West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL) (38th : 2020)

Do children know WHanything? : Acquisition of wh-ambiguity in Mandarin Yang, Yu'an; Goodhue, Daniel; Hacquard, Valentine; Lidz, Jeffrey 2020

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Do children know WHanything?Acquisition of wh-ambiguity in MandarinYu’an Yang, Daniel Goodhue, Valentine Hacquard, Jeffrey LidzWCCFL 20201/56Wh-indefinites in Mandarin(1) XiaoxiaoXiaoxiaojintiantodaymeinegchieatshenmewhata. Interrogative: “What didn’t Xiaoxiao eat today?”b. Indefinite: “Xiaoxiao didn’t eat anything today.”2/56Learning problemI Wh-indefinites are extremely rare in adult input:Fan 2012, Zhou 2013, Lin et al. 20143/56Learning problemContexts Count (%)As wh-questions 976 (97.7%)Total 999Table 1: Distribution of shenme “what” in child-directed Mandarin(Based on Lin 2017, Appendix A)4/56Learning problemContexts Count (%)As wh-questions 976 (97.7%)As universals (e.g. with dou) 2 (0.2%)In conditionals 3 (0.3%)In polar questions 3 (0.3%)In imperfectives 9 (0.9%)In imperatives 2 (0.4%)In epistemic contexts 4 (0.4%)Total 999Table 1: Distribution of shenme “what” in child-directed Mandarin(Based on Lin 2017, Appendix A)4/56Learning problemContexts Count (%)As wh-questions 976 (97.7%)As universals (e.g. with dou) 2 (0.2%)In conditionals 3 (0.3%)In polar questions 3 (0.3%)In imperfectives 9 (0.9%)In imperatives 2 (0.4%)In epistemic contexts 4 (0.4%)Under negation 0With root modals 0In positive episodic sentences 0Total 999Table 1: Distribution of shenme “what” in child-directed Mandarin(Based on Lin 2017, Appendix A)4/56Learning problemWith limited exposure, how do children acquire the indefiniteinterpretation?5/56Two proposalsAll-at-once hypothesisI Proposal: Children acquirewh-indefinites early, and theycan generalize thisinterpretation to allappropriate environments;I Evidence: 4.5-year-oldscorrectly assign the indefiniteinterpretation in variousenvironments, including onesthey have virtually noexposure to.Zhou 2013, Zhou et al. 2012, Zhou 2011, Zhou &Crain 2009Bit-by-bit hypothesisI Proposal: Children buildeach licensing environmentone by one, and graduallyexpand the set of licensingcontexts for wh-indefinites.I Evidence: Children do notproduce wh-indefinitesconsistently until 4.5, andonly in limitedenvironmentsLin 2017, Lin et al. 20146/56Two proposalsAll-at-once hypothesisI Proposal: Children acquirewh-indefinites early, and theycan generalize thisinterpretation to allappropriate environments;I Evidence: 4.5-year-oldscorrectly assign the indefiniteinterpretation in variousenvironments, including onesthey have virtually noexposure to.Zhou 2013, Zhou et al. 2012, Zhou 2011, Zhou &Crain 2009Bit-by-bit hypothesisI Proposal: Children buildeach licensing environmentone by one, and graduallyexpand the set of licensingcontexts for wh-indefinites.I Evidence: Children do notproduce wh-indefinitesconsistently until 4.5, andonly in limitedenvironmentsLin 2017, Lin et al. 20146/56Two proposalsAll-at-once hypothesisI Proposal: Children acquirewh-indefinites early, and theycan generalize thisinterpretation to allappropriate environments;I Evidence: 4.5-year-oldscorrectly assign the indefiniteinterpretation in variousenvironments, including onesthey have virtually noexposure to.Zhou 2013, Zhou et al. 2012, Zhou 2011, Zhou &Crain 2009Bit-by-bit hypothesisI Proposal: Children buildeach licensing environmentone by one, and graduallyexpand the set of licensingcontexts for wh-indefinites.I Evidence: Children do notproduce wh-indefinitesconsistently until 4.5, andonly in limitedenvironmentsLin 