1 ON MULTIPLE SLUICING IN JAPANESE Brian Agbayani and Toru Ishii California State University, Fresno and Meiji University WCCFL 38 University of British Columbia March 6, 2020 1. Introduction (1) Single Sluicing (Takahashi 1994; Kizu 1997; 2005; Kuwabara 1997; Merchant 1998; Fukaya 2003; Saito 2003) Mary-ga nanika-o katta sooda ga, boku-wa [ nani-o (da) ka] correlate remnant Mary-Nom something-Acc bought I.heard but I-Top what-Acc (be) Q siranai not.know ‘I heard Mary bought something, but I don’t know what.’ (2) Boku-wa [ Mary-ga nani-o katta ka] siranai I-Top Mary-Nom what-Acc bought Q not.know ‘I don’t know what Mary bought.’ (3) Multiple Sluicing Mary-ga dareka-ni nanika-o watasita sooda ga, Mary-Nom someone-Dat something-Acc gave I.heard but boku-wa [dare-ni nani-o (da) ka] siranai I-Top who-Dat what-Acc (be) Q not.know Lit. 'I heard Mary gave something to someone, but I don't know what to whom.' 2 (4) Boku-wa [ Mary-ga dare-ni nani-o watasita ka] siranai I-Top Mary-Nom who-Dat what-Acc gave Q not.know Lit. ‘I don’t know to whom what Mary gave.’ Roadmap: Section 2: Evidence against a syntactic movement analysis of Multiple Sluicing Section 3: A prosodic movement analysis of Multiple Sluicing Section 4: Conclusion 2. Against a Syntactic Movement Analysis of Multiple Sluicing. (5) Syntactic Movement Analyses of Multiple Sluicing a. Takahashi (1994), Takahashi and Lin (2012) Syntactic movement of an amalgamated wh-phrase b. Kuwabara (1996) Syntactic VP-clefting 2.1 Island Effects (6) Island Effects with Single Sluicing (Takahashi 1994, Kuwabara 1997, Fukaya 2003, Saito 2003)) a. *Boku-wa [ keisatu-ga [Complex NP [ Tanaka giin-ni kabuken-o okutta] I-Top police-Nom Rep. Takana-Dat stock-Acc gave otoko]-o taihosita no]-wa sitteiru ga, [ hokano dono giin-ni man-Acc arrested C Top know but else which representative-Dat (da) ka]-wa siranai (be) Q Top not.know 3 Lit. 'I know that the police arrested [the man who had given stocks to Rep. Tanaka], but I don't know to which other representative (the police arrested [the man who had given stocks e ]).’ (adapted from Fukaya 2003: 181) b. *Boku-wa [keisatsu-ga [Adjunct denryoku gaisya-ga Tanaka giin-ni I-Top police-Nom electric power company-Nom Rep. Tanaka-Dat kabuken-o okutta kara] soosasiteiru no]-wa sitteiru ga, stock-Acc gave because investigate C Top know but [ hokano dono giin-ni (da) ka]-wa siranai else which representative-Dat (be) Q Top not.know Lit. 'I know the police are making an investigation [because the electric power company gave stocks to Rep. Tanaka], but I don't know to which other representative (the police are making an investigation [because Rep. Tanaka gave stocks e ]).' (7) No Island Effects with Multiple Sluicing a. Boku-wa [ keisatu-ga [Complex NP [ Tanaka giin-ni kabuken-o okutta] I-Top police-Nom Rep. Takana-Dat bribe-Acc gave otoko]-o taihosita no]-wa sitteiru ga, [hokano dono giin-ni nani-o man-Acc arrested C Top know but else which Rep.-Dat what-Acc (da) ka]-wa siranai (be) Q Top not.know Lit. 'I know that the police arrested [the man who had given a bribe to Rep. Tanaka], but I don't know what, to which other Representative (the police arrested [the man who had given e e]).’ 4 b. Boku-wa [keisatsu-ga [Adjunct denryoku gaisya-ga Tanaka giin-ni I-Top police-Nom electric power company-Nom Rep. Tanaka-Dat kabuken-o okutta kara] soosasiteiru no]-wa sitteiru ga, stock-Acc gave because investigate C Top know but [ hokano dono giin-ni nani-o (da) ka]-wa siranai else which representative-Dat what-Acc (be) Q Top not.know Lit. 'I know the police are making an investigation [because the electric power company gave stocks to Rep. Tanaka], but I don't know what, to which other representative (the police are making an investigation [because Rep. Tanaka gave e e ]).' 2.2 Single/Multiple Sluicing with a Nominative Phrase Remnant (8) a. No Single Sluicing with a Nominative Phrase Remnant (Kizu 1997) ?* John-wa [dareka-ga sono hon-o katta to] itta sooda ga, John-Top someone-Nom that book-Acc bought C said I.heard but boku-wa [dare-ga ka] siranai I-Top who-Nom Q not.know Lit. ‘I heard John said someone bought that book, but I don’t know who (e bought that book).’ b. Multiple Sluicing with a Nominative Phrase Remnant John-wa [dareka-ga nanika-o katta to] itta sooda ga, John-Top someone-Nom something-Acc bought C said I.heard but boku-wa [dare-ga nani-o ka] siranai I-Top who-Nom what-Acc Q not.know 5 Lit. ‘I heard John said someone bought something, but I don’t know who what (e bought e).’ 2.3 Single/Multiple Sluicing with an Adjunct Remnant (9) a. No Single Sluicing with an Adjunct Remnant ?