
  found	
  that	
  a	
  10%	
  expansion	
  in	
  the	
  size	
  of	
  a	
  rail	
  network	
  had	
  the	
    effect	
  of	
  reducing	
  automobile	
  use	
  by	
  2%,	
  a	
  modest	
  but	
  definite	
  decline	
  (de	
  Grange,	
   2012).	
  	
  It	
  was	
  uncertain	
  if	
  the	
  initial	
  size	
  of	
  the	
  network	
  created	
  variations	
  in	
  this	
   effect;	
  for	
  example	
  do	
  a	
  small	
  and	
  large	
  metro	
  system	
  share	
  the	
  same	
  benefits	
  from	
   a	
  proportionally	
  equal	
  expansion.	
  	
  The	
  same	
  article	
  pointed	
  out	
  results	
  saying	
  that	
   fare	
  subsidies	
  did	
  little	
  to	
  stimulate	
  increased	
  transit	
  usage	
  however,	
  consistent	
   with	
  past	
  findings	
  (de	
  Grange,	
  2012).	
   	
    Rail	
  transit	
  enjoys	
  a	
  more	
  positive	
  perception	
  than	
  bus	
  service.	
  	
  Traits	
  often	
    associated	
  with	
  rail	
  were	
  its	
  reliability,	
  comfort,	
  frequency,	
  speed,	
  and	
  spaciousness	
   compared	
  with	
  buses	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
  	
  These	
  attitudes	
  were	
  found	
  even	
  among	
  car	
   users	
  (Beirao,	
  2007),	
  indicating	
  a	
  potential	
  avenue	
  for	
  policy	
  interventions	
  to	
  shift	
   mode	
  share	
  towards	
  transit.	
   	
    Improving	
  bus	
  service	
  is	
  possible	
  and	
  has	
  been	
  undertaken	
  in	
  many	
  places.	
  	
    Asian	
  cities	
  that	
  had	
  undertaken	
  comprehensive	
  reform	
  of	
  their	
  bus	
  transit	
   provision	
  found	
  that	
  speed	
  improved	
  significantly	
  (30-­‐75%)	
  when	
  a	
  median	
  bus	
   lane	
  was	
  created,	
  and	
  that	
  a	
  17%	
  increase	
  in	
  ridership	
  followed,	
  on	
  average,	
  along	
   with	
  more	
  metro	
  riders	
  fed	
  by	
  the	
  increased	
  bus	
  patronage	
  (Yamamoto,	
  2011).	
  	
   Doing	
  so	
  fights	
  the	
  risk	
  of	
  buses	
  bogging	
  down	
  in	
  slow	
  surface	
  traffic	
  and	
  can	
  also	
   create	
  a	
  better	
  perception	
  of	
  buses	
  among	
  residents.	
   	
    Equity	
  issues	
  can	
  arise	
  when	
  punitive	
  measures	
  place	
  financial	
  costs	
  on	
  car	
    use,	
  as	
  the	
  wealthy	
  are	
  in	
  a	
  better	
  position	
  to	
  pay	
  for	
  the	
  costs	
  are	
  considered.	
  	
   Driving	
  bans,	
  such	
  as	
  Beijing’s	
  license	
  plate	
  number	
  scheme	
  or	
  London’s	
  congestion	
   charge	
  for	
  access	
  to	
  the	
  central	
  city,	
  have	
  been	
  called	
  into	
  question	
  as	
  second	
  cars	
   can	
  be	
  purchased	
  to	
  circumvent	
  the	
  Beijing	
  policy	
  or	
  those	
  able	
  may	
  simply	
  pay	
  for	
   access	
  in	
  London	
  (Wang,	
  2010).	
  	
  However	
  given	
  that	
  car	
  ownership	
  is	
  biased	
   towards	
  those	
  with	
  means	
  anyway,	
  the	
  equity	
  issue	
  seems	
  to	
  lie	
  not	
  in	
  penalizing	
   driving	
  but	
  in	
  better	
  facilitating	
  other	
  modes.	
    	
    24	
    	
    Limiting	
  roadway	
  access	
  and	
  improving	
  transit	
  have	
  been	
  advocated	
  as	
    solutions	
  for	
  Chinese	
  cities	
  (Gakenheimer,	
  1999).	
  	
  It	
  seems	
  clear	
  from	
  demographic	
   data,	
  recent	
  built	
  form,	
  and	
  car	
  sales	
  that	
  no	
  single	
  intervention	
  alone	
  will	
  solve	
   congestion	
  and	
  environmental	
  challenges	
  posed	
  by	
  private	
  vehicles.	
  	
  	
  Instead	
  a	
   menu	
  of	
  options	
  should	
  be	
  fostered	
  and	
  tested	
  to	
  find	
  solutions	
  that	
  are	
  both	
   acceptable	
  to	
  the	
  public	
  and	
  effective.	
   	
    In	
  Singapore	
  a	
  number	
  of	
  policies	
  exist	
  to	
  limit	
  car	
  ownership	
  and	
  discourage	
    car	
  usage	
  in	
  the	
  most	
  congested	
  parts	
  of	
  the	
  city-­‐state.	
  	
  The	
  list	
  of	
  policies	
  used	
  by	
   Singapore	
  includes	
  congestion	
  charging	
  in	
  central	
  areas,	
  restraints	
  on	
  auto	
   ownership	
  through	
  high	
  license	
  costs,	
  ongoing	
  transit	
  investments,	
  and	
  land-­‐use	
   choices	
  that	
  support	
  these	
  transportation	
  strategies	
  (Pendyala	
  &	
  Kitamura,	
  2007).	
   	
    The	
  combined	
  effect	
  in	
  Singapore	
  has	
  been	
  that	
  auto	
  traffic	
  has	
  a	
  commute	
    mode	
  share	
  under	
  25%	
  and	
  that	
  rates	
  of	
  car	
  ownership	
  hover	
  around	
  10	
  per	
  every	
   100	
  people,	
  all	
  without	
  impacting	
  rapid	
  local	
  economic	
  expansion	
  of	
  the	
   Singaporean	
  economy	
  (Pendyala	
  &	
  Kitamura,	
  2007).	
  	
  	
  	
  Given	
  similar	
  demographics,	
   levels	
  of	
  state	
  control,	
  and	
  cultural	
  background,	
  Singapore	
  may	
  offer	
  an	
  instructive	
   example	
  for	
  Chinese	
  cities	
  to	
  consider	
  when	
  creating	
  their	
  own	
  policies.	
   	
    While	
  congestion	
  charging	
  schemes	
  have	
  been	
  considered	
  somewhat	
  difficult	
    to	
  implement	
  given	
  their	
  technical	
  demands,	
  parking	
  restrictions	
  have	
  been	
  pointed	
   to	
  as	
  an	
  alternative	
  with	
  similar	
  effects	
  (Wang,	
  2010).	
  	
  By	
  transferring	
  the	
  economic	
   cost	
  of	
  parking	
  spaces	
  onto	
  the	
  user,	
  an	
  effective	
  driving	
  discouragement	
  is	
  put	
  in	
   place	
  (Wang,	
  2010).	
  	
  This	
  could	
  be	
  easier	
  to	
  implement	
  and	
  enforce	
  in	
  Chinese	
  cities	
   without	
  the	
  same	
  technical	
  requirements	
  and	
  capital	
  costs	
  facing	
  congestion	
   charging.	
  	
  	
   	
    Even	
  in	
  Western	
  countries	
  there	
  is	
  support	
  for	
  restrictions	
  on	
  driving	
  and	
    greater	
  investments	
  in	
  public	
  transit.	
  	
  A	
  UK	
  study	
  found	
  over	
  95%	
  support	
  for	
  more	
   transit,	
  speed	
  reductions	
  for	
  cars,	
  and	
  prioritization	
  for	
  transit,	
  buses,	
  and	
   pedestrians	
  in	
  roadways	
  (Goodwin	
  &	
  Lyons,	
  2010).	
  	
  The	
  same	
  survey	
  saw	
   respondents	
  less	
  enthused	
  with	
  ideas	
  of	
  raising	
  fees	
  or	
  usage	
  costs	
  for	
  cars,	
  or	
   cutting	
  services	
  like	
  road	
  maintenance	
  or	
  reduced	
  spending	
  on	
  new	
  roads	
  (Goodwin	
    	
    25	
    &	
  Lyons,	
  2010).	
  	
  How	
  these	
  viewpoints	
  may	
  differ	
  in	
  the	
  Chinese	
  context	
  is	
  still	
  a	
   matter	
  deserving	
  more	
  attention.	
   	
    Policies	
  restricting	
  car	
  usage	
  and	
  car	
  ownership	
  have	
  had	
  positive	
  effects	
  on	
    transit	
  usage,	
  and	
  cities	
  with	
  good	
  car	
  restriction	
  policies	
  have	
  seen	
  car	
  use	
  decline	
   20-­‐30%	
  accompanied	
  by	
  similar	
  rises	
  in	
  transit	
  usage	
  (de	
  Grange,	
  2012).	
  	
  These	
  are	
   not	
  numbers	
  to	
  scoff	
  at	
  and	
  offer	
  considerable	
  hope	
  for	
  Chinese	
  metropolises.	
  	
  	
   	
    Beyond	
  transportation-­‐only	
  policies,	
  the	
  realm	
  of	
  land	
  use	
  planning	
  holds	
    potential	
  by	
  supporting	
  transport	
  strategies	
  with	
  appropriate	
  built	
  form.	
  	
  China	
  has	
   an	
  advantage	
  in	
  this	
  regard	
  as	
  urban	
  land	
  is	
  under	
  public	
  ownership	
  and	
  the	
  local	
   county	
  or	
  city	
  government	
  exercises	
  direct	
  authority	
  over	
  the	
  entire	
  region,	
  creating	
   a	
  much	
  stronger	
  chance	
  for	
  successful	
  interventions	
  if	
  laws	
  are	
  applied	
  with	
  rigor	
   (Pan,	
  2009).	
  	
  	
  It’s	
  a	
  particularly	
  relevant	
  notion	
  too	
  at	
  this	
  stage	
  of	
  urban	
   development,	
  a	
  critical	
  moment	
  in	
  the	
  formation	
  of	
  middle-­‐class	
  lifestyles,	
  and	
  the	
   Chinese	
  government	
  ought	
  not	
  to	
  shy	
  away	
  from	
  its	
  ability	
  to	
  intervene	
  or	
  remain	
   complicit	
  in	
  the	
  motorization	
  of	
  the	
  country.	
   	
    The	
  power	
  and	
  influence	
  of	
  predominant	
  lifestyles	
  on	
  youth	
  is	
  another	
    reason	
  to	
  act	
  now,	
  as	
  children’s	
  views	
  are	
  so	
  often	
  influenced	
  by	
  the	
  culture	
  they	
   grow	
  up	
  in.	
  	
  Increasingly	
  children,	
  teens,	
  and	
  university	
  students	
  are	
  given	
  their	
   own	
  discretionary	
  spending	
  income	
  and	
  take	
  on	
  roles	
  as	
  consumers	
  at	
  a	
  younger	
   age	
  (Veeck	
  &	
  Flurry,	
  2009).	
  	
  	
  This	
  role	
  has	
  been	
  embraced	
  and	
  nearly	
  two-­‐thirds	
  of	
   Chinese	
  teens	
  feeling	
  pressured	
  to	
  keep	
  up	
  with	
  trends	
  in	
  fashion	
  and	
  technology,	
   showing	
  strong	
  brand	
  cognizance	
  as	
  a	
  means	
  of	
  competing	
  and	
  keeping	
  up	
  with	
   their	
  peers	
  (Veeck	
  &	
  Flurry,	
  2009).	
   	
    On	
  a	
  much	
  smaller	
  scale	
  is	
  the	
  idea	
  of	
  personalized	
  interventions.	
  	
  These	
    consist	
  of	
  efforts	
  typically	
  sponsored	
  by	
  government	
  agencies	
  that	
  contact	
   individuals	
  directly,	
  offering	
  materials	
  and	
  support	
  for	
  moving	
  away	
  from	
  car	
  travel	
   to	
  more	
  sustainable	
  modes	
  (Brog,	
  2009).	
  	
  The	
  advantage	
  of	
  these	
  efforts	
  is	
  that	
  they	
   don’t	
  bear	
  the	
  same	
  cost	
  of	
  burdens	
  that	
  large-­‐scale	
  infrastructure	
  or	
  technology-­‐ based	
  solutions	
  do.	
  	
  	
   	
    In	
  Germany,	
  those	
  contacted	
  through	
  a	
  program	
  seeking	
  individual-­‐level	
    change	
  showed	
  a	
  high	
  willingness	
  not	
  only	
  to	
  participate	
  but	
  that	
  the	
  voluntary	
   	
    26	
    actions	
  introduced	
  to	
  them	
  were	
  often	
  successful	
  and	
  lasting	
  means	
  of	
  weaning	
   people	
  onto	
  more	
  sustainable	
  transportation	
  (Brog,	
  2009).	
  	
  A	
  similar	
  program	
  rolled	
   out	
  in	
  Western	
  Australia	
  found	
  that	
  a	
  7%	
  reduction	
  in	
  car	
  trips	
  and	
  a	
  17%	
  increase	
   in	
  sustainable	
  modes,	
  defined	
  as	
  public	
  transit,	
  walking,	
  or	
  biking	
  (Borg,	
  2009).	
  	
  	
  	
   Whether	
  such	
  a	
  strategy	
  would	
  be	
  successful	
  in	
  China	
  is	
  unknown,	
  and	
  both	
   aforementioned	
  examples	
  took	
  place	
  in	
  Western	
  cultures.	
  	
  More	
  to	
  the	
  point,	
  even	
  if	
   small-­‐scale	
  interventions	
  proved	
  effective,	
  their	
  scope	
  is	
  not	
  large	
  enough	
  to	
  affect	
   change	
  on	
  the	
  level	
  or	
  pace	
  that	
  is	
  needed	
  in	
  China	
  today.	
  	
  	
  The	
  speed	
  of	
   urbanization	
  and	
  motorization	
  is	
  too	
  great	
  to	
  allow	
  small	
  solutions	
  to	
  eat	
  away	
  at	
   the	
  desire	
  for	
  a	
  private	
  car;	
  a	
  sophisticated	
  array	
  of	
  large-­‐scale	
  strategies	
  is	
  needed	
   if	
  China’s	
  urban	
  centers	
  are	
  to	
  make	
  a	
  meaningful	
  impact	
  on	
  the	
  rampant	
  rush	
  for	
   cars	
  by	
  the	
  middle	
  class.	
  	
  	
   	
   3.7	
  	
    NEED	
  FOR	
  FURTHER	
  RESEARCH	
    	
    While	
  extensive	
  research	
  has	
  been	
  conducted	
  on	
  China,	
  the	
  country	
  is	
  so	
    expansive	
  and	
  rapidly	
  changing	
  that	
  most	
  studies	
  today	
  can	
  best	
  be	
  seen	
  as	
   snapshots	
  of	
  passing	
  eras.	
  	
  There	
  are	
  also	
  research	
  gaps,	
  as	
  though	
  research	
  exists	
   on	
  youths	
  or	
  motorization	
  and	
  urbanization	
  in	
  China,	
  there	
  is	
  no	
  research	
   connecting	
  the	
  above	
  topics	
  save	
  for	
  the	
  recent	
  Zhu	
  study	
  on	
  university	
  students	
  in	
   the	
  Yangtze	
  Delta.	
  	
  Students	
  at	
  the	
  secondary	
  level	
  are	
  even	
  more	
  neglected	
  by	
  the	
   academic	
  world.	
   	
    As	
  seen	
  above,	
  China	
  is	
  at	
  a	
  critical	
  time,	
  with	
  income	
  set	
  to	
  reach	
  thresholds	
    at	
  which	
  car	
  numbers	
  will	
  likely	
  boom.	
  	
  The	
  effects,	
  both	
  for	
  China	
  and	
  the	
  world,	
   could	
  be	
  disastrous.	
   Too	
  often	
  decision-­‐making	
  processes,	
  such	
  as	
  transportation,	
   become	
  portioned	
  out	
  into	
  smaller	
  spheres	
  of	
  responsibility,	
  broken	
  into	
   components	
  based	
  on	
  economics	
  or	
  social	
  programs	
  (Fang	
  &	
  Hong,	
  2006).	
  	
  A	
  more	
   holistic	
  view	
  of	
  policy	
  and	
  the	
  relationships	
  intertwined	
  within	
  would	
  benefit	
  cities.	
   China	
  is	
  also	
  in	
  a	
  unique	
  position	
  to	
  influence	
  these	
  choices,	
  as	
  high-­‐level	
   governments	
  with	
  administrative	
  power	
  over	
  large	
  areas	
  and	
  fiscal	
  means,	
  such	
  as	
   Chinese	
  localities,	
  are	
  shown	
  to	
  have	
  a	
  greater	
  influence	
  over	
  a	
  longer	
  span	
  of	
  time	
   (Fang	
  &	
  Hong,	
  2006).	
  	
  Given	
  high-­‐density,	
  the	
  rapidly	
  growing	
  household	
  incomes,	
   	
    27	
    and	
  the	
  disproportionate	
  physical	
  spread	
  of	
  Chinese	
  cities,	
  there	
  is	
  an	
  acute	
  need	
  for	
   effective	
  transportation	
  policies	
  (Wang,	
  2010).	
   	
    A	
  frightening	
  implication	
  from	
  Zhu’s	
  study	
  on	
  university	
  students	
  was	
  that	
    the	
  normative	
  view	
  that	
  in	
  the	
  future	
  everyone	
  should	
  have	
  a	
  car,	
  a	
  social	
  standard	
   that	
  could	
  create	
  a	
  dangerous	
  situation,	
  especially	
  in	
  a	
  culture	
  as	
  socially	
  conscious	
   as	
  that	
  of	
  China	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  In	
  this	
  sense,	
  the	
  car	
  has	
  already	
  surpassed	
  mere	
   instrumental	
  value,	
  and	
  if	
  means	
  can	
  be	
  found	
  to	
  counter	
  this,	
  a	
  younger	
  generation	
   must	
  be	
  reached.	
   	
    If	
  no	
  solution	
  can	
  be	
  found	
  to	
  lower	
  the	
  affective	
  value	
  of	
  car	
  ownership,	
  then	
    policies	
  need	
  a	
  design	
  that	
  discourages	
  car	
  use	
  and	
  encourages	
  and	
  provides	
   competitive	
  alternative	
  transportation	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
  An	
  analysis	
  of	
  attitudes	
  held	
  by	
   secondary	
  students	
  and	
  their	
  reactions	
  to	
  proposed	
  transportation	
  policies	
  may	
   hold	
  clues	
  to	
  addressing	
  the	
  rush	
  for	
  a	
  private	
  vehicle.	
   	
    Findings	
  from	
  a	
  UK	
  study	
  showed	
  that	
  respondents	
  often	
  perceived	
    congestion	
  as	
  a	
  problem	
  and	
  very	
  few	
  associated	
  themselves	
  as	
  part	
  of	
  that	
  problem.	
  	
   It	
  was	
  left	
  unclear	
  whether	
  this	
  is	
  true	
  of	
  younger	
  people,	
  and	
  no	
  such	
  research	
   exists	
  on	
  the	
  teenage	
  age	
  group	
  in	
  China	
  (Goodwin	
  &	
  Lyons,	
  2010).	
  	
  Indeed	
  the	
   largest	
  bodies	
  of	
  research	
  on	
  teens	
  and	
  youth	
  comes	
  from	
  Western	
  cultures,	
  leaving	
   a	
  significant	
  gap	
  in	
  Asian	
  cultures	
  and	
  China	
  specifically.	
   	
    There	
  is	
  also	
  a	
  need	
  to	
  learn	
  more	
  about	
  the	
  affective	
  values	
  that	
  may	
  be	
  held	
    by	
  Chinese	
  youth.	
  	
  For	
  policies	
  to	
  be	
  effective	
  in	
  combating	
  car	
  addiction,	
  they	
  must	
   first	
  understand	
  the	
  psychological	
  factors	
  that	
  drive	
  mode	
  choice	
  and	
  how	
  these	
  can	
   be	
  influenced	
  (Beirao,	
  2007).	
  	
  Indeed	
  without	
  this	
  knowledge,	
  policies	
  will	
  at	
  best	
   simply	
  be	
  guessing,	
  a	
  risky	
  practice	
  in	
  a	
  country	
  changing	
  as	
  speedily	
  as	
  China.	
   	
   	
    	
    4.	
  Methodolgy	
  	
   This	
  project	
  adhered	
  to	
  the	
  following	
  methodology,	
  beginning	
  with	
  the	
   literature	
  review	
  that	
  laid	
  the	
  appropriate	
  and	
  necessary	
  background	
  prior	
  to	
   conducting	
  research.	
  	
  This	
  review	
  covered	
  important	
  areas	
  such	
  as	
  Chinese	
   development	
  in	
  the	
  past	
  decades,	
  values	
  and	
  aspirations,	
  behavior	
  economics,	
  and	
   	
    28	
    transportation	
  policies.	
  	
  Listed	
  in	
  the	
  bibliography	
  are	
  a	
  number	
  of	
  sources	
  related	
   to	
  the	
  aforementioned	
  topics,	
  though	
  the	
  list	
  neither	
  claims	
  to	
  be	
  exhaustive	
  nor	
   limited.	
   	
    The	
  next	
  phase	
  was	
  creating	
  a	
  list	
  of	
  questions	
  pertaining	
  to	
  values,	
    aspirations,	
  and	
  policies.	
  	
  These	
  questions	
  formed	
  the	
  basis	
  of	
  the	
  implemented	
   survey,	
  but	
  were	
  first	
  refined	
  through	
  a	
  process	
  of	
  translation	
  of	
  the	
  survey	
  from	
   English	
  into	
  Mandarin	
  occurring	
  concurrently	
  with	
  consultation	
  from	
  native	
  Chinese	
   speakers	
  and	
  academics	
  as	
  to	
  the	
  appropriateness	
  and	
  function	
  of	
  each	
  question.	
  	
   	
    With	
  these	
  results	
  in	
  hand,	
  a	
  comprehensive	
  survey	
  was	
  created	
  based	
  upon	
    the	
  original	
  series	
  of	
  questions.	
  	
  The	
  survey	
  covers	
  areas	
  such	
  as	
  environmental	
   awareness,	
  social	
  status,	
  conception	
  of	
  success	
  and	
  happiness,	
  income	
  expectations	
   and	
  education	
  goals.	
  	
  It	
  also	
  addressed	
  transportation	
  policies	
  (both	
  actual	
  and	
   hypothetical)	
  and	
  situations	
  to	
  see	
  how	
  they	
  affected	
  transportation	
  choices.	
  	