2017, Lin et al. 20146/56Two proposalsAll-at-once hypothesisI Proposal: Children acquirewh-indefinites early, and theycan generalize thisinterpretation to allappropriate environments;I Evidence: 4.5-year-oldscorrectly assign the indefiniteinterpretation in variousenvironments, including onesthey have virtually noexposure to.Zhou 2013, Zhou et al. 2012, Zhou 2011, Zhou &Crain 2009Bit-by-bit hypothesisI Proposal: Children buildeach licensing environmentone by one, and graduallyexpand the set of licensingcontexts for wh-indefinites.I Evidence: Children do notproduce wh-indefinitesconsistently until 4.5, andonly in limitedenvironmentsLin 2017, Lin et al. 20146/56Two proposalsAll-at-once hypothesisI Proposal: Children acquirewh-indefinites early, and theycan generalize thisinterpretation to allappropriate environments;I Evidence: 4.5-year-oldscorrectly assign the indefiniteinterpretation in variousenvironments, including onesthey have virtually noexposure to.Zhou 2013, Zhou et al. 2012, Zhou 2011, Zhou &Crain 2009Bit-by-bit hypothesisI Proposal: Children buildeach licensing environmentone by one, and graduallyexpand the set of licensingcontexts for wh-indefinites.I Evidence: Children do notproduce wh-indefinitesconsistently until 4.5, andonly in limitedenvironmentsLin 2017, Lin et al. 20146/56ProblemsAll-at-once hypothesisI Evidence from 4.5 yearsold may not be able tosupport the strong claim;I The bit-by-bit hypothesisagrees that childrenmight have acquiredwh-indefinites by thenBit-by-bit hypothesis7/56ProblemsAll-at-once hypothesisI Evidence from 4.5 yearsold may not be able tosupport the strong claim;I The bit-by-bit hypothesisagrees that childrenmight have acquiredwh-indefinites by thenBit-by-bit hypothesisI Linking hypothesis:Production → KnowledgeI But even adults do notproduce wh-indefinites veryfrequently, so the lack ofproduction by children before4.5 may not be able to reflecttheir knowledge.7/56ProblemsAll-at-once hypothesisI Evidence from 4.5 yearsold may not be able tosupport the strong claim;I The bit-by-bit hypothesisagrees that childrenmight have acquiredwh-indefinites by thenBit-by-bit hypothesisI Linking hypothesis:Production → KnowledgeI But even adults do notproduce wh-indefinites veryfrequently, so the lack ofproduction by children before4.5 may not be able to reflecttheir knowledge.We need to look at a younger range, and look at children’sinterpretation instead of production, to test the predictions ofthese two hypotheses properly.7/56This study1. Do 3yo know the indefinite interpretation of shenme “what”?→ Exp 12. Do 3yo know the indefinite interpretation of shenme inenvironments they have no exposure to? → Exp 28/56This study1. Do 3yo know the indefinite interpretation of shenme “what”?→ Exp 12. Do 3yo know the indefinite interpretation of shenme inenvironments they have no exposure to? → Exp 2All-at-once hypothesis:I Yes!I Yes!Bit-by-bit hypothesis:I No!I No!8/56This study1. Do 3yo know the indefinite interpretation of shenme “what”?→ Exp 12. Do 3yo know the indefinite interpretation of shenme inenvironments they have no exposure to? → Exp 2All-at-once hypothesis:I Yes!I Yes!Bit-by-bit hypothesis:I No!I No!Spoilers: our results support the All-at-once hypothesis8/56Exp 1: with dou(2) LiliLilishenmewhatdoudouchieatle.asp“Lili ate everything”I The contribution of particle dou is heavily debated; in thisstudy, we use one feature of dou when it occurs withwh-words:I When shenme linearly precedes the particle dou, the onlyinterpretation available is the indefinite oneCheng 1995, Li 1995, Huang 1996, Wu 1999, Dong 2009, Xiang 2008, Liu to