West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL) (38th : 2020)

Agreement Insulators and Quantifier Float Takahashi, Shoichi 2020

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Agreement Insulators and Quantifier Float Shoichi Takahashi (Aoyama Gakuin University: s_takahashi@alum.mit.edu) 	1. An overview (1)  Bošković’s (2004:685) generalization: Quantifiers cannot be floated in θ-positions. (2)  Evidence for (1):  a.  *The students completely [vP all understood].     b.  *The students were [VP arrested all].  (Bošković 2004:682, 685) Ÿ An Agreement Insulator (AI) analysis   - The first component: Quantifiers (Qs) have φ-features.   - The second component: stranding approaches (e.g., Sportiche 1988) (3)  The AI analysis of (2a): [TP _____ T[φ] completely [vP [QP[φ] all [DP[φ] the students]] understood]]    (4)  Q-float in non-θ-positions: The students seem all to know French.  (Bošković 2004:681)  - The third component: late merger of Qs (Bošković 2004) (5)  The AI analysis of (4):  a.  [TP T[φ] seem [TP [DP[φ] the students] to know Fr.]] → late merger of all    b.  [TP T seem [TP [QP all [DP the students]] to know Fr.]] → DP-movement    c.  [TP [DP the students]1 T seem [TP [QP all t1] to know French]]   Late merger of a Q must be inapplicable in (2). See section 4 for a way to regulate late merger.   2. A penetrability effect: Relevance of late merger (6)  The AI analysis:  a.  [XP X ... [QP Q [DP]] ...] → Q-float is impossible.    b. [XP X ... [DP] ...] → Q-float is possible if a Q is late merged after agreement.    A Q does not exist at the point of agreement in Q-float. Thus we should find   an agreement pattern in Q-float that we do not observe in non-Q-float.   (7)  A DP is marked with genitive Case in non-Q-float, which suggests that T agrees with a QP:   kull-u  ṭ-ṭullaab-i  žaa−-uu.  (Standard Arabic (SA))  (Benmamoun 1999:623)  all-NOM the-students-GEN come.PAST-3MP   ‘All the students came.’    (8)  A DP is marked with nominative Case in Q-float, which suggests that T agrees with the DP:   ṭ-ṭullaab-u  kaan-uu  kull-u-hum  ya-drus-uun.   (SA)  (Benmamoun 1999:627)   the-students-NOM  be.PAST-3MP  all-NOM-them 3-study-MP   ‘The students were all studying.’     (9)  Resumption remedies a violation induced by extraction:   l-wəld1  lli  ža  [7amm *(-u1)]  (Moroccan Arabic)   the-boy  that  come.PAST.3MS  uncle  (-his)   ‘the boy whose uncle came’   (Benmamoun 1999:629)  3. Relevance of agreement 3.1 φ-agreement and Q-float A prediction:  Given (3), if relevant movement involves no φ-agreement, Q-float should  be possible in θ-positions.   (10)  Optional φ-agreement:   P’jat’  detej  opozdali  /  opozdalo.  five  children.GEN.PL.  arrived late.MASC.PL.  /  arrived late.NEUT.SG.   ‘The five children arrived late. / Five children arrived late.’    (Madariaga 2007:276)  (11)  Lack of φ-agreement in Q-float:  Detej  *opozdali  / opozdalo  p’jat’.   children.GEN.PL.  arrived late.MASC.PL. /  arrived late.NEUT.SG. five       (ibid.:276)  3.2 Ā-movement and Q-float West Ulster English (12)  An A/Ā-contrast in Q- float in θ-positions:  a.  *They were arrested all last night.    b.   Who was arrested all in Duke St.?  (McCloskey 2000:72, 77) (13)  The analysis of (12b): [vP v [arrested [QP all [DP[wh] who]] in Duke St.]]   4. A plea for lexical array: Regulating late merger	 (14)  An impossible derivation of (2a):		 a.  [TP T[φ] completely [vP [DP[φ] the students] understood]] → late merger of all  b.  [TP T completely [vP [QP all [DP the students]] understood]]  - Lexical array (LA): a set of lexical items to build a structure   (Chomsky 2000)    subarray: a subset of an LA that contains exactly one phase head (i.e., C or v)  (15)  Two subarrays of the LA for (2a) minus all:  a.  the subarray for vP: {completely, the, students, v, understood}   b.  the subarray for CP: {C, T}   - all in (15a) → *(14a) because all must be used before constructing a structure at the CP level.  - all in (15b) → *(14b) because all is a lexical item for a structure at the CP level and cannot be    merged with a structure at the vP level.     - Back to raising to subject:  raising predicates do not combine with the kind of v that     constitutes its own subarray.  (16)  Two subarrays of the LA for (4):  a.  the subarray for vP: {the, students, v, know, French}   b.  the subarray for CP: {C, T, v, seem, all, to} è (1)	×× è *an A-over-A-        type constraint	But …	One implication: Merger can be interspersed between agreement and its accompanying movement.   	→ resumption as support for a stranding analysis (see Al Khalaf 2019 for the obligatoriness of  resumption in Q-float)  A prediction:   Arabic Russian	Late merger of all at the  CP level in (5b) is licit.  - Passives: passivized predicates combine with the kind of v that constitutes its own subarray.  (17)  One relevant difference between passivized and raising predicates:	  a.  passivized predicates: projecting an external argument (Baker et al. 1989)   b.  raising predicates: projecting no external argument  (18)  An impossible derivation of (2b):		 a.  [TP T were [vP arrested [DP the students]]] → late merger of all  b.  [TP T were [vP arrested [QP all [DP the students]]]] A ramification: unaccusatives may be more like passivized predicates than raising ones.  (19)  Illicit Q-float in θ-positions of unaccusatives:   *The students arrived all.  (Bošković 2004:682) If the AI analysis is successful, we should be able to characterize the distribution of Q-float without recourse to the notion “θ-positions.”  (20)  An alternative generalization:   *[XP _____ X ... [Ph ... H ... [QP Q [DP YP]] ...]], where H = a phase head that constitutes its    own subarray.	(21)  Epstein and Seely’s (2006:157) contrast in Q-float in non-θ-positions:  a.  ?The boys seem all to like pizza.   b.  ?*The boys are believed all to like pizza.    a possible challenge to adverbial approaches (Bobaljik 1995; Fitzpatrick 2006)  5. Conclusion Ÿ The AI analysis:  where relevant movement involves φ-agreement, Q-float is possible when both     (22a) and (22b) are met. (22)  a.  a Q is late merged with a DP after the DP φ-agrees with a head that attracts it.   b.  the DP and the head are phase-mates.  A consequence of (22a): movement of a QP is never allowed throughout the derivation of Q-float     (see Bošković 2004).   If a QP moves, it φ-agrees with some head and thus a DP within it cannot φ-agree with some   other head, due to the A-over-A-type constraint.  (23)  Antireconstruction in Q-float:   The students all don’t know French.  (*not>all)  (Bošković 2004:696; Dowty and Brodie 1984)  (24)  QP-movement produces narrow scope of all, but it violates the A-over-A-type constraint:   *[TP [DP the students]2 T [XP [QP all t2]1 don’t [vP [QP all [DP the students]]1 know French]]]  (25)  The AI analysis of (23): [TP T[φ] [XP [DP[φ] the students]1 don’t [vP t1 know Fr.]]] → late merger of all   Selected References: Bošković, Ž. 2004. Be careful where you float your quantifiers. NLLT 22:681-742.     Epstein, S. D., and T. D. Seely. 2006. Derivations in minimalism. CUP.  See (15) for why this is illicit.	See (16) and (15) for why (21a) is licit, but (21b) is not.	

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