  Basic	
   demographic	
  data	
  were	
  included	
  in	
  the	
  questionnaire	
  to	
  allow	
  for	
  comparisons,	
   including	
  information	
  such	
  as	
  age,	
  gender,	
  household	
  income,	
  and	
  type	
  and	
  location	
   of	
  home.	
  	
   Upon	
  completion	
  of	
  the	
  questionnaire,	
  a	
  pilot	
  test	
  was	
  performed	
  with	
  one	
   class	
  of	
  approximately	
  45	
  students.	
  	
  For	
  this,	
  a	
  foreign	
  secondary	
  school	
  teacher	
  in	
   Shenzhen	
  selected	
  from	
  their	
  classes	
  the	
  one	
  least	
  likely	
  to	
  produce	
  useful	
  results,	
  as	
   gauged	
  by	
  the	
  student	
  behavior	
  in	
  other	
  aspects	
  of	
  their	
  education.	
  	
  The	
  idea	
  was	
  to	
   use	
  the	
  circumstances	
  that	
  would	
  provide	
  the	
  most	
  difficulty	
  in	
  conducting,	
   distributing,	
  and	
  collecting	
  results	
  from	
  the	
  questionnaire.	
  	
  	
   Feedback	
  from	
  the	
  pilot	
  survey	
  was	
  derived	
  in	
  two	
  ways.	
  	
  First,	
  experiential	
   feedback	
  from	
  the	
  teacher	
  about	
  whether	
  the	
  length	
  of	
  the	
  questionnaire	
  was	
   appropriate,	
  how	
  clearly	
  the	
  students	
  understood	
  the	
  expectations	
  of	
  the	
  survey	
  and	
   its	
  questions,	
  and	
  any	
  other	
  recommendations	
  that	
  they	
  had	
  to	
  offer.	
  	
  The	
  second	
   component	
  was	
  an	
  assessment	
  of	
  the	
  results	
  of	
  the	
  questionnaires	
  to	
  determine	
   which	
  questions	
  were	
  effective,	
  which	
  were	
  not,	
  and	
  what	
  needs	
  to	
  change	
  before	
   the	
  following	
  iteration	
  of	
  the	
  survey.	
   The	
  survey	
  aspired	
  to	
  create	
  two	
  sets	
  of	
  data.	
  	
  The	
  first	
  is	
  based	
  in	
  Shenzhen,	
   using	
  secondary	
  school	
  students	
  exclusively.	
  	
  The	
  second	
  aimed	
  to	
  use	
  university	
   	
    29	
    students	
  across	
  a	
  broad	
  diversity	
  of	
  geographies	
  in	
  China.	
  	
  These	
  were	
  also	
  sourced	
   through	
  the	
  network	
  of	
  expatriate	
  English	
  language	
  teachers	
  with	
  a	
  goal	
  of	
   collecting	
  a	
  broader	
  demographic	
  more	
  representative	
  of	
  the	
  country	
  as	
  a	
  whole.	
  	
   Despite	
  the	
  jump	
  in	
  age	
  and	
  experiences	
  between	
  secondary	
  and	
  university	
  students,	
   it	
  was	
  hoped	
  that	
  a	
  meaningful	
  array	
  of	
  responses	
  could	
  be	
  collected	
  over	
  a	
  range.	
  	
   	
   SURVEY	
  SCOPE	
   	
    For	
  data	
  collection,	
  an	
  appropriate	
  means	
  and	
  sample	
  size	
  target	
  was	
    addressed,	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  a	
  method	
  of	
  initial	
  outreach	
  able	
  to	
  connect	
  researcher	
  and	
   subject.	
  	
  Past	
  studies	
  similar	
  to	
  this	
  one	
  used	
  methods	
  such	
  as	
  street	
  intercepts,	
   contacting	
  through	
  parents,	
  interviews,	
  forced-­‐answer	
  survey	
  questionnaires,	
  and	
   trip	
  diaries	
  (Podoshen,	
  2011;	
  Kopnina,	
  2011;	
  Zhang,	
  2005;	
  Wang,	
  2011).	
  	
  For	
  the	
   purpose	
  of	
  this	
  study,	
  a	
  questionnaire	
  was	
  created	
  and	
  distributed	
  to	
  students	
   fitting	
  the	
  target	
  characteristics.	
   	
    Survey	
  size	
  was	
  another	
  key	
  consideration.	
  	
  Past	
  research	
  either	
  in	
  China	
  or	
    on	
  transportation	
  behavior	
  have	
  collected	
  vastly	
  differing	
  amounts	
  of	
  responses,	
   from	
  as	
  few	
  as	
  52	
  in-­‐depth	
  personal	
  interviews	
  (Zhang,	
  2005)	
  or	
  139	
  questionnaire	
   results	
  (Podoshen,	
  2011)	
  to	
  as	
  many	
  as	
  1119	
  responses	
  for	
  a	
  Beijing	
  survey	
  (Wang,	
   2011).	
  	
  A	
  recent,	
  related	
  article	
  concerning	
  university	
  students’	
  car	
  ownership	
   aspirations	
  used	
  a	
  questionnaire	
  targeted	
  at	
  two	
  central	
  China	
  universities,	
   achieving	
  a	
  return	
  rate	
  of	
  973	
  total	
  responses,	
  of	
  which	
  95%	
  were	
  usable.	
  	
  The	
   response	
  rate	
  was	
  high	
  as	
  well,	
  85%	
  at	
  one	
  school,	
  90%	
  at	
  the	
  other	
  (Zhu,	
  2012).	
  	
   These	
  were	
  seen	
  as	
  achievable	
  and	
  reasonable	
  targets	
  in	
  creating	
  robust	
  research	
   results.	
  	
   	
    A	
  three-­‐tiered	
  system	
  of	
  conducting	
  the	
  survey	
  was	
  conducted	
  beginning	
    with	
  a	
  targeted	
  convenience	
  sample	
  using	
  foreign	
  English	
  teachers	
  employed	
  in	
   secondary	
  schools	
  in	
  Shenzhen.	
  	
  This	
  assured	
  the	
  survey	
  respondent	
  that	
  someone	
   was	
  there	
  to	
  explain	
  any	
  questions	
  they	
  have	
  while	
  making	
  certain	
  that	
  the	
  survey	
   was	
  clearly	
  understood.	
  	
  Schools	
  were	
  generally	
  wealthier,	
  as	
  they	
  are	
  able	
  to	
  afford	
   hiring	
  a	
  foreign	
  teacher.	
  Classes	
  receiving	
  the	
  survey	
  were	
  limited	
  to	
  those	
  taught	
  by	
    	
    30	
    the	
  English	
  teacher	
  as	
  well	
  and	
  had	
  to	
  fit	
  into	
  the	
  schedule	
  so	
  as	
  not	
  to	
  interfere	
  with	
   normal	
  classroom	
  operations,	
  and	
  as	
  such	
  another	
  convenience	
  method	
  was	
  used.	
   	
    After	
  including	
  these	
  two	
  filters,	
  the	
  sample	
  of	
  students	
  within	
  the	
  school	
    classrooms	
  was	
  census-­‐style,	
  with	
  the	
  survey	
  given	
  to	
  all	
  students	
  present.	
  	
  For	
   those	
  opting	
  to	
  complete	
  it,	
  no	
  personal	
  identifying	
  information	
  was	
  required	
  to	
   allow	
  for	
  a	
  lack	
  of	
  pressure	
  for	
  ‘right’	
  answers	
  from	
  the	
  student’s	
  perspective.	
  	
  Here,	
   no	
  special	
  consideration	
  is	
  given	
  to	
  the	
  differences	
  between	
  students	
  and	
  the	
  survey	
   was	
  distributed	
  without	
  bias.	
  	
  	
   	
    The	
  group	
  resulting	
  from	
  this	
  sampling	
  method	
  was	
  very	
  much	
  intentional.	
  	
    Though	
  it	
  may	
  be	
  unfair,	
  from	
  a	
  policy	
  view	
  the	
  lower	
  class	
  of	
  China	
  is	
  not	
   realistically	
  able	
  to	
  afford	
  a	
  car.	
  	
  However	
  this	
  sample	
  produces	
  a	
  group	
  from	
  a	
   higher-­‐income	
  and	
  education	
  bracket	
  more	
  likely	
  to	
  have	
  a	
  choice	
  about	
  a	
  car	
   purchase	
  in	
  the	
  future,	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  being	
  represented	
  (and	
  influenced)	
  by	
  the	
   emergent	
  middle-­‐class	
  that	
  now	
  serves	
  as	
  the	
  idealized	
  life	
  in	
  China.	
  	
  	
   	
   SURVEY	
  QUESTIONS	
   	
    In	
  order	
  to	
  analyze	
  a	
  number	
  of	
  different	
  areas	
  touching	
  on	
  an	
  expanse	
  of	
    topics,	
  a	
  survey	
  design	
  utilizing	
  factor	
  analysis	
  was	
  employed.	
  	
  	
  This	
  entailed	
   clustering	
  of	
  certain	
  elements,	
  such	
  as	
  questions	
  about	
  materialism	
  or	
  car	
   ownership	
  aspirations,	
  together	
  under	
  the	
  assumption	
  that	
  they	
  would	
  show	
  a	
   relation	
  (DeVon	
  &	
  Block,	
  2007).	
  	
   Another	
  important	
  concept	
  was	
  face	
  validity,	
  the	
  notion	
  that	
  the	
  question	
   being	
  used	
  accurately	
  assesses	
  the	
  concept	
  under	
  inspection	
  (DeVon	
  &	
  Block,	
  2007).	
  	
   Given	
  the	
  subjective	
  assessment	
  asked	
  for,	
  this	
  was	
  accomplished	
  by	
  iterating	
  the	
   proposed	
  research	
  questions	
  through	
  several	
  different	
  phases	
  and	
  reviewers	
  to	
  best	
   ensure	
  a	
  comprehensive	
  and	
  usable	
  final	
  product.	
   The	
  last	
  tool	
  used	
  in	
  the	
  design	
  of	
  the	
  survey	
  questions	
  was	
  concurrent	
   validity.	
  	
  Here	
  a	
  concept	
  is	
  tested	
  through	
  the	
  use	
  of	
  related	
  criteria	
  within	
  a	
  survey	
   (DeVon	
  &	
  Block,	
  2007).	
  	
  For	
  this	
  piece	
  of	
  research,	
  this	
  has	
  been	
  done	
  by	
  creating	
   triangulating	
  questions	
  that	
  target	
  the	
  same	
  concept	
  through	
  different	
  wording	
   styles	
  and	
  choices,	
  ensuring	
  a	
  view	
  may	
  be	
  validated	
  through	
  several	
  different	
  paths.	
  	
   	
    31	
    This	
  is	
  also	
  a	
  means	
  to	
  control	
  for	
  reliable	
  results,	
  as	
  conflicting	
  viewpoints	
  can	
  be	
   weeded	
  out	
  in	
  the	
  initial	
  review	
  of	
  collected	
  responses.	
  	
  	
   The	
  final	
  piece	
  of	
  the	
  design	
  that	
  has	
  been	
  considered	
  is	
  the	
  difference	
  in	
   cultural	
  context.	
  	
  Despite	
  familiarity	
  with	
  the	
  culture,	
  the	
  researcher	
  recognizes	
   inherent	
  biases	
  that	
  come	
  from	
  a	
  Western	
  culture	
  upbringing.	
  	
  Part	
  of	
  the	
  review	
  of	
   questions	
  has	
  been	
  having	
  native	
  Chinese	
  parse	
  the	
  proposed	
  survey	
  for	
  cultural	
   congruence	
  and	
  literacy.	
  	
  This	
  recognizes	
  that	
  the	
  Chinese	
  worldview	
  is	
  typically	
   more	
  fatalistic	
  and	
  socially-­‐oriented	
  than	
  self-­‐centered,	
  individualized	
  Western	
   cultural	
  norms	
  (Weber	
  &	
  Hsee,	
  2000).	
   	
   AREAS	
  OF	
  INQUIRY	
   	
    Environmental	
  attitudes	
  and	
  awareness	
  were	
  a	
  topic	
  examined	
  as	
  air	
    pollution	
  grows	
  in	
  severity	
  and	
  media	
  stature	
  in	
  Mainland	
  China.	
  	
  Even	
  in	
  Hong	
   Kong,	
  the	
  issue	
  has	
  been	
  of	
  enough	
  importance	
  to	
  include	
  in	
  past	
  surveys	
  of	
   transportation	
  behavior	
  (Cullinane,	
  2010).	
  	
  As	
  environmental	
  degradation	
  continues	
   apace,	
  research	
  ought	
  to	
  determine	
  youth	
  opinions	
  on	
  the	
  matter	
  and	
  its	
  influence	
   have	
  policy	
  implications.	
   	
    Aspiration	
  to	
  car	
  ownership	
  ties	
  directly	
  into	
  the	
  above,	
  and	
  serves	
  as	
  a	
    cornerstone	
  for	
  the	
  entire	
  research	
  endeavor	
  here.	
  	
  Again	
  using	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  as	
  a	
   bellwether,	
  Cullinane’s	
  most	
  recent	
  survey	
  found	
  that	
  despite	
  excellent	
  transit,	
  65%	
   of	
  residents	
  still	
  felt	
  a	
  desire	
  to	
  own	
  a	
  car	
  (2010).	
  	
  Determining	
  the	
  status	
  of	
  such	
   desires	
  in	
  Mainland	
  youth	
  thus	
  becomes	
  a	
  critical	
  concern	
  to	
  future	
  policy-­‐makers.	
  	
  	
   	
    Past	
  perception	
  of	
  the	
  automobile,	
  perception	
  of	
  public	
  transit	
  and	
    amenability	
  to	
  it	
  were	
  important	
  survey	
  factors.	
  	
  In	
  the	
  survey,	
  a	
  distinction	
  has	
   been	
  made	
  between	
  rail	
  and	
  bus	
  transit	
  under	
  the	
  assumption	
  that	
  they	
  are	
  viewed	
   differently.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  based	
  on	
  research	
  showing	
  that,	
  in	
  both	
  Asia	
  and	
  Europe,	
  rail	
  has	
   a	
  more	
  prestigious	
  standing	
  in	
  the	
  eye	
  of	
  the	
  general	
  public	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  being	
  utilized	
   when	
  convenient	
  for	
  users	
  (Beirao,	
  2007;	
  Cullinane,	
  2010;	
  Cervero,	
  2008).	
  	
  	
   	
    The	
  next	
  step	
  –	
  consideration	
  of	
  policy	
  interventions	
  –	
  was	
  critical.	
  Decision	
    making	
  of	
  individuals	
  is	
  typically	
  led	
  by,	
  regardless	
  of	
  the	
  recognition	
  of	
  large-­‐scale	
   issues,	
  the	
  manner	
  in	
  which	
  issues	
  interact	
  with	
  people	
  personally	
  (Goodwin	
  &	
   	
    32	
    Lyons,	
  2010).	
  	
  Thus	
  for	
  any	
  intervention	
  to	
  be	
  successful,	
  finding	
  what	
  most	
  affects	
   individuals	
  at	
  the	
  personal	
  level	
  has	
  critical	
  importance.	
  	
  An	
  array	
  of	
  hypothetical	
   policy	
  interventions	
  was	
  the	
  tool	
  selected	
  to	
  measure	
  reactions	
  to	
  responses,	
  both	
   by	
  type	
  (incentives	
  versus	
  penalties)	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  scale	
  or	
  severity.	
   	
    Neighborhood	
  attributes	
  play	
  a	
  vital	
  role	
  in	
  determining	
  the	
  way	
  residents	
    and	
  visitors	
  access	
  and	
  interact	
  with	
  a	
  place.	
  	
  Blank	
  street	
  walls	
  and	
  an	
  impermeable	
   network	
  of	
  pathways	
  limit	
  non-­‐car	
  choices,	
  while	
  lowering	
  parking	
  and	
  driving	
   capacities	
  limits	
  car	
  use	
  (Cervero,	
  2008).	
  	
  There	
  is	
  also	
  a	
  connection	
  between	
  land-­‐ use,	
  built	
  form,	
  and	
  travel	
  behavior	
  that	
  could	
  in	
  theory	
  be	
  measured	
  through	
  a	
   thorough	
  survey	
  design	
  (Wang,	
  2011).	
   Reflecting	
  the	
  nuances	
  of	
  land-­‐use	
  and	
  urban	
  form,	
  like	
  street	
  connectivity	
  or	
   presence	
  of	
  local	
  retail,	
  was	
  a	
  problem	
  as	
  it	
  requires	
  a	
  level	
  of	
  instruction	
  that	
  a	
   survey	
  cannot	
  achieve	
  quickly.	
  	
  Thus	
  to	
  include	
  it	
  would	
  have	
  increased	
  the	
  cost	
  of	
   the	
  questionnaire	
  such	
  that	
  responses	
  may	
  lose	
  validity.	
  	
  Given	
  this,	
  built	
   environment	
  was	
  consciously	
  but	
  regrettably	
  absent	
  from	
  the	
  questionnaire	
  and	
   will	
  hopefully	
  be	
  addressed	
  through	
  other	
  research	
  in	
  the	
  future.	
   	
   	
   5.	
  Results	
   Upon	
  the	
  close	
  of	
  the	
  survey,	
  a	
  total	
  of	
  890	
  responses	
  were	
  collected	
  from	
   938	
  distributed	
  surveys,	
  a	
  response	
  rate	
  of	
  just	
  under	
  95%.	
  	
  From	
  the	
  890	
  collected	
   responses,	
  834	
  were	
  considered	
  valid	
  and	
  useful.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  a	
  validity	
  rate	
  of	
  93.7%	
   among	
  returned	
  surveys.	
  	
  Within	
  the	
  834	
  valid	
  responses	
  are	
  small	
  variations	
  in	
   responses	
  to	
  questions,	
  as	
  students	
  at	
  times	
  selectively	
  omitted	
  answers	
  while	
   completing	
  the	
  questionnaire.	
  	
  The	
  omissions	
  do	
  not	
  compromise	
  the	
  validity	
  of	
  the	
   responses,	
  but	
  it	
  is	
  worth	
  noting	
  that	
  not	
  all	
  questions	
  have	
  been	
  answered.	
  	
  For	
   more	
  detail,	
  the	
  data	
  set	
  will	
  be	
  made	
  accessible.	
   Students	
  were	
  drawn	
  from	
  four	
  secondary	
  schools	
  in	
  Shenzhen:	
  Shenzhen	
   Foreign	
  Languages	
  School	
  –	
  Buji,	
  Minzhi	
  Middle	
  School,	
  Shenzhen	
  Experimental	
   School,	
  and	
  Bolun	
  Vocational	
  Technical	
  School.	
  	
  The	
  latter	
  two	
  are	
  located	
  within	
  the	
    	
    33	
    Special	
  Economic	
  Zone	
  of	
  Shenzhen,	
  while	
  the	
  former	
  pair	
  are	
  outside	
  in	
  the	
  more	
   suburban,	
  less	
  central	
  portion	
  of	
  the	
  city.	
   	
    The	
  two	
  parts	
  of	
  data	
  collection	
  originally	
  planned	
  for	
  the	
  project	
  did	
  not	
    come	
  to	
  fruition.	
  	
  Scheduling	
  conflicts,	
  internal	
  classroom	
  demands,	
  and	
  lost	
  mail	
   did	
  not	
  allow	
  for	
  a	
  full	
  spectrum	
  of	
  university	
  students	
  responses	
  to	
  be	
  collected.	
  	
   The	
  only	
  data	
  from	
  this	
  group	
  were	
  a	
  set	
  of	
  76	
  valid	
  responses	
  from	
  Wuhan	
  Textile	
   University.	
  	
  Given	
  the	
  limited	
  sample	
  size	
  and	
  vastly	
  differing	
  demographic	
   character	
  of	
  this	
  group	
  when	
  compared	
  to	
  the	
  Shenzhen	
  secondary	
  school	
  students,	
   the	
  university	
  sample	
  has	
  been	
  filtered	
  out	
  from	
  the	
  responses.	
  	
  Thus	
  the	
  focus	
  of	
   the	
  paper	
  is	
  exclusively	
  secondary	
  students	
  in	
  Shenzhen.	
   	
   5.1	
  SHENZHEN	
  IN	
  BRIEF	
   	
    For	
  our	
  comparison,	
  a	
  baseline	
  of	
  demographics	
  from	
  available	
  information	
    on	
  Shenzhen	
  was	
  created,	
  based	
  upon	
  statistics	
  gathered	
  by	
  various	
  levels	
  of	
   government.	
  	
  Shenzhen,	
  with	
  a	
  population	
  of	
  10.3	
  million,	
  has	
  a	
  significantly	
   younger	
  population,	
  with	
  an	
  average	
  age	
  of	
  only	
  30	
  and	
  a	
  cohort	
  in	
  the	
  15-­‐64	
  years	
   range	
  higher	
  than	
  peer	
  cities	
  of	
  Beijing	
  and	
  Shanghai	
  (88.4%	
  versus	
  82.7%	
  and	
  81%,	
   respectively)	
  (Shenzhen	
  Municipal	
  Statistics	
  Bureau,	
  2011).	
  	
  	
   	
   Table	
  1:	
  Shenzhen	
  Municipal	
  Characteristics	
   Shenzhen	
  Municipal	
  Characteristics	
   Population	
    10.3	
  million	
    Average	
  Age	
    30	
  years	
    %	
  Male	
    54.2%	
    Average	
  Monthly	
  Income	
    Y7,858	
    %	
  with	
  University	
  Degree	
    9.1%	
    Average	
  Household	
  Size	
    2.11	
  persons	
    %	
  Household	
  with	
  a	
  Car	
    35%	
    	
    	
   Shenzhen	
  was	
  found	
  to	
  have	
  more	
  average	
  education	
  levels,	
  with	
  9.1%	
  of	
    residents	
  holding	
  a	
  university	
  degree,	
  lagging	
  far	
  behind	
  Beijing	
  (31.%)	
  and	
   	
    34	
    Shanghai	
  (21.9%)	
  in	
  this	
  regard	
  (Shenzhen	
  Municipal	
  Statistic	
  Bureau,	
  2011).	
  	
  The	
   gap	
  could	
  be	
  attributable	
  to	
  the	
  lack	
  of	
  established	
  universities	
  in	
  Shenzhen,	
  the	
   prevalence	
  of	
  less	
  educated	
  migrant	
  workers	
  in	
  the	
  manufacturing	
  industry,	
  or	
  a	
   combination	
  of	
  these	
  with	
  other	
  factors;	
  for	
  now,	
  it	
  is	
  unclear.	
   	