appear,Xiang 2019, among many others9/56Exp 1 dou: Question-Statement TaskI How do we test people’s interpretation of wh-words?I Problem: The two interpretations of wh-words change thespeech act of the whole sentence!I Question-Statement TaskI We use participants’ responses to infer their perceived speechacts and their interpretation of shenme:I Indefinite interpretation - statement - 3yes/no-responsesI Interrogative interpretation - wh-question - 7yes/no-responses10/56Exp 1 dou: Question-Statement TaskI How do we test people’s interpretation of wh-words?I Problem: The two interpretations of wh-words change thespeech act of the whole sentence!I Question-Statement TaskI We use participants’ responses to infer their perceived speechacts and their interpretation of shenme:I Indefinite interpretation - statement - 3yes/no-responsesI Interrogative interpretation - wh-question - 7yes/no-responses10/56Exp 1 dou: Question-Statement TaskI How do we test people’s interpretation of wh-words?I Problem: The two interpretations of wh-words change thespeech act of the whole sentence!I Question-Statement TaskI We use participants’ responses to infer their perceived speechacts and their interpretation of shenme:I Indefinite interpretation - statement - 3yes/no-responsesI Interrogative interpretation - wh-question - 7yes/no-responses10/56Exp 1 dou: Question-Statement TaskI How do we test people’s interpretation of wh-words?I Problem: The two interpretations of wh-words change thespeech act of the whole sentence!I Question-Statement TaskI We use participants’ responses to infer their perceived speechacts and their interpretation of shenme:I Indefinite interpretation - statement - 3yes/no-responsesI Interrogative interpretation - wh-question - 7yes/no-responses10/56Exp 1 dou: Question-Statement TaskI How do we test people’s interpretation of wh-words?I Problem: The two interpretations of wh-words change thespeech act of the whole sentence!I Question-Statement TaskI We use participants’ responses to infer their perceived speechacts and their interpretation of shenme:I Indefinite interpretation - statement - 3yes/no-responsesI Interrogative interpretation - wh-question - 7yes/no-responses10/56Exp 1 dou: Question-Statement TaskI This is Xiaoxiao!I We are going to tell her some stories.I Let’s ask her to turn around so shecan’t see.I But she can talk to you to find outabout the pictures on the screen!11/56Exp 1 dou: Story IFigure 1: Teacher Kangaroo explains the winning condition: pack allthree things in a box12/56Exp 1 dou: Story IIFigure 2: The three competitors are getting ready to pack!13/56Exp 1 dou: Story IIFigure 3: They packed packed packed...now they are ready!14/56Exp 1 dou: Story IVFigure 4: The critical trial (two-out-of-three condition)15/56Exp 1 dou: Sentences (between-subject)[+dou](3) XiaoyangLambshenmewhatdoudoufangputzaiinxiangzi-libox-locleasp“Little lamb packed everything in the box.”[-dou](4) XiaoyangLambbabashenmewhat∅ fangputzaiinxiangziliboxleasp“What did Little Lamb pack in the box?”16/56Exp 1 dou: Scenarios (within-subject)[+dou] “Lamb packed everything!”[-dou] “What did Lamb pack?”Two-out-of-three scenario:[+dou] “No!”