    The	
  presence	
  of	
  a	
  high	
  number	
  of	
  young,	
  migratory	
  residents	
  in	
  Shenzhen	
  is	
    further	
  evident	
  in	
  the	
  low	
  average	
  household	
  size,	
  only	
  2.11	
  persons,	
  compared	
  with	
   Beijing	
  (2.45)	
  and	
  Shanghai	
  (2.49)	
  (Shenzhen	
  Municipal	
  Statistic	
  Bureau,	
  2011).	
  	
  It	
   is	
  also	
  likely	
  that	
  the	
  number	
  is	
  lower	
  as	
  migrants	
  often	
  return	
  home	
  to	
  start	
   families	
  and	
  elderly	
  parents	
  are	
  less	
  likely	
  to	
  join	
  offspring	
  in	
  Shenzhen.	
  	
  Shenzhen	
   also	
  bears	
  the	
  gender	
  imbalance	
  that	
  characterizes	
  China,	
  being	
  54.2%	
  male	
  and	
   only	
  45.8%	
  female	
  (Shenzhen	
  Municipal	
  Statistic	
  Bureau,	
  2011).	
   	
    What	
  the	
  city	
  lacks	
  in	
  education,	
  age,	
  and	
  household	
  size,	
  it	
  makes	
  up	
  for	
  in	
    high	
  levels	
  of	
  personal	
  income.	
  	
  The	
  average	
  Shenzhener	
  brings	
  home	
  Y7,858	
   ($1,261)	
  per	
  month,	
  well	
  above	
  the	
  national	
  average	
  and	
  reflective	
  of	
  the	
  city’s	
   status	
  as	
  a	
  premier	
  Special	
  Economic	
  Zone	
  (Guangdong	
  Statistical	
  Yearbook,	
  2011).	
  	
   Undoubtedly	
  the	
  higher	
  earning	
  potential	
  is	
  a	
  driver	
  of	
  migration	
  to	
  the	
  city.	
  	
   	
   SAMPLE	
  SIZE	
  CHARACTERISTICS	
   	
    The	
  average	
  age	
  within	
  the	
  survey	
  sample	
  is	
  significantly	
  lower.	
  	
  Shenzhen	
    students	
  were	
  14.1	
  years	
  old	
  on	
  average,	
  the	
  vast	
  majority	
  of	
  them	
  belong	
  to	
  the	
   Junior	
  1	
  and	
  Junior	
  2	
  grad	
  levels	
  (85%).	
  	
  This	
  has	
  the	
  potential	
  to	
  skew	
  the	
  data,	
  and	
   certainly	
  the	
  results	
  now	
  reflect	
  a	
  younger	
  demographic	
  than	
  previously	
  targeted.	
  	
   The	
  responses	
  retain	
  validity;	
  the	
  lens	
  has	
  simply	
  shifted	
  down	
  a	
  few	
  years.	
   	
    Average	
  education	
  levels	
  are	
  higher	
  than	
  the	
  city	
  as	
  a	
  whole,	
  obvious	
  given	
    that	
  students	
  are	
  already	
  in	
  secondary	
  school.	
  	
  Their	
  educational	
  aspirations	
  reflect	
   their	
  status	
  as	
  middle-­‐	
  and	
  upper-­‐class	
  children:	
  72%	
  state	
  an	
  intention	
  to	
  attend	
  a	
   university	
  after	
  graduation.	
  	
  The	
  students	
  also	
  come	
  from	
  considerably	
  wealthy	
   backgrounds,	
  even	
  for	
  Shenzhen.	
  	
  More	
  than	
  69%	
  estimated	
  their	
  family	
  income	
  to	
   be	
  at	
  least	
  Y10,000	
  per	
  month,	
  and	
  nearly	
  half	
  estimated	
  household	
  income	
  at	
  over	
   Y15,000.	
  	
  In	
  this	
  sense,	
  the	
  design	
  of	
  the	
  survey	
  was	
  a	
  success:	
  the	
  students	
   represent	
  the	
  wealthy	
  middle-­‐class	
  of	
  the	
  future.	
   	
    35	
    	
    On	
  the	
  more	
  mundane	
  elements	
  of	
  demography,	
  the	
  gender	
  split	
  showed	
    better	
  balance,	
  as	
  males	
  were	
  only	
  51.9%	
  of	
  the	
  sample	
  respondents,	
  whereas	
   females	
  were	
  48.1%.	
  	
  Average	
  household	
  size	
  exceeded	
  that	
  of	
  Shenzhen,	
  with	
  most	
   students	
  living	
  in	
  homes	
  of	
  3	
  or	
  4	
  people	
  (67%),	
  obviously	
  above	
  the	
  citywide	
  rate	
   as	
  families	
  with	
  children	
  are	
  larger.	
  	
  	
   	
    Another	
  telling	
  number	
  of	
  the	
  upper-­‐class	
  status	
  of	
  the	
  students	
  surveyed	
  is	
    the	
  car	
  ownership	
  rate	
  by	
  household.	
  	
  85%	
  of	
  students	
  lived	
  in	
  household	
  that	
  had	
   their	
  own	
  car,	
  compared	
  to	
  a	
  citywide	
  average	
  of	
  35%	
  in	
  2010	
  (Shenzhen	
  Daily,	
  8	
   March	
  2011).	
  	
  There	
  is	
  no	
  indication	
  either	
  of	
  the	
  number	
  of	
  cars	
  per	
  household,	
  as	
   some	
  students’	
  families	
  may	
  have	
  more	
  than	
  one.	
  	
  	
   	
    The	
  numbers	
  show	
  an	
  even	
  stronger	
  connection	
  between	
  car	
  ownership	
  and	
    wealth	
  when	
  dissected	
  further.	
  	
  For	
  families	
  with	
  monthly	
  incomes	
  over	
  Y10,000,	
   93%	
  were	
  car	
  owners.	
  	
  Among	
  those	
  with	
  lower	
  incomes,	
  the	
  rate	
  drops	
  to	
  67%.	
  	
   Likewise	
  while	
  only	
  67%	
  of	
  renters	
  in	
  the	
  survey	
  had	
  a	
  car,	
  87%	
  of	
  homeowners	
   were	
  car	
  owners.	
  	
  	
   	
   Table	
  2:	
  Study	
  Group	
  Characteristics	
   Study	
  Group	
  Characteristics	
   Average	
  Age	
   14.1	
  years	
   %	
  Male	
   51.9%	
   %	
  Estimated	
  Monthly	
  Income	
  >Y10,000	
   69%	
   %	
  Plan	
  to	
  Seek	
  University	
  Degree	
   72%	
   %	
  Households	
  with	
  3-­‐4	
  people	
   69%	
   %	
  Households	
  with	
  a	
  car	
   85%	
   	
   Students	
  lived	
  in	
  three	
  main	
  types	
  of	
  housing:	
  villas,	
  or	
  stand	
  alone	
  homes,	
  urban	
   apartments,	
  or	
  suburban	
  apartments.	
  	
  Most	
  lived	
  in	
  apartments	
  (79%),	
  villas	
  (7%),	
   or	
  suburban	
  apartments	
  (9%).	
  	
  The	
  remaining	
  5%	
  lived	
  in	
  other	
  forms	
  of	
  housing	
   and	
  were	
  excluded	
  from	
  further	
  analysis	
  due	
  to	
  small	
  sample	
  size.	
  	
  	
   	
    Within	
  each	
  group	
  were	
  slightly	
  different	
  ranges	
  of	
  socio-­‐economic	
  status.	
  	
  It	
    is	
  possible	
  to	
  determine	
  a	
  spectrum	
  defined	
  by	
  characteristics,	
  wherein	
  the	
  students	
   living	
  in	
  villas	
  had	
  the	
  highest	
  average	
  family	
  income,	
  estimated	
  at	
  over	
  Y10,000	
  by	
    	
    36	
    82%	
  of	
  villa	
  dwellers,	
  compared	
  to	
  lower	
  rates	
  for	
  urban	
  apartment	
  (70%)	
  or	
   suburban	
  apartments	
  (62%)	
  students.	
   	
    In	
  other	
  measures	
  of	
  material	
  wealth,	
  students	
  living	
  in	
  villas	
  showed	
  greater	
    economic	
  clout.	
  	
  96%	
  lived	
  in	
  homes	
  their	
  family	
  owned	
  and	
  93%	
  of	
  families	
  had	
   cars.	
  	
  This	
  contrasts	
  with	
  the	
  urban	
  and	
  suburban	
  apartment	
  numbers,	
  where	
  only	
   91%	
  and	
  80%	
  of	
  homes	
  were	
  owned,	
  respectively.	
  	
  Likewise,	
  cars	
  were	
  owned	
  by	
   only	
  86%	
  of	
  families	
  in	
  urban	
  apartments	
  and	
  72%	
  of	
  families	
  in	
  suburban	
   apartments.	
  	
  In	
  spite	
  of	
  the	
  lower	
  performance	
  relative	
  to	
  villa-­‐dwellers,	
  these	
   numbers	
  still	
  significantly	
  outstrip	
  the	
  average	
  Shenzhen	
  household.	
  	
  	
   While	
  location	
  can	
  account	
  for	
  some	
  variation	
  in	
  socio-­‐economic	
   demographics,	
  there	
  is	
  no	
  means	
  to	
  assess	
  the	
  built	
  area	
  of	
  each	
  respondent’s	
  home	
   to	
  see	
  if	
  it	
  fits	
  into	
  the	
  definition	
  of	
  these	
  categories.	
  	
  Further	
  they	
  are	
  defined	
  by	
  the	
   students	
  themselves,	
  as	
  the	
  line	
  between	
  suburban	
  and	
  urban	
  is	
  hard	
  to	
  divine	
  in	
  a	
   place	
  as	
  dense	
  as	
  Shenzhen.	
  	
  	
   Some	
  differences	
  in	
  opinion	
  exist,	
  however	
  given	
  that	
  the	
  definitions	
  of	
  the	
   housing	
  types	
  are	
  hard	
  to	
  differentiate,	
  they	
  are	
  not	
  elaborated	
  upon.	
  	
  A	
  full	
   evaluation	
  of	
  the	
  way	
  built	
  form	
  and	
  living	
  environment	
  interact	
  with	
  one’s	
  views	
   on	
  transportation	
  should	
  be	
  tabled	
  for	
  the	
  time	
  being	
  and	
  strongly	
  advocated	
  to	
  any	
   seeking	
  to	
  build	
  upon	
  this	
  type	
  of	
  research.	
  	
  	
   	
    In	
  total,	
  higher	
  average	
  income,	
  household	
  car	
  ownership	
  rates,	
  and	
    education	
  set	
  the	
  sample	
  size	
  in	
  the	
  survey	
  apart	
  from	
  the	
  rest	
  of	
  Shenzhen.	
  	
  The	
   group	
  falls	
  into	
  the	
  category	
  of	
  being	
  middle	
  or	
  upper-­‐class,	
  the	
  exact	
  type	
  of	
  people	
   who	
  in	
  the	
  future	
  may	
  be	
  the	
  trendsetters	
  and	
  barometers	
  of	
  Chinese	
  social	
  norms.	
  	
   	
   5.2	
  TRAVEL	
  ATTITUDES	
  AND	
  PERCEPTIONS	
   Of	
  similar	
  import	
  to	
  the	
  demographic	
  traits	
  defining	
  the	
  students	
  in	
  the	
   survey	
  sample	
  are	
  their	
  behaviors	
  and	
  current	
  attitudes	
  relating	
  to	
  transportation.	
   Among	
  students,	
  regular	
  travel	
  to	
  the	
  city	
  center	
  was	
  uncommon,	
  with	
  less	
  than	
   17%	
  of	
  students	
  heading	
  to	
  the	
  city	
  center	
  more	
  than	
  once	
  per	
  week.	
  	
  Other	
  factors	
   could	
  explain	
  this,	
  such	
  as	
  a	
  lack	
  of	
  free	
  time,	
  and	
  to	
  be	
  sure	
  students	
  are	
  not	
  the	
    	
    37	
    same	
  group	
  as	
  working	
  adults	
  so	
  conclusions	
  about	
  central	
  city	
  primacy	
  are	
  not	
   relevant	
  with	
  this	
  sample	
  group.	
  	
  	
   Travel	
  behavior	
  also	
  tells	
  us	
  something	
  about	
  the	
  form	
  of	
  the	
  city,	
  at	
  least	
   from	
  a	
  student’s	
  perspective.	
  	
  When	
  asked	
  of	
  the	
  walking	
  distance	
  to	
  a	
  bus	
  station,	
   over	
  half	
  (56%)	
  were	
  within	
  a	
  walk	
  of	
  five	
  minutes	
  or	
  less,	
  unsurprising	
  to	
  any	
   person	
  familiar	
  with	
  the	
  sheer	
  number	
  of	
  stops	
  in	
  the	
  city.	
  	
  Another	
  telling	
  statistic	
   is	
  that	
  nearly	
  55%	
  of	
  students	
  stated	
  they	
  lived	
  within	
  fifteen	
  minutes	
  of	
  a	
  metro	
   station.	
  	
  Again,	
  these	
  measures	
  are	
  based	
  on	
  the	
  student	
  sample	
  and	
  may	
  not	
  be	
   indicative	
  of	
  the	
  city	
  at	
  large.	
  	
  The	
  primary	
  takeaway	
  is	
  that	
  while	
  most	
  families	
  have	
   a	
  car,	
  access	
  to	
  useful	
  transit	
  options	
  are	
  still	
  relatively	
  near,	
  numbers	
  likely	
  boosted	
   with	
  recent	
  metro	
  expansions.	
   	
    When	
  asked	
  to	
  select	
  most	
  important	
  aspects	
  of	
  transportation	
  from	
  a	
  group	
    of	
  five	
  characteristics	
  (safety,	
  convenience,	
  speed,	
  cost,	
  and	
  comfort),	
  the	
   overwhelming	
  majority	
  selected	
  safety	
  as	
  the	
  primary	
  feature,	
  checking	
  in	
  at	
  82%.	
  	
   Conversely,	
  the	
  two	
  aspects	
  that	
  featured	
  consistently	
  low	
  rankings	
  were	
  speed	
  and	
   cost,	
  at	
  62%	
  and	
  69%	
  respectively	
  in	
  the	
  last	
  two	
  positions.	
  	
  	
   	
    Several	
  explanations	
  may	
  be	
  given	
  for	
  this	
  safety	
  preference.	
  	
  It	
  is	
  a	
  major	
    part	
  of	
  the	
  education	
  and	
  public	
  information	
  campaigns	
  in	
  the	
  country	
  and	
  it	
  is	
   reasonable	
  that	
  cost	
  bears	
  little	
  relevance	
  to	
  youth	
  whose	
  money	
  comes	
  from	
   parents	
  and	
  who	
  do	
  not	
  directly	
  bear	
  the	
  cost	
  of	
  transportation.	
  	
  Speed	
  is	
  more	
  open	
   to	
  interpretation;	
  one	
  is	
  that	
  as	
  the	
  student	
  is	
  never	
  the	
  driver,	
  the	
  notion	
  of	
  speed	
   may	
  be	
  less	
  perceptible.	
  	
  Of	
  note	
  too	
  is	
  that	
  that	
  question	
  may	
  have	
  caused	
  confusion,	
   with	
  misunderstandings	
  and	
  incomplete	
  responses	
  whittling	
  away	
  the	
  number	
  of	
   valid	
  surveys	
  to	
  only	
  374	
  for	
  this	
  particular	
  question.	
   	
    One	
  area	
  where	
  perceptual	
  trends	
  were	
  quite	
  clear	
  was	
  in	
  regards	
  to	
  how	
    students	
  viewed	
  three	
  different	
  types	
  of	
  transportation:	
  metro,	
  bus	
  and	
  car.	
  	
  Bus	
  and	
   metro	
  were	
  examined	
  separately	
  as	
  enough	
  previous	
  research	
  existed	
  to	
  show	
   perceptual	
  gaps	
  in	
  the	
  biases	
  towards	
  each,	
  and	
  the	
  results	
  from	
  the	
  students	
   confirm	
  that	
  such	
  biases	
  strongly	
  exist	
  still	
  in	
  China.	
   	
    The	
  Shenzhen	
  Metro,	
  which	
  has	
  expanded	
  dramatically	
  in	
  the	
  last	
  two	
  years	
    from	
  a	
  short	
  2-­‐line	
  system	
  to	
  a	
  5-­‐line	
  one	
  covering	
  over	
  170	
  kilometers	
  in	
  length,	
  is	
   	
    38	
    generally	
  well	
  regarded.	
  	
  The	
  most	
  frequent	
  descriptions	
  for	
  it	
  were	
  convenient	
   (69%)	
  and	
  fast	
  (66%),	
  and	
  a	
  majority	
  selected	
  affordable	
  (55%).	
  	
  Crowded,	
  a	
   negative	
  trait,	
  and	
  safe	
  appeared	
  in	
  more	
  than	
  40%	
  of	
  selections.	
   	
    The	
  bus	
  system	
  in	
  Shenzhen	
  did	
  not	
  fare	
  as	
  well	
  in	
  the	
  minds	
  of	
  students,	
    with	
  the	
  chief	
  adjectives	
  applied	
  being	
  crowded	
  (70%)	
  and	
  slow	
  (60%).	
  	
  While	
   positive	
  attributes	
  such	
  as	
  affordability	
  and	
  convenience	
  scored	
  well	
  (50%,	
  39%),	
   the	
  bus	
  was	
  also	
  stigmatized	
  as	
  being	
  for	
  poor	
  people	
  by	
  37%	
  of	
  respondents.	
  	
  Part	
   of	
  this	
  may	
  be	
  due	
  to	
  the	
  fact	
  that	
  buses	
  are	
  typically	
  stuck	
  in	
  the	
  same	
  mixed	
  traffic	
   congestion	
  that	
  private	
  vehicles	
  face,	
  and	
  receive	
  little	
  to	
  no	
  priority	
  for	
  space	
  on	
   Shenzhen’s	
  roads.	
  	
  	
   	
    While	
  cars	
  confront	
  the	
  aforementioned	
  congestion,	
  they	
  are	
  seen	
  quite	
    differently	
  than	
  buses.	
  	
  Majorities	
  of	
  respondents	
  called	
  cars	
  convenient	
  (57%)	
  and	
   comfortable	
  (53%).	
  	
  Interestingly,	
  a	
  cluster	
  of	
  factors	
  just	
  below	
  the	
  40%	
  range	
   included	
  fast	
  and	
  slow,	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  crowded	
  and	
  gives	
  freedom.	
   	
    It	
  is	
  possible	
  that	
  students	
  whose	
  parents	
  have	
  cars	
  have	
  experienced	
  both	
    the	
  perceptual	
  notion	
  of	
  cars	
  being	
  speedy	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  the	
  grinding	
  traffic	
  that	
  often	
   negates	
  potential	
  time	
  saved.	
  	
  Curious	
  too	
  is	
  the	
  notion	
  that	
  the	
  car	
  can	
  be	
  both	
   comfortable	
  and	
  crowded.	
  	
  Views	
  between	
  car-­‐owning	
  and	
  non	
  car-­‐owning	
   households	
  showed	
  no	
  gaps	
  large	
  enough	
  to	
  explain	
  the	
  difference	
  as	
  being	
  strictly	
   perceptual	
  or	
  experiential.	
  	
  	
   	
   Table	
  3:	
  Common	
  Transportation	
  Perceptions	
   Common	
  Transportation	
  Perceptions	
   Mode	
   Car	
   Metro	
  	
   Responses	
  (%	
   Convenient	
  (57%)	
   Convenient	
  (69%)	
   selected)	
   Comfortable	
  (53%)	
   Fast	
  (66%)	
   Fast	
  (39%)	
   Affordable	
  (55%)	
   Crowded	
  (30%)	
   Crowded	
  (48%)	
   Gives	
  Freedom	
   Safe	
  (41%)	
   (28%)	
   	
   	
    Bus	
   Crowded	
  (70%)	
   Slow	
  (60%)	
   Affordable	
  (50%)	
   Convenient	
  (39%)	
   For	
  poor	
  people	
   (37%)	
    One	
  difference	
  that	
  appears,	
  and	
  seems	
  to	
  reflect	
  the	
  work	
  done	
  in	
  Hong	
    Kong	
  by	
  Cullinane,	
  is	
  that	
  male	
  students	
  placed	
  greater	
  value	
  on	
  the	
  car.	
  	
  27%	
  felt	
    	
    39	
    that	
  a	
  car	
  was	
  for	
  the	
  rich,	
  compared	
  to	
  16.5%	
  of	
  women.	
  	
  Males	
  were	
  also	
  more	
   likely	
  to	
  consider	
  the	
  metro	
  (16%	
  versus	
  9%)	
  and	
  bus	
  (44%	
  versus	
  30%)	
  to	
  be	
  for	
   poor	
  people.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  the	
  only	
  area	
  that	
  differed	
  markedly	
  by	
  gender,	
  and	
  seems	
  to	
   support	
  the	
  idea	
  that	
  men	
  place	
  more	
  psychosocial	
  value	
  on	
  the	
  car	
  as	
  a	
  marker	
  of	
   one’s	
  social	
  class.	
   Another	
  way	
  to	
  derive	
  meaningful	
  perception	
  differences	
  in	
  the	
  results	
  was	
   to	
  look	
  at	
  the	
  factors	
  inserted	
  into	
  the	
  survey	
  denoting	
  social	
  class:	
  whether	
  the	
   mode	
  was	
  for	
  rich,	
  poor,	
  or	
  middle	
  class,	
  if	
  it	
  showed	
  a	
  person’s	
  status,	
  the	
  expense,	
   and	
  if	
  it	
  gave	
  freedom	
  to	
  the	
  user.	
  	
  The	
  results	
  demonstrate	
  that	
  in	
  terms	
  of	
  affective	
   values	
  and	
  social	
  status,	
  cars	
  are	
  the	
  best,	
  followed	
  by	
  metro	
  and	
  then	
  the	
  bus.	
  	
  	
   The	
  car	
  was	
  seen	
  to	
  be	
  for	
  the	
  rich	
  by	
  almost	
  22%	
  of	
  respondents,	
  a	
  decent	
   but	
  not	
  overwhelming	
  amount.	
  	
  It	
  seems	
  much	
  stronger	
  when	
  one	
  is	
  aware	
  that	
   neither	
  the	
  metro	
  nor	
  bus	
  received	
  over	
  2%.	
  	
  	
  Likewise,	
  responses	
  selecting	
   ‘expensive’	
  as	
  an	
  attribute	
  for	
  the	
  metro	
  and	
  bus	
  were	
  also	
  under	
  2%,	
  but	
  nearly	
   20%	
  for	
  the	
  car.	
  	