[-dou] “Apple and pear!”Three-out-of-three scenario:[+dou] “Yes!” [-dou] “Air-plane, watermelon, banana!”17/56Reminder: Rationale of the taskWe use participants’ response to infer their perceived speech actsand their interpretation of shenme:I Interrogative interpretation - wh-question - 7yes/no-responsesI Indefinite interpretation - statement - 3yes/no-responses18/56Exp 1 measure: % of yes/no-responseTo respond to a statement, one can use the followingyes/no-markers:19/56Exp 1 measure: % of yes/no-responseTo respond to wh-questions, one can NOT use utterances withyes/no-markers:20/56Exp 1 measure: % of yes/no-responseTo respond to wh-questions, one have to name the items in thebox:21/56Exp 1 expected responses: summary[+dou](5) XiaoyangLambshenmewhatdoudoufangputzaiinxiangzi-libox-locleasp“Lamb packed every-thing in the box.”3yes/no-response[-dou](6) XiaoyangLambbabashenmewhat∅ fangputzaiinxiangziliboxleasp“What did Little Lambpack in the box?”7yes/no-response22/56Exp 1 expected responses: summaryExactly what adults did (n=32):22/56Exp 1 dou: Practice, fillersI 3 practice stories to get in the habit of talking to XiaoxiaoI At testing phase: 4 critical trials, 8 filler trials.I Filler sentences include: 2 how-many questions, 2 polarquestions, 2 true statements and 2 false statements to balancethe number of questions, yes-responses and no-responses.23/56Exp 1 dou: ParticipantsI 36 children (3;0;17-4;0;0, mean = 3;9, 18 female)I 4 children quit before moving on to the testing phaseI 32 adultsI Participants’ performance was recorded, and then theirutterances were transcribed and coded based on the recording.24/56Exp 1 dou: resultsFigure 5: The percentage of yes/no-responses by adults and children tosentences with/without dou25/56Exp 1 dou: resultsTypical response in [+dou] condition:(7) XiaoxiaoXiaoxiaoninishuosaycuowrongleasp“Xiaoxiao you are wrong.” Child participant #107Typical response in [-dou] condition:(8) YouHavepingguoappleheandli.pear“There’s an apple and a pear.” Child participant #13026/56Exp 1 dou: DiscussionI 3yo indeed know the indefinite interpretation of shenme!I 3All-at-once hypothesisI 7Bit-by-bit hypothesisI But the bit-by-bit hypothesis can say this little exposuremight be enough:I We need to look at another environment:27/56Exp 1 dou: DiscussionI 3yo indeed know the indefinite interpretation of shenme!I 3All-at-once hypothesisI 7Bit-by-bit hypothesisI But the bit-by-bit hypothesis can say this little exposuremight be enough:Contexts Count (%)In the restriction of universals (e.g. dou) 2 (0.2%)In (bare) conditional clauses 3 (0.3%)In polar questions 3 (0.3%)In imperfectives 9 (0.9%)In imperatives 2 (0.4%)In epistemic uncertainty contexts 4 (0.4%)Under negation 0With root modals 0In positive episodic sentences 0I We need to look at another environment:27/56Exp 1 dou: DiscussionI 3yo indeed know the indefinite interpretation of shenme!I 3All-at-once hypothesisI 7Bit-by-bit hypothesisI But the bit-by-bit hypothesis can say this little exposuremight be enough:I We need to look at another environment:27/56Exp 1 dou: DiscussionI 3yo indeed know the indefinite interpretation of shenme!I 3All-at-once hypothesisI 7Bit-by-bit hypothesisI But the bit-by-bit hypothesis can say this little exposuremight be enough:I We need to look at another environment:Contexts Count (%)In the restriction of universals 2 (0.2%)In (bare) conditional clauses 3 (0.3%)In polar questions 3 (0.3%)In imperfectives 9 (0.9%)In imperatives 2 (0.4%)In epistemic uncertainty contexts 4 (0.4%)Under negation 0With root modals 0In positive episodic sentences 027/56Exp 2: under negI Special feature of negated sentences: the two interpretationsof shenme are string-identical, and disambiguated by prosody:(9) XiaoxiaoXiaoxiaojintiantodaymeinegchieatshenmewhata. Interrogative: “What didn’t Xiaoxiao eat today?”b. Indefinite: “Xiaoxiao didn’t eat anything today.”28/56Exp 2 under neg: prosodyInterrogative:Indefinite:29/56Exp 2 under neg: prosodyInterrogative: [+Prominence]Indefinite: [-Prominence]Hu 2002, Dong 