  	
  An	
  opposing	
  question,	
  asking	
  which	
  mode	
  was	
  for	
  the	
  poor,	
  found	
   37%	
  felt	
  it	
  applied	
  to	
  the	
  bus,	
  with	
  only	
  12%	
  agreeing	
  for	
  the	
  metro	
  and	
  less	
  than	
   2%	
  for	
  cars.	
  	
  A	
  clear	
  cost	
  and	
  expense	
  hierarchy	
  is	
  present	
  in	
  these	
  numbers.	
  	
  	
   	
    With	
  an	
  18%	
  selection	
  rate,	
  cars	
  scored	
  higher	
  than	
  the	
  other	
  modes	
  as	
  a	
    display	
  of	
  one’s	
  social	
  status.	
  	
  The	
  figures	
  for	
  the	
  metro	
  (5%)	
  and	
  bus	
  (4%)	
  are	
   much	
  lower,	
  and	
  indicate	
  that	
  neither	
  is	
  a	
  strong	
  indication	
  of	
  the	
  reputation	
  a	
   person	
  carries	
  in	
  Chinese	
  society.	
  	
  The	
  relatively	
  low	
  rate	
  however	
  for	
  cars	
  in	
  the	
   above	
  figures	
  may	
  mean	
  that	
  the	
  effect	
  of	
  cars	
  on	
  social	
  standing	
  is	
  not	
   overwhelming,	
  though	
  it	
  is	
  impossible	
  to	
  determine	
  from	
  the	
  data	
  if	
  this	
  perception	
   is	
  shifting	
  one	
  direction	
  or	
  the	
  other.	
  	
  	
   	
    It	
  is	
  somewhat	
  shocking	
  that	
  stronger	
  differences	
  aren’t	
  observed	
  when	
    results	
  are	
  sorted	
  by	
  factors	
  like	
  gender.	
  	
  The	
  data	
  collected	
  displays	
  a	
  striking	
   uniformity,	
  though	
  differences	
  appear	
  if	
  the	
  respondents	
  are	
  divided	
  by	
  car	
   ownership	
  in	
  households.	
  	
  It	
  is	
  reasonable	
  too	
  to	
  view	
  car	
  ownership,	
  given	
  the	
   demographic	
  correlation,	
  as	
  a	
  proxy	
  measure	
  for	
  wealth,	
  in	
  a	
  broad	
  sense.	
  	
  	
   	
    Generalizing	
  from	
  several	
  trends,	
  children	
  in	
  families	
  that	
  owned	
  cars	
  were	
    more	
  likely	
  to	
  see	
  them	
  as	
  standard	
  and	
  not	
  a	
  luxury	
  good	
  purchased	
  by	
  an	
  elite.	
  	
   	
    40	
    Only	
  21%	
  felt	
  that	
  cars	
  were	
  for	
  the	
  rich,	
  compared	
  to	
  31%	
  of	
  those	
  in	
  families	
   without	
  them.	
  	
  Whether	
  a	
  car	
  was	
  affordable	
  or	
  expensive	
  showed	
  comparable	
   findings,	
  as	
  20%	
  of	
  car-­‐owning	
  students	
  thought	
  cars	
  were	
  affordable,	
  while	
  11%	
   from	
  non	
  car-­‐owning	
  homes	
  felt	
  that	
  way.	
  	
  Non-­‐car	
  owning	
  students	
  also	
  said	
  cars	
   were	
  more	
  expensive	
  (31%)	
  than	
  students	
  whose	
  parents	
  had	
  cars	
  (18%).	
  	
   Interestingly,	
  more	
  students	
  from	
  families	
  with	
  cars	
  felt	
  they	
  were	
  slow,	
  though	
  the	
   gap	
  is	
  not	
  as	
  pronounced.	
  	
  	
   	
    Combined,	
  the	
  above	
  results	
  paint	
  a	
  picture	
  of	
  transport	
  modes	
  in	
  the	
  minds	
    of	
  the	
  secondary	
  school	
  students	
  of	
  Shenzhen.	
  	
  Cars	
  are	
  viewed	
  most	
  positively,	
  bus	
   travel	
  the	
  most	
  negatively,	
  and	
  metro	
  travel	
  somewhere	
  in	
  between.	
  	
  Assumptions	
   based	
  on	
  class	
  are	
  built	
  into	
  these	
  placements	
  but	
  are	
  not	
  overriding	
  in	
  determining	
   one	
  social	
  placement.	
  	
  They	
  do	
  seem	
  to	
  play	
  a	
  role,	
  particularly	
  for	
  more	
  class-­‐ conscious	
  male	
  students.	
  	
  Previous	
  experience	
  with	
  cars	
  within	
  respondents'	
  own	
   homes	
  also	
  show	
  a	
  preferential	
  bias	
  in	
  favor	
  of	
  automobiles.	
   	
    This	
  same	
  bias	
  is	
  seen	
  in	
  the	
  results	
  to	
  the	
  survey	
  statement	
  “It	
  is	
  more	
    important	
  to	
  invest	
  in	
  roads	
  than	
  transit”.	
  	
  Respondents	
  were	
  asked	
  to	
  agree	
  or	
   disagree	
  with	
  the	
  statement,	
  and	
  only	
  19%	
  came	
  out	
  for	
  roads	
  having	
  priority.	
  	
   Nearly	
  half	
  (48%)	
  supported	
  transit	
  instead,	
  and	
  the	
  remaining	
  third	
  were	
  neutral.	
  	
  	
   Males	
  were	
  also	
  more	
  likely	
  than	
  females	
  to	
  support	
  more	
  roads,	
  by	
  22%	
  to	
   16%.	
  	
  Females	
  were	
  less	
  concerned	
  and	
  far	
  more	
  neutral	
  than	
  males	
  on	
  the	
  issue,	
   37%	
  opting	
  for	
  ‘no	
  opinion’	
  compared	
  to	
  only	
  28%	
  of	
  males.	
  	
  	
   	
    In	
  homes	
  with	
  a	
  car	
  there	
  was	
  only	
  a	
  slight	
  bias	
  for	
  more	
  transit	
  over	
  roads,	
    20%	
  to	
  18%.	
  	
  Transit	
  performed	
  well	
  with	
  these	
  households,	
  registering	
  49%	
   support,	
  which	
  was	
  actually	
  higher	
  than	
  the	
  45%	
  for	
  non-­‐car	
  households.	
  	
  It	
  is	
   unclear	
  why	
  students	
  from	
  these	
  homes	
  may	
  desire	
  more	
  transit	
  instead	
  of	
  road	
   infrastructure,	
  save	
  that	
  in	
  their	
  daily	
  lives	
  they	
  could	
  be	
  more	
  likely	
  to	
  ride	
  transit	
   than	
  be	
  a	
  car	
  passenger.	
  	
  	
   	
   5.3	
  PICTURE	
  OF	
  SUCCESS	
   	
    	
  In	
  examining	
  student	
  aspirations,	
  several	
  results	
  point	
  to	
  an	
  influence	
  of	
    Western	
  norms,	
  though	
  these	
  are	
  not	
  entirely	
  at	
  odds	
  with	
  Chinese	
  traditional	
   	
    41	
    values,	
  such	
  as	
  the	
  desire	
  for	
  homeownership.	
  	
  Results	
  from	
  a	
  question	
  asking	
   students	
  to	
  select	
  the	
  characteristics	
  of	
  a	
  successful	
  person	
  show	
  a	
  marked	
  trend	
   towards	
  a	
  mixture	
  of	
  values,	
  potentially	
  the	
  byproduct	
  of	
  a	
  globalized	
  world.	
   	
    Interestingly,	
  of	
  the	
  options	
  available,	
  the	
  one	
  selected	
  with	
  the	
  most	
    frequency	
  was	
  independence,	
  with	
  over	
  66%	
  of	
  respondents	
  choosing	
  it.	
  	
  None	
  of	
   the	
  other	
  results	
  obtained	
  a	
  mark	
  over	
  50%,	
  making	
  independence	
  the	
  runaway	
   winner.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  a	
  result	
  that	
  wouldn’t	
  be	
  out	
  of	
  place	
  in	
  a	
  Western	
  classroom,	
  and	
  it	
   begs	
  the	
  question	
  of	
  whether	
  the	
  definition	
  of	
  independence	
  to	
  Chinese	
  students	
  is	
   the	
  same	
  as	
  it	
  is	
  for	
  those	
  in	
  the	
  West.	
   	
    Markers	
  of	
  wealth	
  also	
  showed	
  a	
  strong	
  connection	
  to	
  a	
  successful	
  individual.	
  	
    With	
  a	
  rate	
  of	
  48%,	
  both	
  owning	
  a	
  home	
  and	
  being	
  rich	
  were	
  the	
  next	
  two	
  most	
   chosen	
  indicators.	
  	
  Owning	
  a	
  car	
  came	
  in	
  fourth	
  at	
  38%.	
  	
  All	
  three	
  show	
  a	
   predilection	
  for	
  material	
  possessions	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  a	
  value	
  placed	
  on	
  wealth	
  and	
  a	
  link	
   between	
  success	
  and	
  material	
  gain.	
  	
  Once	
  more,	
  these	
  results	
  would	
  be	
  no	
  surprise	
   coming	
  from	
  either	
  hemisphere.	
   	
    The	
  last	
  common	
  result	
  was	
  that	
  a	
  successful	
  person	
  would	
  have	
  studied	
  or	
    lived	
  abroad,	
  checking	
  in	
  at	
  just	
  under	
  37%.	
  	
  As	
  recently	
  as	
  the	
  late	
  1970s,	
  the	
  only	
   real	
  options	
  to	
  study	
  abroad	
  for	
  most	
  Chinese	
  were	
  in	
  Soviet	
  sphere	
  institutions;	
   today	
  that	
  has	
  changed	
  with	
  record	
  enrollments	
  of	
  Chinese	
  students	
  in	
  universities	
   across	
  North	
  America,	
  Europe,	
  and	
  Australia.	
  	
  A	
  bias	
  in	
  favor	
  of	
  living	
  overseas	
  as	
  a	
   trait	
  of	
  the	
  successful	
  may	
  also	
  point	
  to	
  a	
  level	
  of	
  idolization	
  of	
  Western	
  culture	
  or	
  at	
   least	
  of	
  exposure	
  and	
  worldliness.	
   	
   Table	
  4:	
  Picture	
  of	
  Success:	
  Most	
  Selected	
  Traits	
   Picture	
  of	
  Success:	
  Most	
  Selected	
  Traits	
   Trait	
    %	
  Selected	
    Independent	
   Owns	
  a	
  Home	
    66%	
   49%	
    Rich	
    48%	
    Owns	
  a	
  Car	
    38%	
    Lived/Studied	
  Overseas	
    36%	
    Private	
  Company	
  Job	
    27%	
    	
    42	
    Married	
    24%	
    	
   	
    It	
  is	
  fair	
  to	
  note	
  as	
  well	
  that	
  while	
  these	
  trends	
  are	
  evident,	
  they	
  are,	
  like	
    transportation	
  perceptions,	
  not	
  overwhelming.	
  	
  Independence,	
  the	
  only	
  measure	
  to	
   score	
  over	
  50%,	
  may	
  be	
  an	
  exception	
  but	
  overall	
  the	
  influence	
  of	
  Western	
  values	
  on	
   the	
  picture	
  of	
  success	
  in	
  Chinese	
  culture	
  is	
  present	
  but	
  not	
  omnipresent,	
  at	
  least	
  for	
   now.	
  	
  There	
  is	
  also	
  no	
  means	
  within	
  this	
  survey	
  to	
  determine	
  if	
  these	
  trends	
  mark	
  a	
   departure	
  from	
  past	
  results	
  given	
  the	
  dearth	
  of	
  available	
  comparative	
  data.	
  	
  	
   	
   Image	
  1:	
  Picture	
  of	
  Success	
    	
    	
    	
    	
    43	
    When	
  broken	
  into	
  different	
  filters,	
  it	
  was	
  found	
  that	
  being	
  rich	
  and	
  owning	
  a	
   car	
  were	
  significantly	
  more	
  important	
  to	
  students	
  from	
  families	
  with	
  cars.	
  	
  50%	
  of	
   these	
  students	
  chose	
  rich,	
  while	
  only	
  37%	
  of	
  students	
  without	
  cars	
  did.	
  	
  Similarly,	
   the	
  respective	
  difference	
  for	
  car	
  owners	
  as	
  successful	
  people	
  was	
  41%,	
  compared	
  to	
   27%.	
  	
  The	
  difference	
  for	
  home	
  ownership	
  was	
  quite	
  small	
  and	
  didn’t	
  show	
  any	
  great	
   distinction.	
   	
    Another	
  major	
  difference	
  appeared	
  when	
  results	
  were	
  separated	
  by	
  gender.	
  	
    Women	
  showed	
  much	
  higher	
  desire	
  for	
  independence	
  than	
  men,	
  77%	
  to	
  56%.	
  In	
   line	
  with	
  this	
  finding	
  was	
  that	
  marriage	
  as	
  a	
  successful	
  trait	
  was	
  chosen	
  by	
  only	
  16%	
   of	
  women,	
  compared	
  to	
  31%	
  of	
  men,	
  a	
  sharp	
  contrast.	
  Growing	
  gender	
  awareness	
   may	
  be	
  responsible	
  for	
  this,	
  although	
  further	
  research	
  is	
  needed.	
   	
    Among	
  students	
  from	
  car-­‐owning	
  families,	
  37%	
  felt	
  a	
  car	
  was	
  a	
  symbol	
  of	
    success,	
  while	
  their	
  opposite	
  only	
  selected	
  car	
  ownership	
  25%	
  of	
  the	
  time.	
  	
  Again,	
   this	
  shows	
  that	
  car	
  ownership	
  breeds	
  familiarity	
  and	
  raises	
  the	
  standard	
  of	
  what	
   becomes	
  acceptable	
  through	
  normalization	
  of	
  car	
  ownership	
  and	
  usage.	
   	
    	
    5.4	
  FUTURE	
  BEHAVIOR	
   	
    Accounting	
  for	
  student	
  responses	
  about	
  future	
  travel	
  behavior,	
  results	
  show	
    that	
  the	
  perception	
  of	
  car	
  usage	
  differs	
  from	
  the	
  reality.	
  	
  Majority	
  selections	
  by	
  those	
   surveyed	
  was	
  that	
  a	
  car,	
  if	
  owned,	
  would	
  be	
  used	
  either	
  to	
  travel	
  on	
  holiday	
  (62%),	
   to	
  visit	
  friends	
  or	
  family	
  (54%)	
  or	
  for	
  general	
  recreation	
  (56%).	
  	
  Far	
  fewer	
  students	
   felt	
  that	
  work	
  commuting	
  would	
  be	
  a	
  common	
  use	
  for	
  their	
  hypothetical	
  vehicle.	
   	
    Yet	
  despite	
  these	
  intentions,	
  most	
  students	
  said	
  they	
  would	
  use	
  a	
  car	
    regularly,	
  either	
  daily	
  or	
  4-­‐5	
  days	
  per	
  week	
  (58%).	
  	
  Only	
  20%	
  of	
  the	
  respondents	
   would	
  use	
  the	
  car	
  less	
  than	
  once	
  per	
  week.	
  	
  Like	
  Cullinane’s	
  findings	
  in	
  Hong	
  Kong,	
   the	
  numbers	
  from	
  the	
  survey	
  seem	
  to	
  indicate	
  that	
  the	
  perceived	
  use	
  of	
  the	
  car	
  and	
   the	
  actual	
  use,	
  even	
  though	
  here	
  it	
  is	
  hypothetical,	
  lead	
  to	
  higher	
  car	
  use.	
  	
  	
   	
    Once	
  more,	
  having	
  a	
  car	
  present	
  within	
  a	
  student’s	
  family	
  turned	
  out	
  to	
  have	
    an	
  influence	
  in	
  normalizing	
  vehicle	
  usage.	
  	
  60%	
  of	
  students	
  from	
  families	
  with	
  cars	
   indicated	
  they	
  would	
  drive	
  regularly.	
  	
  For	
  their	
  counterparts,	
  this	
  number	
  drops	
  to	
    	
    44	
    46%.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  little	
  surprise,	
  given	
  the	
  other	
  results	
  and	
  past	
  research	
  that	
   corroborates	
  and	
  supports	
  this	
  finding.	
   	
   5.5	
  VALUE	
  ORIENTATION	
   The	
  question	
  of	
  values	
  has	
  been	
  at	
  the	
  head	
  of	
  transformation	
  within	
  Chinese	
   culture	
  and	
  as	
  such,	
  an	
  examination	
  of	
  student	
  respondents’	
  values	
  is	
  a	
  useful	
   exercise.	
  	
  In	
  order	
  to	
  test	
  values,	
  a	
  series	
  of	
  eleven	
  statements	
  were	
  derived.	
  	
   Agreement	
  with	
  the	
  statement	
  on	
  six	
  of	
  the	
  questions	
  implied	
  a	
  Westernized	
   cultural	
  value,	
  while	
  agreement	
  on	
  three	
  represented	
  a	
  more	
  traditional	
  Chinese	
   value.	
  	
  	
   Two	
  of	
  the	
  questions	
  offered	
  a	
  relatively	
  neutral	
  standpoint	
  in	
  terms	
  of	
  their	
   cultural	
  orientation.	
  	
  As	
  they	
  related	
  to	
  perception	
  of	
  others	
  and	
  the	
  value	
  of	
  the	
   environment,	
  there	
  was	
  no	
  strong	
  sway	
  towards	
  either	
  culture	
  considering	
  that	
  the	
   statements	
  probe	
  fairly	
  common	
  stances.	
  	
  The	
  nuances	
  of	
  these	
  attitudes	
  can	
  differ	
   culturally,	
  though	
  here	
  that	
  was	
  not	
  tested.	
  	
  	
   A	
  Likert	
  scale	
  consisting	
  of	
  five	
  points	
  was	
  used,	
  and	
  answers	
  were	
  grouped	
   into	
  disagree,	
  neutral,	
  and	
  agree	
  for	
  the	
  simplicity	
  of	
  presentation.	
  	
  The	
  general	
   trend	
  emerging	
  from	
  the	
  content	
  of	
  survey	
  responses	
  was	
  that	
  Chinese	
  traditional	
   values	
  are,	
  for	
  the	
  most	
  part,	
  largely	
  intact.	
  	
  There	
  were	
  only	
  two	
  instances	
  where	
   traditional	
  values	
  were	
  questioned.	
   The	
  first	
  was	
  a	
  statement	
  that	
  the	
  respondent	
  would	
  feel	
  happier	
  if	
  they	
   owned	
  certain	
  things	
  they	
  don’t	
  own	
  now,	
  where	
  a	
  full	
  49%	
  agreed	
  with	
  the	
   statement	
  and	
  only	
  21%	
  disagreed.	
  	
  This	
  question	
  is	
  also	
  a	
  soft	
  test	
  of	
  values	
  in	
   some	
  regards,	
  and	
  may	
  be	
  more	
  applicable	
  to	
  a	
  feeling	
  of	
  materialism	
  or	
   comparative	
  socializing	
  as	
  the	
  Chinese	
  economy	
  continues	
  to	
  grow.	
   The	
  second	
  case	
  showing	
  a	
  deviation,	
  albeit	
  only	
  in	
  part,	
  posed	
  that	
  older	
   parents	
  should	
  always	
  live	
  with	
  their	
  children.	
  	
  The	
  results	
  here	
  were	
  not	
  clear-­‐cut	
   but	
  ambiguous.	
  	
  This	
  uncertainty	
  was	
  reflected	
  in	
  the	
  abnormally	
  high	
  rate	
  of	
   neutral	
  answers	
  (46%)	
  compared	
  to	
  the	
  other	
  ten	
  statements.	
  	
  Only	
  32%	
  agreed	
   with	
  the	
  statement,	
  whereas	
  22%	
  did	
  not,	
  a	
  finding	
  somewhat	
  surprising	
  given	
  the	
   traditional	
  predilection	
  for	
  multi-­‐generational	
  households.	
  	
  Possible	
  explanations	
   	
    45	
    could	
  be	
  increasing	
  pressure	
  placed	
  on	
  youth	
  and	
  the	
  demographic	
  pinch	
  point	
  in	
   which	
  many	
  youth	
  will	
  one	
  day	
  find	
  themselves	
  as	
  only	
  children,	
  caring	
  for	
  two	
  sets	
   of	
  parents.	
   Excluding	
  the	
  two	
  aforementioned	
  diversions,	
  the	
  remaining	
  statements	
   received	
  very	
  pronounced	
  responses.	
  	
  This	
  was	
  partly	
  by	
  intent	
  through	
  wording	
   statements	
  in	
  a	
  way	
  to	
  encourage	
  responses,	
  but	
  the	
  consistency	
  of	
  responses	
  was	
  a	
   surprise.	
  	
  It	
  may	
  also	
  serve	
  to	
  validate	
  the	
  tone	
  of	
  the	
  statements	
  in	
  their	
   composition.	
  	
  	
   	
   Table	
  5:	
  Responses	
  to	
  Values	
   Responses	
  to	
  Values	
   Statement	
   Agree	
   The	
  things	
  a	
  person	
  owns	
  say	
  a	
  lot	
  about	
  them	
   54%	
   A	
  simple	
  life	
  with	
  few	
  material	
  possessions	
  is	
   27%	
   a	
  good	
  life	
   It’s	
  important	
  to	
  own	
  famous	
  or	
  name-­‐brand	
   69%	
   goods	
  even	
  if	
  they	
  cost	
  more	
   My	
  life	
  would	
  be	
  happier	
  if	
  I	
  owned	
  certain	
   21%	
   things	
  I	
  don’t	
  have	
  now	
   I	
  would	
  be	
  happier	
  if	
  I	
  could	
  afford	
  to	
  buy	
   50%	
   more	
  luxury	
  items	
   It’s	
  okay	
  for	
  people	
  to	
  buy	
  anything	
  they	
  want,	
   58%	
   even	
  if	
  its	
  something	
  they	
  don’t	
  need	
   Wearing	
  stylish	
  and	
  up-­‐to-­‐date	
  clothes	
  is	
   48%	
   important	
   It	
  is	
  more	
  important	
  to	
  fit	
  into	
  society	
  than	
  be	
   14%	
   known	
  as	
  an	
  individual	
   Before	
  buying	
  something,	
  it	
  is	
  important	
  to	
   26%	
   know	
  what	
  others	
  think	
  of	
  it	
   Protecting	
  the	
  environment	
  is	
  more	
  important	
   9%	
   than	
  the	
  economy	
   Parents	
  should	
  always	
  live	
  with	
  their	
  children	
   22%	
   when	
  they	
  get	
  older	
   	
   	
    Disagree	
   16%	
   30%	
    Neutral	
   30%	
   43%	
    21%	
    10%	
    29%	
    49%	
    31%	
    19%	
    23%	
    19%	
    33%	
    20%	
    16%	
    70%	
    24%	
    50%	
    13%	
    79%	
    46%	
    32%	
    Seven	
  of	
  the	
  statements	
  garnered	
  clear	
  majority	
  responses,	
  including	
  both	
    neutral	
  statements.	
  	
  The	
  responses	
  all	
  reinforced	
  the	
  traditional	
  Chinese	
  value	
   orientation	
  and	
  a	
  further	
  remaining	
  three	
  had	
  clear	
  pluralities,	
  greater	
  than	
  the	
  next	
   option	
  by	
  at	
  least	
  17%.	
  	
  One	
  of	
  the	
  statements	
  that	
  received	
  only	
  a	
  plurality	
  was	
  the	
    	
    46	
    aforementioned	
  statement	
  that	
  the	
  respondent	
  would	
  feel	
  happier	
  if	
  they	
  owned	
  an	
   item	
  they	
  didn’t	
  have.	
  	
  The	
  final	
  statement	
  asked	
  about	
  living	
  circumstances	
  for	
   older	
  parents.	
   	
    Few	
  of	
  the	
  statement	
  responses	
  went	
  past	
  60%	
  agreeing	
  or	
  disagreeing,	
  with	
    three	
  exceptions.	
  	
  The	
  first	
  said	
  that	
  the	
  environment	
  was	
  more	
  important	
  than	
  the	
   economy,	
  which	
  met	
  with	
  78%	
  agreement.	
  	
  To	
  see	
  the	
  environmental	
  situation	
  in	
   China	
  causes	
  one	
  to	
  wonder	
  about	
  the	
  seriousness	
  of	
  this	
  assertion,	
  but	
  on	
  paper	
  the	
   sentiment	
  is	
  at	
  least	
  reflected.	
   	
    The	
  other	
  two	
  were	
  that	
  fitting	
  into	
  society	
  was	
  more	
  important	
  than	
    standing	
  out	
  (70%	
  agreement)	
  and	
  that	
  it	
  was	
  important	
  to	
  own	
  higher	
  cost	
  brand-­‐ name	
  goods	
  (68%	
  disagreement).	
  	
  The	
  former	
  statement	
  is	
  no	
  surprise	
  given	
  the	
   communally	
  derived	
  socialization	
  of	
  China	
  and	
  despite	
  inroads	
  of	
  Western	
   materialism	
  it	
  seems	
  little	
  has	
  eroded,	
  even	
  for	
  the	
  young.	
  	
  Speaking	
  to	
  the	
  latter	
   statement,	
  it	
  may	
  be	
  that	
  cost	
  is	
  still	
  a	
  concern	
  to	
  the	
  students	
  or	
  that	
  luxury	
  goods	
   aren’t	
  as	
  much	
  as	
  a	
  draw.	
  	
  They	
  may	
  simply	
  be	
  pragmatic,	
  but	
  the	
  reasons	
  are	
  more	
   supposition	
  at	
  this	
  point	
  than	
  explanations.	
   	
    Several	
  less	
  pronounced	
  trends	
  emerged	
  from	
  the	
  collected	
  responses.	
  	
    While	
  gender	
  was	
  not	
  a	
  major	
  dividing	
  point,	
  there	
  was	
  a	
  slight	
  tendency	
  for	
  males	
   to	
  select	
  more	
  traditional	
  values	
  than	
  females.	
  	
  This	
  was	
  often	
  only	
  by	
  a	
  few	
   percentage	
  points	
  and	
  in	
  few	
  instances	
  exceeded	
  five	
  percent;	
  thus	
  it	
  may	
  simply	
  fall	
   into	
  the	
  range	
  of	
  error.	
  	
  It	
  may	
  have	
  a	
  connection	
  to	
  the	
  notion	
  that	
  women	
  have	
   more	
  independence	
  in	
  mind	
  when	
  they	
  think	
  of	
  success	
  as	
  well.	
  	
  While	
  this	
  is	
  a	
   logical	
  leap,	
  this	
  paper	
  does	
  not	
  statistically	
  confirm	
  the	
  relation.	
   	
    Similarly	
  when	
  a	
  filter	
  splitting	
  results	
  between	
  families	
  with	
  cars	
  and	
    without	
  is	
  applied,	
  a	
  slight	
  difference	
  is	
  again	
  seen.	
  	
  Here,	
  students	
  from	
  car-­‐owning	
   households	
  leaned	
  more	
  towards	
  Western	
  values.	
  	
  For	
  statements	
  like	
  “what	
  you	
   own	
  says	
  a	
  lot	
  about	
  you”	
  or	
  whether	
  “owning	
  more	
  luxury	
  brands	
  would	
  make	
  you	
   happier”,	
  the	
  agreement	
  rate	
  was	
  9%	
  higher	
  than	
  for	
  those	
  in	
  families	
  without	
  cars.	
  	
   Likewise,	
  there	
  was	
  over	
  a	
  9%	
  higher	
  level	
  of	
  disagreement	
  on	
  the	
  idea	
  that	
  parents	
   should	
  live	
  with	
  their	
  adult	
  children	
  or	
  that	
  a	
  life	
  with	
  few	
  possessions	
  was	
  good.	
    	
    47	
    	
    Again,	
  the	
  difference	
  between	
  both	
  the	
  genders	
  and	
  households	
  with	
  or	
    without	
  a	
  car	
  aren’t	
  especially	
  divergent.	
  	
  For	
  the	
  most	
  part,	
  the	
  values	
  recorded	
  in	
   the	
  survey	
  show	
  that	
  youth	
  in	
  Shenzhen,	
  though	
  they	
  may	
  have	
  some	
  Western	
   inclinations	
  and	
  materialist	
  views,	
  still	
  maintain	
  predominantly	
  Chinese	
  value	
   systems.	
  	
  	
   	
   5.6	
  STICKS	
  AND	
  CARROTS:	
  POLICY	
  REACTION	
   	
    A	
  total	
  of	
  nine	
  different	
  hypothetical	
  policies	
  were	
  crafted	
  for	
  the	
  survey	
  and	
    presented	
  to	
  respondents.	
  	
  Within	
  the	
  proposed	
  policies	
  was	
  a	
  division	
  between	
   disincentives	
  to	
  drive	
  and	
  incentives	
  for	
  non-­‐car	
  modes;	
  in	
  other	
  words,	
  the	
  classic	
   sticks	
  and	
  carrots.	
  	
  Another	
  layer	
  was	
  added	
  through	
  the	
  usage	
  of	
  different	
  wording	
   and	
  theoretical	
  price	
  points	
  to	
  create	
  a	
  gradation	
  of	
  policies.	
  	
  This	
  was	
  done	
  to	
  elicit	
   and	
  test	
  for	
  strength	
  of	
  reaction	
  and	
  to	
  see	
  the	
  extent	
  to	
  which	
  a	
  policy	
  needed	
  to	
  go	
   to	
  drive	
  behavior.	
  	
  It	
  was	
  also	
  a	
  means	
  to	
  determine	
  validity	
  of	
  results.	
  	
  	
   	
    Survey	
  respondents	
  were	
  asked	
  to	
  respond	
  to	
  a	
  proposed	
  policy	
  in	
  two	
  ways:	
    first,	
  a	
  5-­‐point	
  Likert	
  scale	
  of	
  the	
  acceptability	
  of	
  the	
  policy,	
  followed	
  by	
  a	
   transportation	
  behavior	
  reaction.	
  Testing	
  acceptance	
  has	
  typically	
  been	
  grouped	
   into	
  acceptable,	
  unacceptable,	
  and	
  neutral	
  in	
  the	
  reporting.	
  	
  For	
  reactions,	
  they	
  have	
   been	
  separated	
  by	
  car	
  and	
  non-­‐car	
  mode,	
  with	
  distinctions	
  made	
  within	
  these	
   where	
  the	
  results	
  are	
  significant.	
   	
   Table	
  6:	
  Proposed	
  Transportation	
  Policies	
   Proposed	
  Transportation	
  Policies	
   Sticks	
   Carrots	
   Y50,000	
  car	
  license	
  registration	
   Dedicated	
  BRT-­‐style	
  bus	
  lanes	
   Car	
  license	
  lottery	
  with	
  an	
  average	
  wait	
   Installing	
  a	
  tax	
  to	
  double	
  the	
  size	
  of	
  the	
   of	
  2-­‐3	
  years	
   metro	
  system	
   Y70	
  congestion	
  fee	
  for	
  cars	
  entering	
  the	
   Y2	
  subsidized	
  tickets	
  for	
  public	
  transit	
   Special	
  Economic	
  Zone	
   Y50	
  per	
  hour	
  parking	
  fee	
  	
   Free	
  2	
  hour	
  transfers	
  on	
  public	
  transit	
   Y12	
  per	
  liter	
  gasoline	
  prices	
   	
   	
   STICKS	
    	
    48	
    Unsurprisingly,	
  the	
  stick	
  policies	
  were	
  unpopular.	
  	
  To	
  varying	
  degrees	
   students	
  felt	
  that	
  the	
  proposed	
  policies	
  were	
  unacceptable	
  in	
  one	
  way	
  or	
  the	
  other,	
   with	
  a	
  range	
  between	
  68%	
  to	
  91%	
  unacceptable,	
  and	
  all	
  but	
  one	
  over	
  the	
  three-­‐ quarters	
  mark.	
  	
  Acceptance	
  rates	
  for	
  the	
  policies	
  never	
  exceeded	
  20%,	
  and	
  the	
   remainder	
  of	
  responses	
  were	
  of	
  the	
  neutral	
  or	
  no	
  opinion	
  category.	
  	
  	
   Tied	
  to	
  the	
  unacceptable	
  marks	
  of	
  policies	
  was	
  the	
  move	
  towards	
  more	
  non-­‐ car	
  modes	
  of	
  travel.	
  	
  When	
  ranked,	
  the	
  rates	
  of	
  non-­‐acceptance	
  and	
  non-­‐car	
  modes	
   follow	
  the	
  same	
  order.	
  	
  This	
  outcome	
  may	
  indicate	
  that	
  the	
  sharper	
  the	
  policy	
  is	
  and	
   the	
  more	
  restrictive	
  of	
  car	
  purchasing	
  and	
  ownership	
  it	
  may	
  seem,	
  the	
  more	
  likely	
  a	
   Chinese	
  youth	
  is	
  to	
  settle	
  for	
  alternative	
  modes.	
  Chief	
  among	
  these	
  was	
  the	
  metro,	
   which	
  consistently	
  outdrew	
  increased	
  bus,	
  bike,	
  and	
  walking	
  trips.	
  	
  	
   A	
  lottery	
  policy,	
  inspired	
  by	
  the	
  example	
  used	
  in	
  Beijing,	
  asked	
  students	
  to	
   assume	
  a	
  wait	
  time	
  of	
  2-­‐3	
  years	
  for	
  a	
  car.	
  	
  While	
  still	
  deemed	
  overwhelmingly	
   unacceptable	
  (68%),	
  the	
  policy	
  actually	
  had	
  the	
  lowest	
  rate	
  of	
  non-­‐acceptance.	
  	
  It	
   may	
  be	
  because	
  the	
  policy	
  doesn’t	
  infer	
  any	
  cost	
  penalty,	
  which	
  the	
  others	
  do.	
  	
  Given	
   this	
  proposed	
  intervention,	
  59%	
  said	
  they’d	
  use	
  non-­‐car	
  modes	
  more,	
  with	
  the	
  bulk	
   of	
  that	
  being	
  the	
  39%	
  who	
  would	
  opt	
  for	
  the	
  metro.	
  	
   The	
  next	
  policy	
  was	
  modeled	
  after	
  the	
  Shanghai	
  car	
  auction	
  program	
  and	
   supposed	
  a	
  one-­‐time	
  fee	
  of	
  Y50,000	
  ($8,035)	
  to	
  register	
  a	
  vehicle.	
  	
  Opposition	
  to	
  this	
   was	
  75%.	
  	
  In	
  accounting	
  for	
  reactions	
  to	
  such	
  a	
  policy,	
  non-­‐car	
  modes	
  were	
  the	
   beneficiaries,	
  with	
  63%	
  opting	
  for	
  them,	
  including	
  42%	
  for	
  metro.	
  	
  	
   	
   Table	
  7:	
  Stick	
  Policies:	
  Acceptance	
  and	
  Reactions	
   Stick	
  Policies:	
  Acceptance	
  and	
  Reactions	
   	
   Acceptance	
   Reaction	
   Policy	
   Unacceptable	
   Neutral	
   Acceptable	
   Drive	
   Transit	
   Walk	
   more	
   more	
   more	
   Y50,000	
  car	
  license	
   76% 10% 14% 35% 54% 11% registration	
   Car	
  license	
  lottery	
   69% 15% 16% 40% 48% 12% with	
  an	
  average	
  wait	
   of	
  2-­‐3	
  years	
   Y70	
  congestion	
  fee	
   81% 9% 11% 33% 57% 10% for	
  cars	
  entering	
  the	
   Special	
  Economic	
   	
    49	
    Zone	
   Y50	
  per	
  hour	
  parking	
   92% fee	
  	
   Y12	
  per	
  liter	
  gasoline	
  	
   86% 	
    4%  4%  26%  62%  13%  5%  9%  24%  61%  15%  The	
  three	
  ensuing	
  measures	
  are	
  based	
  on	
  ideas	
  for	
  car	
  usage	
  management	
  as	
   opposed	
  to	
  ownership	
  restraints	
  like	
  the	
  above	
  pair.	
  	
  They	
  impose	
  financial	
  costs	
  of	
   varying	
  significance.	
  	
  If	
  a	
  congestion	
  charge	
  for	
  central	
  Shenzhen	
  was	
  enacted	
   costing	
  Y70	
  ($11.25),	
  over	
  80%	
  opposition	
  appears,	
  and	
  50%	
  recording	
  strong	
   opposition.	
  	
  The	
  acceptance	
  rate	
  plummets	
  to	
  less	
  than	
  10%,	
  but	
  the	
  shift	
  to	
  non	
  car	
   modes	
  is	
  strong	
  (66%)	
  and	
  once	
  more	
  the	
  metro,	
  at	
  47%,	
  is	
  viewed	
  as	
  the	
  best	
   alternative.	
   	
    Increasing	
  the	
  cost	
  of	
  gas	
  to	
  Y12	
  ($1.90)	
  per	
  liter	
  was,	
  like	
  the	
  others,	
    unpopular.	
  	
  66%	
  were	
  strongly	
  against	
  it,	
  and	
  86%	
  against	
  generally.	
  	
  The	
  reaction	
   again	
  tended	
  towards	
  non-­‐car	
  modes	
  at	
  65%,	
  with	
  the	
  metro	
  clocking	
  in	
  at	
  just	
   under	
  50%	
  of	
  the	
  total.	
  	
  It	
  is	
  also	
  a	
  continuation	
  of	
  the	
  idea	
  that	
  harsh	
  financial	
  costs	
   are	
  both	
  unpopular	
  but	
  potentially	
  effecting	
  at	
  causing	
  active	
  behavior	
  changes.	
   	
    Finally,	
  a	
  hypothetical	
  intervention	
  charging	
  Y50	
  ($8)	
  per	
  hour	
  for	
  car	
    parking	
  was	
  the	
  least	
  popular.	
  	
  Over	
  three	
  quarters	
  were	
  strongly	
  against	
  it,	
  and	
   91%	
  of	
  the	
  total	
  deemed	
  the	
  policy	
  unacceptable.	
  	
  The	
  trend	
  of	
  transitioning	
  to	
  non-­‐ car	
  modes	
  with	
  rising	
  discontent	
  tied	
  to	
  policy	
  continues	
  however.	
  	
  Nearly	
  75%	
   indicated	
  they’d	
  use	
  non-­‐car	
  modes	
  more,	
  with	
  nearly	
  half	
  opting	
  for	
  more	
  metro	
   usage.	
  	
  	
   	
   CARROTS	
   	
    Interventions	
  incentivizing	
  non-­‐car	
  travel,	
  instead	
  of	
  punishing	
  automobile	
    options,	
  were	
  met	
  with	
  generally	
  positive	
  reactions.	
  	
  Three	
  of	
  the	
  four	
  policies	
  found	
   broad	
  acceptance	
  among	
  those	
  surveyed.	
  	
  The	
  wording	
  of	
  the	
  fourth	
  one	
  may	
  be	
  a	
   factor	
  in	
  its	
  deemed	
  unacceptability,	
  and	
  is	
  discussed	
  below	
  in	
  detail.	
  	
  Due	
  to	
   difficulty	
  wording	
  a	
  clear	
  and	
  concise	
  question,	
  no	
  specific	
  policy	
  enhancing	
   bicycling	
  or	
  pedestrian	
  choice	
  was	
  included.	
  	
    	
    50	
    	
    Like	
  the	
  driving	
  disincentive	
  proposals,	
  the	
  broad	
  tendency	
  of	
  actions	
  was	
  to	
    move	
  towards	
  more	
  non-­‐car	
  modes	
  of	
  travel.	
  	
  Here	
  the	
  values	
  ranged	
  from	
  56%	
  to	
   75%,	
  roughly	
  similar	
  in	
  scope	
  to	
  the	
  effect	
  of	
  the	
  anti-­‐car	
  policies.	
  	
  It	
  is	
  interesting	
  to	
   see	
  this	
  relation;	
  however	
  no	
  distinction	
  is	
  made	
  in	
  the	
  quantity	
  of	
  the	
  trips	
  changed	
   and	
  a	
  fine	
  grain	
  of	
  detail	
  is	
  not	
  available	
  due	
  to	
  the	
  nature	
  of	
  this	
  survey.	
  	
  	
   	
    	
    Table	
  8:	
  Carrot	
  Policies:	
  Acceptance	
  and	
  Reactions	
   	
   Policy	
    Carrot	
  Policies:	
  Acceptance	
  and	
  Reactions	
   Acceptance	
   Unacceptable	
   Neutral	
   Acceptable	
   Drive	
   more	
   28% 16% 56% 45%  Dedicated	
   BRT-­‐style	
  bus	
   lanes	
   Installing	
  a	
  tax	
   60% to	
  double	
  the	
   size	
  of	
  the	
   metro	
  system	
   Y2	
  subsidized	
   13% tickets	
  for	
   public	
  transit	
   Free	
  2	
  hour	
   14% transfers	
  on	
   public	
  transit	
   	
    Reaction	
   Transit	
   Walk	
   more	
   more	
   48% 8%  12%  28%  29%  59%  12%  13%  74%  34%  59%  7%  8%  78%  24%  70%  6%  	
   A	
  policy	
  proposing	
  dedicated	
  bus	
  lanes	
  on	
  major	
  roads	
  met	
  with	
  55%	
   approval,	
  with	
  29%	
  against	
  and	
  the	
  remainder	
  neutral.	
  	
  In	
  such	
  a	
  scenario,	
  56%	
  of	
   respondents	
  said	
  they	
  would	
  opt	
  for	
  more	
  non-­‐car	
  travel,	
  including	
  21%	
  more	
  for	
   bus.	
  	
  This	
  was	
  still	
  less	
  than	
  the	
  rate	
  for	
  more	
  metro	
  (27%),	
  an	
  interesting	
  find	
   considering	
  that	
  the	
  policy	
  is	
  specifically	
  designed	
  to	
  encourage	
  bus	
  usage.	
  	
  It	
  may	
   be	
  evidence	
  of	
  the	
  perceptual	
  difference	
  the	
  two	
  modes	
  carry.	
  	
  	
   	
    A	
  policy	
  of	
  subsidizing	
  public	
  transit	
  fares	
  at	
  a	
  rate	
  of	
  Y2	
  ($.32),	
  as	
  in	
  Beijing,	
    would	
  mean	
  significantly	
  lower	
  cost	
  than	
  now,	
  when	
  fares	
  can	
  range	
  up	
  to	
  Y11	
   ($1.76)	
  for	
  the	
  furthest	
  trips	
  on	
  the	
  Shenzhen	
  Metro.	
  	
  When	
  facing	
  the	
  option	
  of	
  a	
   ticket	
  subsidy,	
  almost	
  three	
  quarters	
  found	
  it	
  to	
  be	
  acceptable	
  and	
  a	
  mere	
  13%	
  were	
    	
    51	
    against	
  it.	
  	
  67%	
  of	
  the	
  respondents	
  would	
  opt	
  for	
  more	
  non-­‐car	
  trips,	
  with	
  metro	
   actually	
  taking	
  a	
  smaller	
  share	
  than	
  bus,	
  which	
  had	
  39%.	
  	
  This	
  may	
  be	
  the	
  case	
   because	
  the	
  issue	
  of	
  fare	
  payment	
  is	
  one	
  that	
  is	
  not	
  abstract	
  for	
  a	
  student,	
  but	
  a	
  very	
   common	
  occurrence	
  and	
  thus	
  quite	
  tangible.	
   	
    Currently	
  the	
  transit	
  agency	
  in	
  Shenzhen	
  does	
  not	
  allow	
  free	
  transfers,	
    though	
  it	
  does	
  offer	
  a	
  slightly	
  discounted	
  rate	
  when	
  a	
  fare	
  card	
  is	
  used	
  in	
  close	
   succession	
  between	
  trips.	
  	
  An	
  intervention	
  that	
  would	
  create	
  a	
  free	
  two-­‐hour	
   transfer	
  window	
  met	
  with	
  79%	
  acceptance	
  and	
  only	
  15%	
  non-­‐acceptance.	
  	
  	
  Bus	
   usage	
  was	
  selected	
  by	
  48%,	
  and	
  total	
  non-­‐car	
  mode	
  increases	
  were	
  chosen	
  by	
  75%	
   of	
  responders.	
  	
  Again,	
  this	
  is	
  a	
  situation	
  student	
  may	
  regularly	
  encounter	
  in	
  their	
   trips	
  to	
  and	
  from	
  school.	
  	
   	
    The	
  fourth	
  carrot	
  produced	
  the	
  most	
  interesting	
  results.	
  	
  It	
  suggests	
    increasing	
  taxes	
  in	
  order	
  to	
  double	
  the	
  size	
  of	
  the	
  metro	
  system;	
  in	
  Shenzhen,	
  this	
   would	
  result	
  in	
  a	
  system	
  of	
  360	
  kilometers	
  in	
  length,	
  large	
  by	
  any	
  global	
  measure.	
  	
   The	
  extent	
  of	
  the	
  tax	
  increase	
  was	
  not	
  prescribed,	
  but	
  it	
  is	
  the	
  only	
  policy	
  proposed	
   that	
  implicates	
  the	
  financial	
  tradeoff	
  of	
  increased	
  service	
  levels.	
  	