2009, Zhou et al. 2012, Liu et al. 2016, Yang 201830/56Exp 2: ConditionsI Same set-up as Exp 1.I Use bare indefinite NP shuiguo “fruits” as a comparison.31/56Exp 2: ConditionsBetween subject, 2*2:Xiaoyang mei zhuang ... +Prominence −Prominenceshenme What didn’t LittleLamb pack?Little Lamb didn’tpack anything.shuiguo Little Lamb didn’tpack fruits.Little Lamb didn’tpack any fruits.32/56Exp 2: % of yes/no responses33/56Exp 2: % of yes/no responses34/56Exp 2: other responses35/56Exp 2: other responses36/56Exp 2 responses: summaryXiaoyang mei zhuang...[+Prominence] [−Prominence]shenme 7yes/no-responses 3yes/no-responsesshuiguo 3yes/no-responses 3yes/no-responses37/56Exp 2 responses: summaryXiaoyang mei zhuang ... +Prominence −Prominenceshenme 7yes/no-responses 3yes/no-responsesshuiguo 3yes/no-responses 3yes/no-responsesAdults (n=56) behaved exactly like this:38/56Exp 2 responses: summaryXiaoyang mei zhuang ... +Prominence −Prominenceshenme 7yes/no-responses 3yes/no-responsesshuiguo 3yes/no-responses 3yes/no-responsesAdults (n=56) behaved exactly like this:38/56Exp 2: ParticipantsI 56 children (3;0;26-3;11;28, mean = 3;8, 35 female)I 56 adultsI Same fillers and practices as Exp 139/56Exp 2: resultsFigure 6: The percentage of yes/no-responses by adults and children towh/NP with/without prominence40/56Exp 2: responsesTypical response to shenme + prominence:(10) Xiaoqiche.Car“A car.” Child participant #281Typical response to shenme - prominence:(11) Bu dui,neg right,fang-leput-asppingguo.apple“Wrong, she packed an apple.” Child participant #23341/56Exp 2: DiscussionI 3yo know the indefinite interpretation of shenme in anenvironment they have virtually no exposure to42/56ConclusionI 3yo know the indefinite interpretation of shenme in anenvironment they have very little exposure to (dou)I ...and in an environment they have virtually no exposure to (innegated sentence).43/56ConclusionI 3yo know the indefinite interpretation of shenme in anenvironment they have very little exposure to (dou)I ...and in an environment they have virtually no exposure to (innegated sentence).43/56General DiscussionAll-at-once hypothesisI Children can generalize theirknowledge aboutwh-indefinites to allappropriate environments,even ones they do not haveexposure to.Bit-by-bit hypothesisI Children build eachlicensing environment oneby one, and graduallyexpand the set of licensingcontexts for wh-indefinites.44/56General DiscussionAll-at-once hypothesisI Children can generalize theirknowledge aboutwh-indefinites to allappropriate environments,even ones they do not haveexposure to.3Bit-by-bit hypothesisI Children build eachlicensing environment oneby one, and graduallyexpand the set of licensingcontexts for wh-indefinites.44/56General DiscussionAll-at-once hypothesisI Children can generalize theirknowledge aboutwh-indefinites to allappropriate environments,even ones they do not haveexposure to.3Bit-by-bit hypothesisI Children build eachlicensing environment oneby one, and graduallyexpand the set of licensingcontexts for wh-indefinites.Production ; Knowledge44/56What’s next?I The All-at-once Hypothesis is a strong hypothesis! What kindof knowledge prompts kids to generalize?I The distribution of wh-indefinites in different languages vary;I E.g. while wh-indefinites in Mandarin behave like modalindefinites, in German they are restricted to VPs; in Japanese,morphological markers (e.g. -mo) are required; in some Mayanlanguages (e.g. Chuj), they are restricted to post-verbalpositions.I We need more data from other languages to develop a richergrammatical theory on the syntax and semantics ofwh-indefinites