  	
   	
    It	
  may	
  be	
  as	
  a	
  result	
  of	
  the	
  tradeoff	
  that	
  only	
  26%	
  of	
  students	
  supported	
  such	
    a	
  measure,	
  while	
  nearly	
  60%	
  found	
  it	
  to	
  be	
  unacceptable.	
  	
  Such	
  numbers	
  are	
  near	
   the	
  levels	
  of	
  discontent	
  registered	
  with	
  the	
  anti-­‐driving	
  policies,	
  albeit	
  at	
  the	
  lower	
   end.	
  	
  Nevertheless,	
  it	
  offers	
  a	
  stark	
  contrast	
  to	
  the	
  other	
  hypothetical	
  carrots.	
  	
  	
   	
    While	
  unpopular,	
  the	
  idea	
  of	
  doubling	
  the	
  metro	
  system	
  was	
  able	
  to	
  win	
  over	
    a	
  fair	
  share	
  of	
  respondents.	
  	
  Just	
  under	
  45%	
  stated	
  their	
  reaction	
  would	
  be	
  to	
  ride	
   the	
  metro	
  more,	
  and	
  fully	
  70%	
  would	
  use	
  non-­‐car	
  modes.	
  	
  For	
  a	
  policy	
  that	
  was	
   seemingly	
  unpopular,	
  there	
  is	
  an	
  irony	
  in	
  that	
  so	
  many	
  of	
  those	
  purportedly	
  against	
   it	
  would	
  also	
  continue	
  to	
  use	
  it.	
  	
  	
   	
   DIFFERENCES	
   	
    Some	
  differences	
  in	
  results	
  appeared	
  for	
  all	
  policies	
  when	
  certain	
  filters	
  were	
    added,	
  such	
  as	
  gender.	
  	
  Men	
  showed	
  a	
  stronger	
  stated	
  intent	
  to	
  walk	
  or	
  bike	
  as	
  a	
   result	
  of	
  policies	
  than	
  women.	
  	
  Women,	
  meanwhile,	
  were	
  more	
  apt	
  to	
  shift	
  to	
  travel	
    	
    52	
    by	
  transit	
  modes,	
  with	
  a	
  particularly	
  strong	
  representation	
  for	
  increased	
  metro	
   usage.	
  	
  	
   For	
  the	
  driving	
  disincentive	
  policies,	
  the	
  gap	
  was	
  particularly	
  pronounced.	
  	
   Women	
  answered	
  that	
  they	
  would	
  take	
  the	
  metro	
  more	
  by	
  anywhere	
  from	
  13%	
  to	
   23%,	
  with	
  public	
  transit	
  rates	
  in	
  general	
  being	
  higher	
  by	
  11%	
  to	
  20%.	
  	
  For	
  the	
  non-­‐ car	
  incentives,	
  the	
  gaps	
  between	
  males	
  and	
  females	
  narrow,	
  with	
  overall	
  public	
   transit	
  ranging	
  from	
  7-­‐14%	
  and	
  the	
  metro	
  dropping	
  to	
  under	
  10%	
  difference.	
  	
  	
   The	
  gap	
  between	
  men	
  and	
  women	
  for	
  walking	
  or	
  bicycling	
  was	
  smaller.	
  	
   However,	
  the	
  same	
  pattern	
  appeared	
  as	
  with	
  transit,	
  wherein	
  for	
  driving	
   disincentives	
  a	
  larger	
  gap	
  exists	
  than	
  for	
  non-­‐car	
  mode	
  incentives.	
  	
  Here	
  the	
  range	
   was	
  between	
  4-­‐10%	
  for	
  ‘sticks’,	
  and	
  only	
  .5%	
  to	
  5%	
  for	
  the	
  ‘carrots’.	
  	
  Based	
  on	
  those	
   results,	
  it	
  seems	
  that	
  women	
  may	
  be	
  more	
  willing	
  to	
  change	
  their	
  ways	
  when	
  faced	
   with	
  more	
  restrictive	
  policies	
  and	
  (possibly	
  or)	
  that	
  men	
  are	
  more	
  obstinately	
  set	
  in	
   their	
  own.	
   This	
  latter	
  assertion	
  gains	
  some	
  credence	
  when	
  considering	
  that	
  men	
  were	
   more	
  likely	
  to	
  continue	
  to	
  pursue	
  driving.	
  	
  They	
  showed	
  stronger	
  reactions	
  in	
  favor	
   of	
  driving	
  for	
  all	
  policies,	
  ranging	
  from	
  5%	
  to	
  10%,	
  with	
  one	
  instance	
  of	
  a	
  19%	
  gap	
   for	
  the	
  Y70	
  congestion	
  charge.	
  	
  It	
  is	
  unclear	
  why	
  this	
  gap	
  is	
  so	
  large	
  compared	
  with	
   the	
  others.	
  	
  Overall	
  though	
  this	
  fits	
  with	
  the	
  analysis	
  Cullinane	
  has	
  done	
  of	
  Hong	
   Kong	
  attitudes	
  that	
  show	
  a	
  stronger	
  tendency	
  for	
  men	
  to	
  gravitate	
  towards	
  driving.	
  	
  	
   In	
  spite	
  of	
  the	
  differences	
  that	
  appeared	
  in	
  the	
  reactions	
  of	
  male	
  and	
  female	
   students,	
  acceptance	
  rates	
  for	
  policies	
  varied	
  little	
  from	
  the	
  composite	
  ones	
  above.	
  	
   The	
  widest	
  gap	
  was	
  merely	
  7%	
  for	
  the	
  acceptability	
  of	
  a	
  transit	
  ticket	
  subsidized	
  at	
   Y2,	
  in	
  which	
  women	
  found	
  it	
  more	
  agreeable.	
  	
  The	
  general	
  range	
  was	
  more	
  typically	
   seen	
  at	
  4-­‐6%	
  for	
  proposed	
  interventions.	
  	
   	
    Similar	
  to	
  gender,	
  the	
  effect	
  of	
  being	
  from	
  a	
  car	
  or	
  non-­‐car	
  owning	
  household	
    seemed	
  to	
  have	
  only	
  marginal	
  impacts	
  on	
  the	
  student’s	
  response	
  to	
  the	
  hypothetical	
   policies.	
  	
  Slightly	
  stronger	
  opposition	
  to	
  both	
  anti-­‐car	
  and	
  pro-­‐transit	
  policies	
  was	
   evidenced,	
  but	
  even	
  here	
  the	
  gaps	
  are	
  smaller	
  than	
  the	
  acceptance	
  rates	
  of	
  males	
   and	
  females.	
  	
  There	
  was	
  a	
  slight	
  tendency	
  in	
  favor	
  of	
  taking	
  transit	
  by	
  students	
  who	
    	
    53	
    were	
  from	
  homes	
  that	
  did	
  not	
  own	
  cars,	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  a	
  slight	
  preference	
  for	
   maintaining	
  automobile	
  trips	
  by	
  students	
  from	
  car-­‐owning	
  households.	
  	
  	
   	
   5.7	
  COMPARING	
  VALUES	
  AND	
  POLICY	
   Having	
  established	
  that	
  Chinese	
  traditional	
  views	
  are	
  more	
  or	
  less	
  intact	
  and	
   certainly	
  still	
  dominant	
  even	
  among	
  younger	
  citizens,	
  it	
  is	
  possible	
  to	
  determine	
  if	
   the	
  values	
  cause	
  any	
  variance	
  in	
  attitudes	
  towards	
  cars	
  and	
  transportation.	
  	
  To	
  do	
  so,	
   three	
  of	
  the	
  questions	
  relating	
  to	
  personal	
  values	
  were	
  used	
  for	
  comparative	
   purposes	
  against	
  a	
  selection	
  of	
  questions.	
   	
    The	
  value	
  questions	
  examined	
  were	
  based	
  on	
  responses	
  to	
  survey	
  questions	
    2,	
  4,	
  and	
  8.	
  	
  The	
  primary	
  result	
  to	
  come	
  out	
  of	
  the	
  cross-­‐examination	
  between	
  values	
   and	
  transportation	
  is	
  that	
  there	
  is	
  little	
  connection	
  between	
  the	
  two	
  sets.	
  	
  While	
   some	
  variance	
  exists	
  within	
  the	
  ranges,	
  it	
  seems	
  that	
  a	
  student’s	
  personal	
  values	
   play	
  little	
  role	
  in	
  their	
  transportation	
  choices	
  and	
  attitudes.	
   	
    An	
  area	
  where	
  some	
  greater	
  influence	
  was	
  seen	
  was	
  between	
  materialism	
    and	
  question	
  4	
  (My	
  life	
  would	
  be	
  happier	
  if	
  I	
  owned	
  certain	
  things	
  I	
  don’t	
  have	
  now).	
  	
   Here,	
  those	
  who	
  agreed	
  with	
  the	
  statement	
  had	
  a	
  greater	
  desire	
  for	
  a	
  car	
  before	
   marriage	
  (28%)	
  than	
  those	
  who	
  didn’t	
  agree	
  (18%).	
  	
  For	
  a	
  similar	
  question	
  on	
  home	
   ownership	
  before	
  marriage,	
  44%	
  wanted	
  a	
  home,	
  while	
  only	
  28%	
  of	
  those	
  who	
   disagreed	
  wanted	
  a	
  home.	
  	
  	
   	
    In	
  terms	
  of	
  acceptance	
  of	
  all	
  the	
  policy	
  interventions	
  proposed,	
  both	
  the	
    carrots	
  and	
  sticks,	
  there	
  was	
  likewise	
  little	
  difference.	
  	
  Only	
  two	
  of	
  the	
  policies	
   showed	
  consistently	
  different	
  results:	
  using	
  taxes	
  to	
  double	
  the	
  metro	
  system	
  and	
   subsidizing	
  transit	
  fares	
  at	
  Y2	
  per	
  ride.	
  	
  For	
  the	
  question	
  about	
  metro	
  expansion,	
  the	
   range	
  was	
  between	
  3-­‐8%	
  for	
  all	
  three	
  of	
  the	
  value	
  questions.	
  	
  	
   	
    Relating	
  to	
  subsidized	
  fares,	
  the	
  range	
  was	
  larger,	
  with	
  a	
  low	
  end	
  of	
  only	
  1%	
    difference	
  but	
  a	
  maximum	
  gap	
  of	
  11%	
  between	
  values.	
  	
  It	
  should	
  be	
  noted	
  however	
   that	
  regardless	
  of	
  the	
  difference	
  present,	
  the	
  overall	
  trends	
  relating	
  to	
  policy	
   acceptance	
  are	
  in	
  line	
  with	
  one	
  another,	
  and	
  despite	
  some	
  differences,	
  policy	
   acceptance	
  seems	
  unaffected	
  by	
  a	
  person’s	
  stated	
  values,	
  at	
  least	
  in	
  relation	
  to	
  the	
   sample	
  group	
  in	
  this	
  survey.	
  	
  	
   	
    54	
    	
   	
   6.	
  Interpretations	
   	
    Based	
  on	
  the	
  analysis	
  of	
  the	
  data,	
  a	
  number	
  of	
  key	
  threads	
  and	
  thoughts	
    emerge	
  that	
  offer	
  a	
  more	
  complete	
  view	
  of	
  middle-­‐class	
  youth,	
  both	
  in	
  terms	
  of	
  who	
   they	
  are	
  and	
  their	
  attitudes	
  towards	
  transportation.	
  	
  An	
  important	
  if	
  easy	
  to	
   overlook	
  implication	
  is	
  that	
  the	
  design	
  of	
  the	
  survey	
  was	
  successful	
  in	
  bringing	
  out	
   results	
  from	
  the	
  group	
  sought.	
  	
  The	
  student	
  respondents	
  were	
  a	
  group	
  balanced	
  in	
   gender	
  and	
  representing	
  a	
  proportionately	
  higher	
  educated,	
  wealthier,	
  and	
  more	
   car-­‐owning	
  group	
  than	
  in	
  China	
  as	
  a	
  whole	
  or	
  in	
  Shenzhen.	
  	
  These	
  are	
  exactly	
  the	
   people	
  who	
  may	
  have	
  the	
  option	
  of	
  buying	
  their	
  own	
  vehicle	
  a	
  decade	
  from	
  now.	
  	
  	
   	
    There	
  has	
  not	
  been	
  a	
  wholesale	
  penetration	
  of	
  Western	
  values	
  imposed	
  on	
    these	
  youth.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  in	
  spite	
  of	
  the	
  spread	
  of	
  globalization	
  and	
  idealization	
  of	
  many	
   elements	
  of	
  Western	
  culture	
  in	
  media.	
  The	
  students	
  too	
  are	
  at	
  an	
  age	
  where	
  people	
   are	
  typically	
  quite	
  impressionable	
  and	
  may	
  have	
  the	
  potential	
  to	
  be	
  strongly	
   influenced.	
  	
  In	
  the	
  end,	
  traditional	
  Chinese	
  values	
  seem	
  to	
  be	
  holding.	
   	
    While	
  values	
  were	
  generally	
  in	
  line	
  with	
  traditional	
  ones,	
  a	
  few	
  points	
    emerged	
  may	
  indicate	
  Western	
  encroachment	
  and	
  a	
  potential	
  gender	
  division.	
  	
   Males	
  were	
  overall	
  more	
  likely	
  to	
  trend	
  towards	
  traditional	
  values,	
  while	
  females	
   placed	
  a	
  greater	
  emphasis	
  on	
  personal	
  independence.	
  	
  Both	
  showed	
  a	
  strong	
  desire	
   to	
  have	
  lived	
  overseas	
  too,	
  though	
  no	
  distinction	
  is	
  made	
  as	
  to	
  if	
  this	
  is	
  a	
  temporary	
   or	
  permanent	
  arrangement.	
  	
  	
   	
    Even	
  though	
  ideas	
  of	
  being	
  independent	
  or	
  living	
  abroad	
  fared	
  well	
  in	
    student	
  descriptions	
  of	
  a	
  successful	
  person,	
  some	
  conflict	
  of	
  values	
  was	
  present.	
  	
  For	
   all	
  pretensions	
  to	
  value	
  independence,	
  there	
  was	
  still	
  a	
  pull	
  towards	
  traditional	
   values	
  like	
  marriage,	
  bearing	
  children,	
  and	
  owning	
  a	
  home.	
  	
  This	
  may	
  be	
  a	
  result	
  of	
   the	
  survey	
  group’s	
  average	
  age,	
  where	
  it	
  is	
  easy	
  to	
  hold	
  two	
  views	
  that	
  may	
  conflict	
   with	
  each	
  other	
  without	
  noticing	
  the	
  logical	
  incongruity.	
   	
    Materialism	
  is	
  represented	
  among	
  this	
  age	
  group;	
  however,	
  it	
  does	
  not	
    necessarily	
  conflict	
  with	
  Chinese	
  values.	
  	
  A	
  materialist	
  view	
  can	
  be	
  nurtured	
  in	
  the	
   context	
  of	
  wanting	
  to	
  both	
  fit	
  in	
  and	
  stand	
  out	
  in	
  society,	
  ideas	
  that	
  are	
  not	
   	
    55	
    exclusively	
  the	
  social	
  domain	
  of	
  either	
  the	
  East	
  or	
  the	
  West.	
  	
  For	
  all	
  the	
  perceptual	
   value	
  attached	
  to	
  cars	
  and	
  their	
  precedence	
  over	
  other	
  modes	
  in	
  the	
  mind	
  of	
  student	
   respondents,	
  car	
  ownership	
  was	
  still	
  a	
  good	
  deal	
  less	
  essential	
  to	
  a	
  successful	
   person	
  than	
  home	
  ownership.	
   	
    Evidenced	
  within	
  the	
  results,	
  particularly	
  when	
  examining	
  the	
  descriptors	
    assigned	
  to	
  travel	
  by	
  car,	
  metro,	
  and	
  bus,	
  was	
  a	
  clear	
  preference	
  of	
  the	
  different	
   modes.	
  	
  Speaking	
  from	
  social	
  values,	
  the	
  car	
  was	
  perceived	
  as	
  the	
  best	
  mode,	
   especially	
  for	
  more	
  subtle	
  cues	
  such	
  as	
  the	
  status	
  of	
  person	
  using	
  a	
  particular	
  mode.	
  	
   Cars	
  performed	
  the	
  best	
  here,	
  labeled	
  more	
  positively	
  than	
  either	
  public	
  transit	
   mode.	
  	
  	
   This	
  was	
  especially	
  true	
  with	
  men,	
  who	
  throughout	
  various	
  sections	
  of	
  the	
   survey	
  demonstrated	
  favoritism	
  towards	
  the	
  car	
  that	
  women	
  did	
  not.	
  	
  Cars,	
  when	
   present	
  in	
  the	
  household,	
  also	
  had	
  a	
  normalizing	
  effect	
  and	
  students	
  from	
  such	
   households	
  were	
  found	
  to	
  hold	
  biases	
  in	
  favor	
  of	
  private	
  vehicles	
  compared	
  to	
  their	
   peers	
  in	
  homes	
  without	
  cars.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  in	
  line	
  with	
  prior	
  research	
  on	
  car	
  ownership,	
   both	
  in	
  Asia	
  and	
  also	
  globally.	
  	
  	
   	
    The	
  bus	
  had	
  the	
  worst	
  results,	
  maligned	
  as	
  a	
  slow	
  tool	
  for	
  the	
  poor	
  that	
  is	
  too	
    crowded.	
  	
  Metro	
  received	
  better	
  marks,	
  occupying	
  a	
  solid	
  middle	
  ground	
  between	
   car	
  and	
  bus.	
  	
  These	
  results	
  are	
  in	
  line	
  with	
  perceptions	
  of	
  the	
  three	
  modes	
  in	
  the	
   West	
  as	
  well,	
  though	
  for	
  China	
  the	
  speed	
  value	
  of	
  the	
  metro	
  is	
  hard	
  to	
  overstate	
   given	
  the	
  congestion	
  that	
  surface	
  streets	
  often	
  endure.	
  	
  	
   	
    When	
  presented	
  with	
  a	
  slate	
  of	
  hypothetical	
  policy	
  interventions	
  designed	
    either	
  to	
  curb	
  private	
  cars	
  or	
  encourage	
  transit,	
  outcomes	
  followed	
  a	
  consistent	
  path.	
  	
   The	
  stick	
  policies,	
  either	
  targeting	
  car	
  ownership	
  or	
  car	
  usage,	
  were	
  roundly	
   unpopular	
  and	
  deemed	
  unacceptable	
  by	
  strong	
  majorities.	
  	
  The	
  carrots	
  that	
   incentivized	
  transit	
  were	
  almost	
  entirely	
  acceptable	
  to	
  students.	
   	
    The	
  sole	
  aberration	
  among	
  these	
  trends	
  was	
  the	
  question	
  of	
  using	
  increased	
    taxes	
  to	
  fund	
  a	
  metro	
  expansion,	
  which	
  was	
  roundly	
  rejected.	
  	
  It	
  may	
  be	
  because	
  this	
   was	
  the	
  only	
  question	
  that	
  involved	
  a	
  tradeoff,	
  and	
  with	
  the	
  financial	
  implication	
   looked	
  punitive.	
  	
  It	
  would	
  be	
  curious	
  to	
  learn	
  what	
  sort	
  of	
  balance	
  would	
  need	
  to	
  be	
    	
    56	
    struck	
  in	
  order	
  to	
  make	
  such	
  a	
  policy	
  acceptable	
  to	
  the	
  general	
  public	
  or	
  to	
  the	
   survey	
  population.	
   	
    Reactions	
  towards	
  the	
  policies,	
  be	
  they	
  stick	
  or	
  carrot,	
  were	
  near	
  universal.	
  	
    Students	
  chose	
  to	
  increase	
  their	
  non-­‐car	
  modes	
  of	
  travel,	
  siding	
  with	
  more	
  public	
   transit,	
  especially	
  metro.	
  	
  The	
  survey	
  was	
  unable	
  to	
  test	
  for	
  the	
  magnitude	
  of	
  the	
   shift,	
  so	
  the	
  effect	
  of	
  a	
  policy	
  that	
  causes	
  more	
  transit	
  usage	
  could	
  vary	
  from	
  one	
   extra	
  trip	
  a	
  year	
  to	
  all	
  trips	
  by	
  transit.	
  	
  Such	
  detail	
  could	
  not	
  be	
  produced	
  because	
  of	
   the	
  nature	
  of	
  the	
  survey.	
  	
  	
   	
    Even	
  if	
  values	
  are	
  not	
  affected	
  by	
  the	
  penetration	
  of	
  Western	
  ideas,	
  the	
    market	
  has	
  clearly	
  shifted	
  in	
  response	
  to	
  the	
  private	
  vehicle,	
  coupled	
  with	
  growing	
   affluence.	
  	
  The	
  attitudes	
  of	
  Shenzhen	
  youth,	
  the	
  middle	
  class	
  of	
  the	
  future,	
  shows	
  a	
   distinctive	
  preference	
  for	
  cars	
  and	
  attitudes	
  towards	
  transportation	
  that	
  are	
  as	
  at	
   home	
  in	
  the	
  West	
  as	
  they	
  are	
  in	
  China.	
  	
  For	
  both	
  boys	
  and	
  girls,	
  a	
  car	
  is	
  a	
  symbol	
  of	
   success	
  in	
  life,	
  albeit	
  not	
  a	
  primary	
  one.	
   	
    For	
  city	
  builders,	
  planners,	
  and	
  government	
  officials,	
  awareness	
  of	
  such	
    findings	
  is	
  crucial.	
  	
  Chinese	
  cities	
  have	
  undergone	
  drastic	
  alterations	
  and	
  continue	
  to	
   change	
  rapidly.	
  	
  The	
  cities	
  that	
  best	
  understand	
  the	
  desires	
  of	
  their	
  populace,	
  as	
  well	
   as	
  the	
  levers	
  to	
  balance	
  those	
  desires	
  with	
  the	
  other	
  citywide	
  goals	
  will	
  have	
  the	
   advantage.	
  	
  	
   Already	
  China	
  is	
  an	
  urban	
  laboratory	
  offering	
  rare	
  opportunities	
  for	
   innovation	
  and	
  experimentation.	
  	
  In	
  the	
  face	
  of	
  such	
  open	
  models	
  there	
  must	
  be	
   caution;	
  experiments	
  in	
  China	
  affect	
  the	
  course	
  of	
  their	
  urbanized	
  areas.	
  	
  As	
  seen	
  in	
   cities	
  the	
  world	
  over,	
  the	
  legacy	
  of	
  planning	
  decisions,	
  both	
  good	
  and	
  bad,	
  plays	
  out	
   decades	
  and	
  even	
  centuries	
  after	
  those	
  in	
  power	
  have	
  left	
  office.	
  	
  Responsible,	
  civic-­‐ oriented	
  policies	
  will	
  balance	
  the	
  short-­‐term	
  political	
  cycle	
  with	
  the	
  gains	
  with	
  long-­‐ term	
  perspective	
  required	
  by	
  a	
  city.	
  	
  	
   	
  	
   7.	
  Limitations	
   	
    There	
  are	
  certain	
  limitations	
  acknowledged	
  in	
  this	
  project.	
  	
  The	
  majority	
  of	
    students	
  in	
  secondary	
  school	
  and	
  university	
  are	
  of	
  middle	
  or	
  upper	
  class	
   backgrounds,	
  and	
  a	
  lack	
  of	
  economic	
  diversity	
  is	
  expected.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  not	
  purely	
   	
    57	
    classified	
  as	
  a	
  limitation	
  for	
  the	
  survey,	
  as	
  it	
  is	
  believed	
  that	
  students	
  from	
  such	
   backgrounds	
  are	
  the	
  ones	
  more	
  likely	
  to	
  have	
  a	
  realistic	
  choice	
  in	
  purchasing	
  a	
   private	
  vehicle	
  compared	
  to	
  those	
  with	
  lesser	
  means.	
  	
  Further,	
  as	
  an	
  emergent	
   middle	
  class	
  and	
  educated	
  demographic,	
  this	
  generation	
  will	
  be	
  setting	
  the	
   standards	
  by	
  which	
  success	
  is	
  measured	
  within	
  Chinese	
  society.	
   The	
  sampling	
  methods	
  building	
  upon	
  existing	
  networks	
  (primarily	
  including	
   students	
  who	
  excel	
  in	
  English)	
  may	
  skew	
  the	
  sample	
  population	
  in	
  an	
  unknown	
  way.	
  	
   It	
  is	
  not	
  a	
  true	
  random	
  sample	
  in	
  that	
  sense,	
  but	
  rather	
  one	
  that	
  is	
  opportunistic	
  in	
   selection.	
  	
  To	
  counter	
  this,	
  a	
  large	
  sample	
  was	
  collected	
  so	
  that	
  a	
  level	
  of	
  significance	
   was	
  easily	
  achieved	
  when	
  analyzing	
  results	
  and	
  drawing	
  conclusions.	
   Finally,	
  students	
  between	
  the	
  ages	
  of	
  13-­‐18	
  in	
  China	
  have	
  famously	
  stressful	
   and	
  high-­‐pressure	
  lives.	
  	
  Each	
  progressing	
  year	
  of	
  secondary	
  school	
  builds	
  on	
  that,	
   culminating	
  with	
  the	
  Chinese	
  college	
  entrance	
  examination	
  at	
  the	
  end	
  of	
  grade	
  12.	
  	
   This,	
  combined	
  with	
  a	
  teenage	
  tendency	
  for	
  fickleness	
  or	
  inconsistency,	
  means	
  there	
   is	
  no	
  certainty	
  of	
  gaining	
  meaningful	
  results	
  from	
  the	
  participants	
  of	
  the	
  survey.	
  	
  	
   It	
  was	
  hoped	
  that	
  adroitly	
  wording	
  the	
  survey	
  would	
  expose	
  students	
  who	
   were	
  not	
  seriously	
  answering	
  questions.	
  	
  Triangulation	
  was	
  critical	
  here,	
  as	
  well	
  as	
   the	
  researcher’s	
  own	
  ability	
  to	
  assess	
  returned	
  questionnaires	
  and	
  weed	
  out	
  those	
   that	
  were	
  not	
  useful.	
  	
  	
  There	
  is	
  a	
  cost	
  to	
  surveying	
  students	
  with	
  little	
  life	
  experience	
   due	
  to	
  youth,	
  as	
  the	
  responses	
  gathered	
  may	
  lack	
  an	
  element	
  of	
  sophistication	
  seen	
   in	
  adults.	
  	
  The	
  upshot	
  however	
  was	
  that	
  the	
  student	
  answers	
  are	
  very	
  genuine	
  and	
   are	
  accurate	
  barometers	
  of	
  this	
  age	
  group	
  in	
  the	
  moment.	
   	
    In	
  spite	
  of	
  the	
  care	
  taken	
  in	
  survey	
  design,	
  I	
  am	
  aware	
  that	
  the	
  work	
    contained	
  herein	
  is	
  only	
  the	
  tip	
  of	
  a	
  potential	
  research	
  iceberg.	
  	
  As	
  such,	
  a	
  depth	
  of	
   thought	
  and	
  focus	
  on	
  specific	
  issues	
  highlighted	
  within	
  the	
  emergent	
  data	
  set	
  has	
   not	
  been	
  possible.	
  	
  This	
  sacrifice	
  was	
  made	
  so	
  that	
  the	
  results	
  could	
  portray	
  a	
  rich	
   and	
  expansive	
  collection	
  of	
  data	
  from	
  which	
  future	
  work	
  will	
  hopefully	
  build	
  upon.	
   	
    Another	
  hindrance	
  to	
  the	
  broad-­‐based	
  approach	
  utilized	
  here	
  has	
  been	
  the	
    need	
  for	
  brevity	
  and	
  awareness	
  of	
  survey	
  fatigue,	
  especially	
  present	
  in	
  a	
  group	
  that	
   can	
  be	
  as	
  mercurial	
  as	
  teenagers,	
  necessitated	
  a	
  modicum	
  of	
  brevity.	
  	
  Given	
  this,	
   nuances	
  to	
  questions	
  were	
  lost,	
  given	
  up	
  as	
  clarity	
  took	
  priority.	
  	
  	
   	
    58	
    	
    As	
  stated,	
  the	
  inability	
  to	
  tease	
  out	
  threads	
  or	
  play	
  upon	
  nuances	
  left	
  a	
  clear	
  if	
    at	
  times	
  blunt	
  tool.	
  	
  That	
  all	
  proposed	
  interventions	
  steered	
  students	
  towards	
  taking	
   transit	
  is	
  clear.	
  	
  There	
  is	
  no	
  knowledge	
  though	
  of	
  the	
  significance	
  of	
  that	
  shift,	
  and	
  of	
   the	
  magnitude	
  it	
  would	
  represent.	
  	
  The	
  travel	
  behavior	
  of	
  students	
  is	
  similarly	
  blunt	
   as	
  the	
  simple	
  richness	
  of	
  data	
  that	
  would	
  come	
  from	
  a	
  more	
  detailed	
  form,	
  such	
  as	
  a	
   trip	
  diary,	
  was	
  not	
  the	
  mode	
  used	
  for	
  this	
  research.	
  	
  In	
  spite	
  of	
  its	
  exclusion,	
  such	
   knowledge	
  would	
  be	
  useful	
  in	
  building	
  upon	
  this	
  work.	
  	
  	
   	
    The	
  proposed	
  policies	
  are	
  by	
  nature	
  imprecise.	
  	
  Understanding	
  that	
  students	
    responding	
  to	
  the	
  survey	
  came	
  from	
  any	
  variety	
  of	
  locations	
  and	
  ages	
  within	
  the	
   greater	
  Shenzhen	
  region,	
  place-­‐specific	
  policies	
  were	
  not	
  used.	
  	
  Often	
  the	
  issue	
  of	
   execution	
  in	
  public	
  projects	
  and	
  policy	
  plays	
  a	
  critical	
  role	
  to	
  its	
  acceptance.	
  	
  Again,	
   here	
  nuance	
  was	
  sacrificed	
  to	
  the	
  need	
  to	
  assemble	
  usable	
  results.	
  	
  	
   The	
  result	
  is	
  a	
  large,	
  rich,	
  and	
  useful	
  data	
  set	
  that	
  is	
  representative	
  of	
  the	
   targeted	
  group,	
  middle-­‐class	
  secondary	
  students	
  in	
  Shenzhen.	
  	
  Results	
  may	
  differ	
  if	
   the	
  same	
  questions	
  were	
  posed	
  to	
  students	
  in	
  Hong	
  Kong	
  or	
  rural	
  Anhui	
  Province.	
  	
   As	
  such	
  the	
  value	
  of	
  the	
  data	
  and	
  its	
  results	
  are	
  tied	
  to	
  the	
  specific	
  group	
  surveyed	
   only,	
  and	
  confined	
  to	
  Shenzhen.	
  	
  Now	
  that	
  this	
  data	
  set	
  has	
  been	
  compiled,	
  other	
   researchers	
  may	
  hopefully	
  take	
  advantage	
  of	
  it	
  to	
  create	
  comparative	
  studies.	
  	
  This	
   was	
  a	
  regret	
  of	
  the	
  work,	
  as	
  there	
  were	
  no	
  studies	
  similar	
  enough	
  for	
  comparisons.	
  	
   	
    Lastly,	
  the	
  survey	
  is	
  static	
  in	
  nature.	
  	
  As	
  it	
  was	
  administered	
  with	
  hard	
  copies	
    and	
  by	
  teachers,	
  there	
  was	
  no	
  ability	
  to	
  alter	
  questions	
  to	
  fit	
  any	
  localized	
   circumstances.	
  	
  Similarly,	
  student	
  reactions	
  were	
  confined	
  to	
  the	
  answers	
  laid	
  out,	
  a	
   situation	
  that	
  doesn’t	
  allow	
  the	
  strength	
  of	
  emotional	
  responses	
  to	
  be	
  gauged	
  past	
   the	
  Likert	
  scale,	
  nor	
  for	
  any	
  engagement	
  with	
  the	
  student	
  thought	
  process	
  on	
  a	
   personal	
  level.	
  	
  Owing	
  to	
  the	
  desire	
  to	
  protect	
  student	
  anonymity,	
  there	
  is	
  also	
  no	
   function	
  for	
  following	
  up	
  with	
  students	
  at	
  a	
  future	
  date.	
  	
  	
   	
    It	
  is	
  useful	
  and	
  honest	
  for	
  research	
  to	
  note	
  its	
  own	
  limitations,	
  be	
  they	
  self-­‐  imposed	
  through	
  the	
  scope	
  of	
  the	
  work	
  or	
  as	
  a	
  result	
  of	
  unanticipated	
  circumstances	
   arising	
  in	
  this	
  project’s	
  execution.	
  	
  By	
  categorizing	
  these	
  gaps,	
  it	
  may	
  be	
  possible	
  for	
   future	
  efforts	
  to	
  find	
  new	
  means	
  to	
  seal	
  them	
  and	
  deliver	
  a	
  stronger,	
  more	
  robust	
   body	
  of	
  research.	
  	
  	
   	
    59	
    	
   8.	
  Going	
  Forward	
   	
    With	
  this	
  study	
  complete	
  and	
  a	
  baseline	
  for	
  values,	
  transportation	
  attitudes,	
    and	
  policy	
  implications	
  in	
  place,	
  the	
  door	
  is	
  open	
  to	
  a	
  wide	
  array	
  of	
  potential	
   research	
  options.	
  	
  Some	
  of	
  these	
  involve	
  new	
  designs	
  examining	
  previously	
   unexplored	
  areas	
  while	
  others	
  may	
  use	
  this	
  data	
  set	
  to	
  delve	
  deeper	
  into	
  the	
  rich	
   variety	
  it	
  holds	
  and	
  prepare	
  new	
  comparative	
  measures.	
   	
    It	
  would	
  be	
  useful,	
  with	
  the	
  assembled	
  data,	
  to	
  test	
  in	
  the	
  future	
  for	
  any	
    causal	
  variables	
  between	
  transportation	
  or	
  attitudes	
  and	
  the	
  various	
  subtleties	
   couched	
  within	
  each	
  profile.	
  	
  A	
  multivariate	
  analysis	
  of	
  features,	
  such	
  as	
  gender,	
   location,	
  household	
  income,	
  or	
  household	
  size	
  in	
  relation	
  to	
  transportation	
  policy	
   reactions	
  is	
  merely	
  one	
  example	
  of	
  the	
  many	
  potential	
  outgrowths	
  of	
  such	
  an	
   analysis.	
  	
  It	
  is	
  uncertain	
  what	
  results	
  this	
  may	
  tender,	
  but	
  the	
  potential	
  is	
  vast.	
  	
  	
   	
    For	
  new	
  research	
  designs	
  building	
  upon	
  the	
  results	
  here,	
  it	
  would	
  be	
    interesting	
  to	
  delve	
  into	
  more	
  of	
  the	
  local	
  and	
  personal	
  dimensions	
  of	
   transportation.	
  	
  Creating	
  policy	
  interventions	
  for	
  a	
  specific	
  area,	
  or	
  eliciting	
  youth	
   ideas	
  for	
  such	
  interventions,	
  could	
  be	
  a	
  great	
  research	
  avenue	
  to	
  determine	
  what	
   works	
  on	
  a	
  scale	
  much	
  smaller	
  than	
  the	
  city	
  writ	
  large.	
  	
  	
   	
    Such	
  local	
  investigation	
  could	
  shed	
  light	
  on	
  the	
  role	
  that	
  walking	
  and	
    bicycling	
  play	
  in	
  student	
  transportation,	
  a	
  role	
  that	
  this	
  survey	
  was	
  unable	
  to	
   account	
  for.	
  	
  Identifying	
  gaps	
  and	
  potential	
  improvements	
  to	
  such	
  areas	
  would	
  take	
   policies	
  from	
  the	
  idea	
  stage	
  to	
  the	
  critical	
  point	
  where	
  they	
  meet	
  implementation,	
  an	
   essential	
  step	
  to	
  actualizing	
  any	
  plan.	
  	
   	
    Another	
  path	
  that	
  could	
  be	
  pursued	
  with	
  a	
  concentrated	
  local	
  approach	
    would	
  be	
  to	
  examine	
  the	
  link	
  between	
  urban	
  design,	
  especially	
  of	
  large	
  estate-­‐style	
   housing	
  developments,	
  and	
  transportation	
  behavior.	
  	
  This	
  could	
  be	
  done	
  with	
   communities	
  either	
  near	
  a	
  metro	
  station	
  or	
  served	
  by	
  buses	
  only.	
  	
  Another	
  means	
  of	
   measuring	
  this	
  could	
  be	
  through	
  the	
  use	
  of	
  trip	
  diaries	
  by	
  students	
  over	
  a	
  period	
  of	
   time	
  to	
  see	
  how	
  and	
  what	
  sort	
  of	
  journeys	
  are	
  made.	
  	
  	
   	
    Along	
  similar	
  lines	
  to	
  the	
  trip	
  diaries	
  would	
  be	
  conducting	
  a	
  series	
  of	
    qualitative,	
  personal	
  interviews	
  with	
  students,	
  using	
  questions	
  similar	
  to	
  the	
  ones	
   	
    60	
    posed	
  in	
  the	
  survey	
  but	
  allowing	
  for	
  a	
  range	
  of	
  reactions.	
  	
  This	
  could	
  go	
  a	
  long	
  way	
   towards	
  capturing	
  some	
  of	
  the	
  nuances	
  that	
  the	
  paper-­‐based	
  survey	
  omitted.	
   	
    Transportation	
  behavior	
  in	
  the	
  future	
  was	
  looked	
  at	
  merely	
  as	
  a	
  hypothetical	
    scenario,	
  and	
  lacks	
  the	
  means	
  to	
  follow-­‐up	
  with	
  individuals	
  to	
  see	
  how	
  much	
  of	
   those	
  ideas	
  are	
  realized.	
  	
  An	
  interesting	
  research	
  work	
  could	
  target	
  potential	
  car	
   owners,	
  asking	
  them	
  their	
  perceptions	
  of	
  cars	
  and	
  how	
  much	
  they	
  anticipate	
  using	
   them.	
  	
  A	
  follow-­‐up	
  could	
  ensue	
  in	
  six	
  months	
  to	
  a	
  year,	
  determining	
  how	
  the	
  new	
   drivers	
  really	
  use	
  their	
  vehicles	
  and	
  what	
  some	
  of	
  their	
  personal	
  outcomes	
  to	
  car	
   ownership	
  have	
  been.	
  	
  	
   	
    Another	
  option	
  is	
  to	
  expand	
  the	
  data	
  set.	
  	
  This	
  could	
  be	
  done	
  by	
  rolling	
  out	
  a	
    version	
  of	
  the	
  survey	
  to	
  students	
  in	
  other	
  provinces	
  that	
  have	
  different	
  sets	
  of	
  socio-­‐ economic	
  variables	
  or	
  to	
  similar	
  student	
  bodies	
  in	
  other	
  prosperous	
  cities	
  in	
  China.	
  	
   The	
  age	
  could	
  be	
  adjusted	
  too,	
  and	
  university	
  students	
  could	
  become	
  the	
  targeted	
   demographic.	
  	
  The	
  potential	
  exists	
  with	
  this	
  group	
  that	
  reactions	
  will	
  be	
  more	
   thought	
  out	
  and	
  grounded	
  in	
  the	
  complications	
  that	
  the	
  real	
  world	
  can	
  present	
  to	
  a	
   person	
  with	
  time	
  and	
  experience.	
  	
  Such	
  data	
  could	
  provide	
  better	
  determinants	
  of	
   behavior.	
  	
  	
   	
    Finally,	
  the	
  policy	
  dimension	
  can	
  be	
  examined	
  through	
  a	
  more	
  demanding	
    lens.	
  	
  This	
  could	
  be	
  by	
  investigating	
  tradeoffs,	
  that	
  improvements	
  to	
  either	
  the	
  road	
   or	
  transit	
  network	
  happen	
  at	
  a	
  cost,	
  be	
  it	
  financial	
  or	
  in	
  resources	
  to	
  other	
  areas.	
  	
  It	
   would	
  be	
  telling	
  to	
  pose	
  a	
  series	
  of	
  policies	
  and	
  ask	
  students	
  which	
  one	
  they	
  would	
   find	
  most	
  acceptable	
  or	
  feel	
  most	
  effective	
  at	
  mitigating	
  traffic	
  and	
  enabling	
  urban	
   transportation.	
  	
  	
   	
    All	
  of	
  the	
  above	
  suggestions,	
  and	
  the	
  content	
  of	
  this	
  paper,	
  can	
  help	
  inform	
    Chinese	
  policymakers	
  and	
  researchers	
  about	
  some	
  of	
  the	
  issues	
  at	
  play	
  in	
  providing	
   urban	
  transportation	
  in	
  China.	
  	
  Hopefully	
  these	
  issues	
  continue	
  to	
  attract	
  serious	
   attention,	
  as	
  any	
  potential	
  solutions	
  found	
  for	
  a	
  place	
  as	
  complex	
  and	
  varied	
  as	
   China	
  also	
  hold	
  great	
  potential	
  for	
  other	
  fast	
  growing,	
  rapidly	
  urbanizing	
  parts	
  of	
   the	
  world.	
  	
  	
   	
   	
   	
    61	
    	
   9.	
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  Timothy	
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   Shenzhen	
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   Shenzhen	
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    65	
    	
   10.	
  APPENDIX	
   	
   Table	
  1:	
  Values	
    	
    	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   Table	
  2:	
  Policy	
  Sticks	
  -­‐	
  Acceptability	
    	
    	
   	
   	
   	
   	
    66	
    Table	
  3:	
  Policy	
  Sticks	
  -­‐	
  Reactions	
    	
    	
   	
   Table	
  4:	
  Policy	
  Carrots	
  -­‐	
  Acceptability	
    	
    	
   	
   	
   	
   Table	
  5:	
  Policy	
  Carrots	
  -­‐	
  Reactions	
    	
    	
    	