to help us understand why Mandarin childrenare so ready to make the generalization.Roelofsen et al. 2019, Kotek and Erlewine 2016, Alonso-Ovalle & Shimoyama 2014,Haida 2008, Shimoyama 2001, Bhat 2000, Haspelmath 199745/56What’s next?I The All-at-once Hypothesis is a strong hypothesis! What kindof knowledge prompts kids to generalize?I The distribution of wh-indefinites in different languages vary;I E.g. while wh-indefinites in Mandarin behave like modalindefinites, in German they are restricted to VPs; in Japanese,morphological markers (e.g. -mo) are required; in some Mayanlanguages (e.g. Chuj), they are restricted to post-verbalpositions.I We need more data from other languages to develop a richergrammatical theory on the syntax and semantics ofwh-indefinites to help us understand why Mandarin childrenare so ready to make the generalization.Roelofsen et al. 2019, Kotek and Erlewine 2016, Alonso-Ovalle & Shimoyama 2014,Haida 2008, Shimoyama 2001, Bhat 2000, Haspelmath 199745/56What’s next?I The All-at-once Hypothesis is a strong hypothesis! What kindof knowledge prompts kids to generalize?I The distribution of wh-indefinites in different languages vary;I E.g. while wh-indefinites in Mandarin behave like modalindefinites, in German they are restricted to VPs; in Japanese,morphological markers (e.g. -mo) are required; in some Mayanlanguages (e.g. Chuj), they are restricted to post-verbalpositions.I We need more data from other languages to develop a richergrammatical theory on the syntax and semantics ofwh-indefinites to help us understand why Mandarin childrenare so ready to make the generalization.Roelofsen et al. 2019, Kotek and Erlewine 2016, Alonso-Ovalle & Shimoyama 2014,Haida 2008, Shimoyama 2001, Bhat 2000, Haspelmath 199745/56What’s next?I The All-at-once Hypothesis is a strong hypothesis! What kindof knowledge prompts kids to generalize?I The distribution of wh-indefinites in different languages vary;I E.g. while wh-indefinites in Mandarin behave like modalindefinites, in German they are restricted to VPs; in Japanese,morphological markers (e.g. -mo) are required; in some Mayanlanguages (e.g. Chuj), they are restricted to post-verbalpositions.I We need more data from other languages to develop a richergrammatical theory on the syntax and semantics ofwh-indefinites to help us understand why Mandarin childrenare so ready to make the generalization.Roelofsen et al. 2019, Kotek and Erlewine 2016, Alonso-Ovalle & Shimoyama 2014,Haida 2008, Shimoyama 2001, Bhat 2000, Haspelmath 199745/56Thanks!To the children, teachers, directors, andparents at:I Hong Ying School, TangjialingI Xinglinwan Preschool associated withChinese Academy of ScienceI Shangzhuang Science Park PreschoolI Yiming Preschool, ShangzhuangI Xintongxin Kindergarten, Chengde46/56Thanks!To audiences at:I UMD Acquisition Lab Meetings,especiallyAnouk Dieuleveut, Mina Hirzel, TylerKnowlton, Hisao Kurokami, AdamLiter, Tara Mease, Laurel Perkins,Alexander Williams, Jiaobao ZhangI LSLT at UMD, especially ShevaunLewisI Workshop on Theoretical andExperimental Linguistics at TsinghuaUniversity, especiallyLiu Mingming, Li Haoze, Li Yafei,Yang Xiaolu, Yang Yang, Zhou PengI MAPLL-TCP-TL at Kobe UniversityI You!46/56Questions?I Slides are posted online at:yu-an.github.io/projectsI You can also email me:yuanyang@umd.edu47/56Bibliography IAlonso-Ovalle, Luis & Junko Shimoyama (2014). Expressing ignorance in the nominaldomain: Japanese wh-ka. Proceedings of the 31st West Coast Conference onFormal Linguistics, 11–20.Bhat, D. N. S (2000). The indefinite-interrogative puzzle. Linguistic Typology 4,365–400.Cheng, Lisa L.