    67	
    Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class Values     1. The things a person owns say a lot about them / 根据一 根据一个 个 人所 人所拥 拥 有的物品就能很大程 度上了解此人    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        2. A simple life with few material possessions is a good life / 只 拥 有少量物 有少量物质 质 的 简单 简单生活是 生活是 不 错 的生活    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        3. It’s important to own famous or brand­name goods even if they cost more / 拥 有名牌 有名牌产 产 品很重要, 品很重要,尽 尽 管 这 些 产 品更 品更贵 贵    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        4. My life would be happier if I owned certain things I don’t have now / 如果我 如果我还 还 能 拥 有一 些 现 在我 在我没 没 有的 有的东 东 西,我 西,我会 会更开心    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        5. I would be happier if I could afford to buy more luxury items / 如果能 如果能买 买 得起更加奢侈的 物品,我 物品,我会 会 感 觉 更快 更快乐 乐    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        6. It’s ok for people buy anything they want, even if it is something they don’t need / 人 们 可 以 买 任何想要的 任何想要的东 东 西, 西,尽 尽 管他 管他们 们 可能不太需要 可能不太需要这 这些东西    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        7. Wearing stylish and up­to­date clothes is important / 穿 着 时 尚 的衣服是很重要    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        Page 1  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class 8. It is more important to fit in to society than be known as an individual / 能融入社 能融入社会 会 的群体 比作 比作为单 为单 为单独 独 的 个 体 对 待更 待更为 为 重要?    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        9. Before buying something, it is important to know what others think of it / 买 任何 任何东 东 西前, 了解其他人如何 了解其他人如何评 评 价 这 些 东 西很重要    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        10. Protecting the environment is more important than the economy / 保 护 生 态环 态环境比 境比 境比发 发展 经济 经济更重要 更重要    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        11. What type of brand name products do you prefer? / 你 更喜 更喜欢买 欢买 欢买什 什 么 品牌的生 品牌的生产 产?       j Chinese brands / 中国品牌 k l m n  j Depends on the price /取决于价格 k l m n        j Foreign brands / 国外品牌 k l m n  j Depends on the brand’s reputation / 取决于品牌的声誉 k l m n  12. What characteristics does a successful person have? / 一 个 有成功的人有什 有成功的人有什么 么 特征? 选 每 个 有效的       c Rich / 有钱 d e f g  c Single / 单身 d e f g    c Owns a home / 拥有住房 d e f g    c Owns a car / 拥有车 d e f g  c Private company job / 有公司工作 d e f g    c Married / 已婚 d e f g  c Independent / 独立 d e f g    c Has Children / 有孩子 d e f g  c Has own company / 有自己的公司 d e f g    c Government job / 在政府部门就职 d e f g          c Lived/studied overseas / 在国外居住过 d e f g /学习过   13. How do you like to spend your money? / 你 喜 欢 如何消 如何消费 费 ? 选 每 个 有效的 c Food / 食物 d e f g     c Sports / 体育 d e f g     c Save / 存储 d e f g    c Shopping / 购物 d e f g       c Travel / 旅游 d e f g    c Gambling / 赌博 d e f g     c Invest / 投资 d e f g    c Give to Family / 把钱给家庭 d e f g     c Donate / 捐赠 d e f g  Other / 其他   Page 2  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class 14. It is more important that the government invest in building roads than in public transit / 就政府 就政府责 责 任而言,建 任而言,建设 设 公路比 公路比发 发 展公共交通更重要    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        15. Parents should always live with their children when they get older / 父母年 父母年纪 纪 大了以后 也 应 一直 一直与 与 子女同住    j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n    j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n     j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n           Page 3  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class    Aspirations  16. Before I marry, it is important I/my partner own a home / 结 婚前,我和我的配偶 婚前,我和我的配偶应该 应该 应该要有 要有 一套房子       j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n  j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n     j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n  j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        17. Before I marry, it is important I/my partner own a car / 在我 在我结 结 婚前,我和我的配偶 婚前,我和我的配偶应该 应该 应该要 要 有一 有一辆 辆汽车       j Strongly disagree / 很不赞同 k l m n  j Neutral / 没有意见 k l m n     j Disagree / 不赞同 k l m n  j Agree / 赞同 k l m n  j Strongly agree / 非常赞同 k l m n        18. I want to work for... / 我想就 我想就职 职 于 ...       j My own company / 自己的公司 k l m n  j A foreign company / 国外公司 k l m n     j A small company / 小公司 k l m n  j The government / 政府 k l m n        j A large company / 大公司 k l m n Other / 其他   19. If I have a car, I want to use it for these trips / 如果我有 如果我有车 车 ,我 ,我会 会 用 来 ...       c Go to work or school / 上/下班 d e f g     c Recreation / 闲暇 d e f g     c Visit friends/family / 看望朋友/家人 d e f g     c Daily errands / 跑腿 d e f g  c Travel / 旅游 d e f g        c Shopping / 购物 d e f g  c Entertainment / 娱乐 d e f g  Other / 其他   20. If I have a car, I would use it... / 如果我有一 如果我有一辆车 辆车 辆车,便用的 便用的 便用的频 频 率 会 是 ...       j Every day / 每天 k l m n  j 4­5 times a week / 每周4 -5 次 k l m n j 2­3 times a week / 每周2 -3 次 k l m n  j Once a week / 每周一次 k l m n       j Once every two weeks / 每两周一次 k l m n     j Only for special trips / 只有特别情况下 k l m n 才开      j Once a month or less / 每月一次 k l m n  21. I want to have the newest and best kinds of phones, camera, or computer / 我想要最新 款最好的手机,相机,或者 款最好的手机,相机,或者电脑 电脑    j Always / 总是 k l m n     j If I have extra money / 如果我额外有钱 k l m n  j Only if the product is worth the extra cost / 只有当商品物有所 k l m n 值时     j Not important / 不重要 k l m n  Page 4  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class 22. When I am 30, I expect my monthly income will be... / 当 我 30岁 岁 的 时 候,我期待我 候,我期待我每 每 月的 薪水是 薪水是...  j 1000­3000 元 k l m n     j 6000 -10000 元 k l m n  j 3000 -6000 元 k l m n        j 15000 or more / 15000 元或者更多) k l m n        j 10000 -15000 元 k l m n  23. When I think about my future, I feel... / 当 想到我的未 想到我的未来 来 ,我感 ,我感觉 觉 ...       j Very negative / 很不好 k l m n     j Neutral/no opinion / 还好 k l m n     j Very positive / 很好 k l m n     j Worried / 不好 k l m n  j Hopeful / 好 k l m n  24. After I graduate high school, I plan to... / 高中 高中毕业 毕业 毕业以后,我 以后,我 以后,我会 会 ... j Go to a university / 上大学 k l m n     j Work /  就业 k l m n    j Go to a technical/vocational school / 上职业培训学校 k l m n       j Go abroad / 出国 k l m n  Other / 其他      Page 5  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class Travel Behavior     25. How often do you travel to the city center? / 你 多久去一次城市中心(包括福田中心和 多久去一次城市中心(包括福田中心和东 东 门 )? ? j Daily / 每天 k l m n        j Once a week / 每周一次 k l m n    j Less / 更少 k l m n        j 2­3x per week / 每周2­3 次 k l m n  j Once every two weeks / 每两周一次 k l m n  26. How do you usually travel to the city center? / 你 通常 通常怎 怎 么 去城市中心? j Drive / 开/坐车 k l m n           j Walk / 走路 k l m n     j Metro / 地铁 k l m n    j Taxi / 打车 k l m n     j Bus / 公共汽车 k l m n  j Bike / 骑自行车 k l m n  27. How long is your trip from your home to school in minutes? / 从 你 的家到 的家到学 学 校需要多少 分钟?    j Less than 5 minutes / 5分钟以内 k l m n    j 5 -10 minutes/分钟 k l m n  j 10 -20 minutes/分钟 k l m n j 20 -30 minutes/分钟 k l m n        j 30 -40 minutes/分钟 k l m n        j 40 or more minutes/ 40分钟或者更多 k l m n  28. How close do you live to a bus stop? / 从 你 家到最近的公 家到最近的公车 车 站需要走路多久?    j Less than 5 minutes / 5分钟以内 k l m n    j 5 -10 minutes/分钟 k l m n  j 10 -15 minutes/分钟 k l m n j 15 -20 minutes/分钟 k l m n        j 20 or more minutes/ 20分钟或者更多 k l m n     29. How close do you live to a metro stop? 从 你 家到最近的地 家到最近的地铁 铁 站需要走路多久?    j Less than 5 minutes / 5分钟以内 k l m n    j 5 -10 minutes/分钟 k l m n  j 10 -15 minutes/分钟 k l m n j 15 -20 minutes/分钟 k l m n        j 20 or more minutes/ 20分钟或者更多 k l m n     30. Do you have a driver’s license? / 你 有 驾驶执 驾驶执照 照吗?    j Yes / 有 k l m n     j No / 没有 k l m n  Page 6  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class 31. What is most important to you when you travel? (1 is most, 5 is least) / 请对 请对以下方面 以下方面 以下方面对 对 你 出行 出行时 时 的重要程度做 的重要程度做评 评 价, 价,1为 为 最重要, 最重要,5为 为 最不重要 6  Speed / 速度  6  Safety / 安全  6  Convenience / 方便  6  Comfort / 舒服  6  Cost / 费用  32. Which of these are characteristics of metro travel? / 乘坐地 乘坐地铁 铁 出行有什 出行有什么 么 特征? 特征?选 选每个 有效的    c Fast / 高速 d e f g c Slow / 慢 d e f g       c Convenient / 方便 d e f g     c Comfortable / 舒服 d e f g    c Crowded / 拥挤 d e f g  c For rich people / 为了有钱的人 d e f g       c For poor people / 为了贫穷的人 d e f g  c For middle class people / 为了中产的人 d e f g        c Safe / 安全 d e f g     c Affordable / 支付得起 d e f g c Expensive / 昂贵 d e f g       c Shows status / 体现社会地位 d e f g    c Gives freedom / 赋予自由 d e f g  Page 7  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class 33. Which of these are characteristics of car travel? / 开车 开车有什 有什 有什么 么 特征? 选 每 个 有效的    c Fast / 高速 d e f g c Slow / 慢 d e f g       c Convenient / 方便 d e f g     c Comfortable / 舒服 d e f g    c Crowded / 拥挤 d e f g  c For rich people / 为了有钱的人 d e f g       c For poor people / 为了贫穷的人 d e f g  c For middle class people / 为了中产的人 d e f g        c Safe / 安全 d e f g     c Affordable / 支付得起 d e f g c Expensive / 昂贵 d e f g       c Shows status / 体现社会地位 d e f g    c Gives freedom / 赋予自由 d e f g  34. Which of these are characteristic of bus travel? / 乘坐公交 乘坐公交车 车 出行有什 出行有什么 么 特征 特征? 选 每 个 有 效的    c Fast / 高速 d e f g c Slow / 慢 d e f g       c Convenient / 方便 d e f g     c Comfortable / 舒服 d e f g    c Crowded / 拥挤 d e f g  c For rich people / 为了有钱的人 d e f g       c For poor people / 为了贫穷的人 d e f g  c For middle class people / 为了中产的人 d e f g        c Safe / 安全 d e f g     c Affordable / 支付得起 d e f g c Expensive / 昂贵 d e f g       c Shows status / 体现社会地位 d e f g    c Gives freedom / 赋予自由 d e f g     Page 8  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class Policies / 政策     Imagine you are 30, earn Y8,000 a month, and thinking about buying a car. How would each policy affect you?  假如你30岁,已婚,有一个孩子。月薪8千元。 你买了一套房子,付每个月3500元。 现在,你在考虑买一辆私家车。 会 后的政策怎么影响你买车的决定?   35. If it cost approx. Y50,000 to register the car license, could you accept this policy? / 如果 你 需要花 需要花费 费 5万元米注 万元米注 万元米注册 册 汽 车 牌照, 牌照,你 你 能接受 能接受这 这 个 政策 政策吗 吗?    j Absolutely not / 完全不接受 k l m n    j Not really / 不太接受 k l m n     j No opinion/don’t care / 没有意见 k l m n j I could / 可接受 k l m n  j Definitely accept / 完全接受 k l m n        36. If it cost approx. Y50,000 to register the car license, you would… / 如果 如果你 你 需要花 需要花费 费 5万元 万元 注 册 汽 车 牌照, 牌照,你 你 会 ...       j Buy the car and drive the same / 照常买车和开车 k l m n j Buy the car and drive more / 买车并开车更多 k l m n j Buy the car but drive less / 买车而开车更少 k l m n  j Take the bus more / 不买车而更多用公共汽车 k l m n        j Take the metro more / 不买车而更多用地铁 k l m n        j Ride a bike or walk more / 不买车而更多其自行车或者走路 k l m n  37. If the city had a lottery to get a car license, and you may have to wait 2­3 years to get a car, could you accept this policy? / 如果 如果你 你 所在的城市通 所在的城市通过摇 过摇 过摇号 号 抽 签 的方式分派 的方式分派车 车 牌,需 要大 要大约 约 2- - 3年才能 年才能 年才能买 买 一 辆车 辆车, , 你 能接受 能接受这 这 个 政策 政策吗 吗?    j Absolutely not / 完全不接受 k l m n    j Not really / 不太接受 k l m n     j No opinion/don’t care / 没有意见 k l m n j I could / 可接受 k l m n  j Definitely accept / 完全接受 k l m n        38. If the city had a lottery to get a car license and you may have to wait 2­3 years to get a car, you would… / 如果 如果你 你 所在的城市 所在的城市实 实 行 购车摇 购车摇号 号 政策,需要大 政策,需要大约 约 2- - 3年才能 年才能 年才能买 买 一 辆车 辆车, ,你 会 ...       j Buy the car and drive the same / 照常买车和开车 k l m n j Buy the car and drive more / 买车并开车更多 k l m n j Buy the car but drive less / 买车而开车更少 k l m n  j Take the bus more / 不买车而更多用公共汽车 k l m n        j Take the metro more / 不买车而更多用地铁 k l m n        j Ride a bike or walk more / 不买车而更多其自行车或者走路 k l m n  39. If every trip to the city center/guannei included an additional Y70 congestion charge could you accept this policy? / 如果 如果你 你 每 次 开车 开车到深 到深 到深圳 圳 关 内 必 须 付 70元 元 费 , 你 能接受 能接受这 这个 政策 政策吗 吗?    j Absolutely not / 完全不接受 k l m n    j Not really / 不太接受 k l m n     j No opinion/don’t care / 没有意见 k l m n j I could / 可接受 k l m n  j Definitely accept / 完全接受 k l m n        Page 9  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class 40. If every trip to the city center/guannei included an additional Y70 congestion charge, you would… / 如果 如果你 你 每 次 开车 开车到深 到深 到深圳 圳 关 内 必 须 付 70元 元 费 , 你 会 ...       j Buy the car and drive the same / 照常买车和开车 k l m n j Buy the car and drive more / 买车并开车更多 k l m n j Buy the car but drive less / 买车而开车更少 k l m n  j Take the bus more / 不买车而更多用公共汽车 k l m n        j Take the metro more / 不买车而更多用地铁 k l m n        j Ride a bike or walk more / 不买车而更多其自行车或者走路 k l m n  41. If the city increased its hourly parking rate to Y50 per hour, could you accept this policy? / 如果政府 如果政府将 将 外面停 外面停车场 车场 车场的停 的停 的停车费 车费 车费提高到 提高到 提高到50元 元 每 个 小 时 , 你 能接受 能接受这 这 个 政策 政策吗 吗?    j Absolutely not / 完全不接受 k l m n    j Not really / 不太接受 k l m n     j No opinion/don’t care / 没有意见 k l m n j I could / 可接受 k l m n  j Definitely accept / 完全接受 k l m n        42. If the city increased its hourly parking rate to Y50 per hour, you would… / 如果政府 如果政府将 将外 面停 面停车场 车场 车场的停 的停 的停车费 车费 车费提高到 提高到 提高到50元 元 每 个 小 时 , 你 会 ...       j Buy the car and drive the same / 照常买车和开车 k l m n j Buy the car and drive more / 买车并开车更多 k l m n j Buy the car but drive less / 买车而开车更少 k l m n  j Take the bus more / 不买车而更多用公共汽车 k l m n        j Take the metro more / 不买车而更多用地铁 k l m n        j Ride a bike or walk more / 不买车而更多其自行车或者走路 k l m n  43. If the city built lanes dedicated to bus travel, could you accept this policy? / 如果 如果你 你 所在 道路中 道路中间 间 建 设 公 车专 车专用道, 用道, 你 能接受 能接受这 这 个 政策 政策吗 吗?    j Absolutely not / 完全不接受 k l m n    j Not really / 不太接受 k l m n     j No opinion/don’t care / 没有意见 k l m n j I could / 可接受 k l m n  j Definitely accept / 完全接受 k l m n        44. If the city built lanes dedicated to bus travel, could you accept this policy? / 如果 如果你 你 所在 道路中 道路中间 间 建 设 公 车专 车专用道 用道 , ,你 你会…       j Buy the car and drive the same / 照常买车和开车 k l m n j Buy the car and drive more / 买车并开车更多 k l m n j Buy the car but drive less / 买车而开车更少 k l m n  j Take the bus more / 不买车而更多用公共汽车 k l m n        j Take the metro more / 不买车而更多用地铁 k l m n        j Ride a bike or walk more / 不买车而更多其自行车或者走路 k l m n  45. If the city spent money to double the size of its metro system could you accept this policy? / 如果 如果你 你 所在的城市用 所在的城市用税 税 收 双 倍 扩 展地 展地铁 铁 系 统 , 你 能接受 能接受这 这 个 政策 政策吗 吗?    j Absolutely not / 完全不接受 k l m n    j Not really / 不太接受 k l m n     j No opinion/don’t care / 没有意见 k l m n j I could / 可接受 k l m n  j Definitely accept / 完全接受 k l m n        Page 10  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class 46. If the city spent money to double the size of its metro system, you would… / 如果 如果你 你 所在 的城市用 的城市用税 税 收 双 倍 扩 展地 展地铁 铁 系 统 , 你 会 ...       j Buy the car and drive the same / 照常买车和开车 k l m n j Buy the car and drive more / 买车并开车更多 k l m n j Buy the car but drive less / 买车而开车更少 k l m n  j Take the bus more / 不买车而更多用公共汽车 k l m n        j Take the metro more / 不买车而更多用地铁 k l m n        j Ride a bike or walk more / 不买车而更多其自行车或者走路 k l m n  47. If the city subsidized transit tickets so the fare was only Y2 per ride, could you accept this policy? / 如果 如果你 你 所在的城市 所在的城市补贴 补贴 补贴公交出行,公交票价降到 公交出行,公交票价降到 公交出行,公交票价降到2元一 元一 元一张 张 , 你 能接受 能接受这 这 个 政策 吗?    j Absolutely not / 完全不接受 k l m n    j Not really / 不太接受 k l m n     j No opinion/don’t care / 没有意见 k l m n j I could / 可接受 k l m n  j Definitely accept / 完全接受 k l m n        48. If the city subsidized transit costs so the fare was only Y2 per ride, you would… / 如果 你 所在的城市 所在的城市补贴 补贴 补贴公交出行,公交票价降到 公交出行,公交票价降到 公交出行,公交票价降到2元一 元一 元一张 张 ,你 你 会 ...       j Buy the car and drive the same / 照常买车和开车 k l m n j Buy the car and drive more / 买车并开车更多 k l m n j Buy the car but drive less / 买车而开车更少 k l m n  j Take the bus more / 不买车而更多用公共汽车 k l m n        j Take the metro more / 不买车而更多用地铁 k l m n        j Ride a bike or walk more / 不买车而更多其自行车或者走路 k l m n  49. If the government raised gas prices to Y12 per liter, could you accept this policy? / 如果 你 所在的城市 所在的城市将 将 汽油价格提高到 汽油价格提高到12元 元 每 升,加一次油需要大 升,加一次油需要大约 约 650元, 元, 元,你 你 能接受 能接受这 这 个 政策 吗?    j Absolutely not / 完全不接受 k l m n    j Not really / 不太接受 k l m n     j No opinion/don’t care / 没有意见 k l m n j I could / 可接受 k l m n  j Definitely accept / 完全接受 k l m n        50. If the government raised gas prices to Y12 per liter, you would… / 你 城市提高汽油价格 到 12元 元 每 升, 现 在加油需要大 在加油需要大约 约 650元, 元, 你 会 ...       j Buy the car and drive the same / 照常买车和开车 k l m n j Buy the car and drive more / 买车并开车更多 k l m n j Buy the car but drive less / 买车而开车更少 k l m n  j Take the bus more / 不买车而更多用公共汽车 k l m n        j Take the metro more / 不买车而更多用地铁 k l m n        j Ride a bike or walk more / 不买车而更多其自行车或者走路 k l m n  51. If the city made each transit ticket valid for 2 hours, even after a transfer or another trip, could you accept this policy? / 如果用一 如果用一张 张 公交 公交车 车 票可以在 票可以在两 两 小 时 内 可以 可以无 无 限使用包括 限使用包括换 换乘 其他公交, 其他公交,你 你 能接受 能接受这 这 个 政策 政策吗 吗?    j Absolutely not / 完全不接受 k l m n    j Not really / 不太接受 k l m n     j No opinion/don’t care / 没有意见 k l m n j I could / 可接受 k l m n  j Definitely accept / 完全接受 k l m n        Page 11  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class 52. If the city made each transit ticket valid for 2 hours, even after a transfer or another trip, you would… / 如果用一 如果用一张 张 公交 公交车 车 票可以在 票可以在两 两 小 时 内 可以 可以无 无 限使用包括 限使用包括换 换 乘其他公交, 乘其他公交,你 你 会 ...    j Buy the car and drive the same / 照常买车和开车 k l m n j Buy the car and drive more / 买车并开车更多 k l m n j Buy the car but drive less / 买车而开车更少 k l m n           j Take the bus more / 不买车而更多用公共汽车 k l m n    j Take the metro more / 不买车而更多用地铁 k l m n     j Ride a bike or walk more / 不买车而更多其自行车或者走路 k l m n     Page 12  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class Basic Information     53. How old are you? / 你 多大年 多大年纪 纪?    n 13 岁 j k l m 或者更小   j 14 岁 k l m n     j 15 岁 k l m n     j 16 岁 k l m n  j 17 岁 k l m n        j 18 岁 k l m n  j 19 岁 k l m n     j 20 岁 k l m n        j 21 岁 k l m n     j 22 岁 k l m n  j 23 岁 k l m n 或者更大   54. What year of school are you in? / 你 现 在上几年 在上几年级 级? j Junior  k l m n  j Junior  k l m n  1 / 初一   2 / 初二   j Junior  k l m n 3 / 初三   j Senior  k l m n  j Senior  k l m n  1 / 高一   j Senior  k l m n  2 / 高二   j Freshman /  k l m n 大一   3 / 高三   j Sophomore /  k l m n 大二   j Junior /  k l m n 大三   55. What is your gender? / 你 的性 的性别 别 是 ___? ? j Male / 男性 k l m n        j Female / 女性 k l m n  56. What is the monthly income of your family home? If you aren’t sure, make your best estimate. / 你 的家庭月收入大 的家庭月收入大概 概 是多少?    j 2000 元或者更少 k l m n     j 2000 元到6000 元 k l m n     j 6000 元到10000 元 k l m n  j 15000 元或者更多 k l m n        j 10000 元到15000 元 k l m n  57. How many people live in your family home? / 包括 包括你 你 自己, 自己,你 你 的家庭有几 的家庭有几个 个 人? j 2个 k l m n j 3个 k l m n           j 4个 k l m n     j 6 个或者更多 k l m n     j 5个 k l m n  58. Does your family own a car? / 你 的家庭 的家庭拥 拥 有一 有一辆车吗 辆车吗 辆车吗? ?       j Yes / 有 k l m n  j No / 没有 k l m n  59. What type of home does your family live in? / 你 的住房是什 的住房是什么 么 类 型的?    j Danwei / 单位 k l m n    j Villa / 别墅 k l m n  j Apartment in city / 公寓在城市 k l m n     j apartment in a small city k l m n    j Apartment in suburbs / 公寓在郊区 k l m n     j house in the countryside or village k l m n     Other / 其他   60. Does your family rent or own your house? / 你 家庭的住房是租的 家庭的住房是租的还 还 是 买 的?    j Rent / 租房 k l m n     j Bought / 买的 k l m n  Page 13  Value, Aspiration, and Policy: How (and Why) Tomorrow's Middle Class 61. What district is your home in? / 你 家庭 家庭处 处 于 哪 个 城市 城市区 区? j Futian / 福田 k l m n           j Bao’an / 宝安 k l m n     j Dapeng /大鹏 k l m n    j Luohu / 罗湖 k l m n     j Longgang / 龙岗 k l m n    j Longhua / 龙华 k l m n    j Nanshan / 南山 k l m n  j Guangming / 光明 k l m n     j Yantian / 盐田 k l m n  j Pingshan / 坪山 k l m n     62. How many hours each week do you watch TV shows or movies? / 每 星期 星期你 你 看 电视 电视或者 或者 电 影的 影的频 频 率是?    j 2 or less / 2或者更少 k l m n          j 10 -15 hours/小时 k l m n  j 25 -30 hours/小时 k l m n     j 2 -6 hours/小时 k l m n     j 15 -20 hours/小时 k l m n    j 6 -10 hours/小时 k l m n  j 30 or more / 30小时或者更多 k l m n     j 20 -25 hours/小时 k l m n  63. Have you ever had a job outside your home? / 你 有曾 有曾经 经 有外工作的 有外工作的经历吗 经历吗 经历吗? ?       j Yes / 有 k l m n  j No / 没有 k l m n  64. Do you live on campus? / 你 住在 住在你 你 的大 的大学 学校园里吗?    j Yes / 有 k l m n     j No / 没有 k l m n  65. What province is your home in? 你 家庭 家庭处 处 于 哪 个 地方? 6    Page 14  

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