-S. (1995). On dou-quantification. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 4:3,197–234.Dong, Hongyuan (2009). Issues in the Semantics of Mandarin Questions. Ph.D. thesis,Cornell University.Fan, Li (2012). The interrogative and non-interrogative use of Mandarin wh-words inchildren at early age Ertong zaoqi yuyan zhong yiwenci de yiwen he feiyiwenyongfa. TSCOL Studies 45, 87–97.Haida, Andreas (2008). The indefiniteness and focusing of wh-words. Semantics andLinguistic Theory 18.Haspelmath, Martin (1997). Indefinite Pronouns. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Hu, Fang (2002). A prosodic analysis of wh-words in Standard Chinese. SpeechProsody 2002, 403–406.Huang, Shi-Zhe (1996). Quantification and predication in Mandarin Chinese: A casestudy of dou. Ph.D. thesis, University of Pennsylvania.48/56Bibliography IILi, Jie (1995). Dou and Wh-Questions in Mandarin Chinese. Journal of East AsianLinguistics 4, 313–323.Lin, Jing (2017). Distributionally constrained items in child language: the acquisitionof superweak npi shenme ‘a/some’in mandarin chinese. Glossa: a journal of generallinguistics 2.Lin, Jing, Fred Weerman & Hedde Zeijlstra (2014). Mandarin SHENME as asuperweak NPI. Hoeksema, Jack & Dicky Gilbers (eds.), Black book: A festschriftin honor of Frans Zwarts, University of Groningen, Groningen, 229–251.Liu, Mingming (to appear). Universal wh’s in Mandarin. Proceedings North EastLinguistic Society (NELS) 49, GSLA: Amherst, MA.Liu, Xuefei, Aijun Li & Yuan Jia (2016). How does prosody distinguish wh-statementfrom wh-question? a case study of standard chinese. Proceedings of SpeechProsody, 1076–1080.Roelofsen, Floris, Sabine Iatridou & Kees Hengeveld (2019). Quexistentials and focus.Shimoyama, Junko (2001). Wh-constructions in Japanese. Ph.D. thesis, University ofMassachusetts, Amherst.Wu, Jianxin (1999). Syntax and semantics of quantification in Chinese. Ph.D. thesis,University of Maryland at College Park.49/56Bibliography IIIXiang, Ming (2008). Plurality, maximality and scalar inferences: a case study ofmandarin dou. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 17, 227–245.Xiang, Yimei (2019). Function alternations of the mandarin particle dou: Distributor,free choice licensor, and ‘even’. Journal of Semantics, To appear .Yang, Yang (2018). The two sides of Wh-indeterminates in Mandarin: a prosodic andprocessing account. Ph.D. thesis, Leiden University, Utrecht.Zhou, Peng (2011). Interface conditions in child language: A view from MandarinChinese. Ph.D. thesis, Macquarie University.Zhou, Peng (2013). Children’s knowledge of wh-quantification in Mandarin Chinese.Applied Psycholinguistics 1–25.Zhou, Peng & Stephen Crain (2009). Scope assignment in child language: Evidencefrom the acquisition of Chinese. Lingua 119:7, 973–988.Zhou, Peng, Yi Esther Su, Stephen Crain, Liqun Gao & Likan Zhan (2012). Children’suse of phonological information in ambiguity resolution: A view from mandarinchinese. Journal of Child Language 39:4, 687–730.50/56Exp 1 dou: prosody[+dou][-dou]51/56Exp 2 under neg: prosodyshenme [+Prominence]shenme [-Prominence]52/56Exp 2 under neg: prosodyshuiguo [+Prominence]shuiguo [-Prominence]53/56Exp 2: The 3-item requirementFor some speakers, shenme under negcan be inter-preted as “not much” instead of “not anything”:(12) XiaoyangLambmeinegfangputshenmewhatzaiinxiangzili.box-loc“Little Lamb didn’t put much in the box.”Ding et al. 1961, Chao 1968, Zhu 1982, Lv 1985, Huang and Crain 2014 among others54/56Exp 2: % of yes/no responses55/56

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