* Masukomi-wa [ Mary-ga [ Bill-ga sono okoto-ni wairo-o Mass.media-Top Mary-Nom Bill-Nom that man-Dat bribe-Acc donoyoona riyuu-de watasita to] syoogensita ka] siranai ga, what reason-for gave C witnessed Q not.know but boku-wa [donoyoona riyuu-de ka] sitteiru I-Top what reason-for Q know Lit. ‘The mass media don't know [Mary witnessed [Bill gave a bribe to that man for what reason]], but I know for what reason (Mary witnessed [Bill gave a bribe to that man e]).’ b. Multiple Sluicing with an Adjunct Remnant Masukomi-wa [ Mary-ga [ Bill-ga sono otoko-ni nani-o Mass.media-Top Mary-Nom Bill-Nom that man-Dat what-Acc donoyoona riyuu-de watasita to] syoogensita ka] siranai ga, some reason-for gave C witnessed Q not.know but boku-wa [nani-o donoyoona riyuu-de ka] sitteiru I-Top what-Acc what reason-for Q know Lit. ‘The mass media don't know [Mary witnessed [Bill gave what to that man for what reason]], but I know what, for what reason (Mary witnessed [Bill gave e to that man e]).’ 6 2.4 Single/Multiple Sluicing with a Negative Polarity Item (NPI) Remnant (10) a. No Single Sluicing with an NPI Remnant *John-wa [Bill-ga Suzy-ni mikan-o hitotumo age-nakatta to] itta ga, John-Top Bill-Nom Suzy-Dat orange-Acc one.even gave-not C said but Mary-wa [ ringo-o hitotumo to] itta Mary-Top apple-Acc one.even C said Lit. ‘John said that Bill didn't give any orange to Suzy, but Mary said that any apple (Bill didn't give e to Suzy).’ b. Multiple Sluicing with an NPI Remnant John-wa [Bill-ga Suzy-ni mikan-o hitotumo age-nakatta to] itta ga, John-Top [Bill-Nom Suzy-Dat orange-Acc one.even gave-not C said but Mary-wa [ Lily-ni ringo-o hitotumo to] itta Mary-Top L-Dat apple-Acc one.even C said Lit. ‘John said that Bill didn't give any orange to Suzy, but Mary said that any apple, to Lily (John didn't give e e).’ 2.5 Variable Binding (11) a. No Variable Binding with Single Sluicing ?* Mass komi-wa [Toyota-sae1-ga soko1-no kabunusi-ni Mass.media-Top Toyota-even-Nom that-Gen stockholder-Dat sikinenzyo-o yooseisita to] itta ga, financial support-Acc asked.for C said but seihu-wa [ soko1-no meinbanku-ni to] itta government-Top that-Gen main.bank-Dat C said 7 Lit. 'The mass media said that even Toyota1 asked its1 stockholders for financial support, but the government said that its1 main bank (even Toyota asked e for financial support).' b. Variable Binding with Multiple Sluicing Mass komi-wa [ Toyota-sae1-ga soko1-no kabunusi-ni Mass.media-Top Toyota-even-Nom that-Gen stockholder-Dat sikinenzyo-o yooseisita to] itta ga, financial support-Acc asked.for C said but seihu-wa [ soko1-no meinbanku-ni yakuinhaken-o to] itta government-Top that-Gen main.bank-Dat dispatch.executive-Acc C said Lit. 'The mass media said that even Toyota1 asked its1 stockholders for financial support, but the government said that its1 main bank, for a dispatch executive (even Toyota asked e e).' 3. A Proposal (12) Sluicing as a “Concealed Cleft” (Kuwabara 1997; Merchant 1998; Saito 2003) ... boku-wa [[Mary-ga e katta no]-wa nani-o (da) ka] siranai I-Top Mary-Nom bought C-Top what-Acc (be) Q not.know Lit. ‘I don’t know that it is what Mary bought.’ 3.1 An Analysis of Single/Multiple Cleft (13) Material for Cleft is targeted within syntax, and is moved either in syntax or phonology. 8 (14) a. If the targeted material can undergo Cleft syntactically, it does; b. If the targeted material is not a single syntactic XP eligible for Cleft, then that material is packed into a prosodic constituent (through formation of a Major Phrase; cf. Itô & Mester 2013) and undergoes Prosodic Cleft to the right edge of an intonational phrase ι (corresponding to the presuppositional CP) at PF. (15) Syntactic Cleft bleeds Prosodic Cleft. (cf. Agbayani, Golston & Ishii 2015) (16) Earliness Principle (Pesetsky 1989) Satisfy principles as early as possible on the hierarchy of levels (DS) > SS > LF > LP. (17) Material targeted for Cleft must be a. non-predicative, b. maximal, and c. contained in a single constituent. (18) a. John-ga sono hon-o katta John-Nom that book-Acc bought ‘John bought that book.’ b. * [John-ga sita no]-wa sono hon-o kau da John-Nom did C Top that book-Acc buy be Lit. ‘It is buy that book that John did.’ (19) a. John-ga Mary-ni sono hon-o yonde kureta John-Nom Mary-Dat that book-Acc read had ‘John had Mary read that book.’ b. * [John-ga Mary-ni (site) kureta no]-wa sono hon-o yonde da John-Nom Mary-Dat (do) had C Top that book-Acc read be Lit. ‘It is read that book that John had Mary (do).’ 9 (20) [NP- Dat] [NP-Acc] V no (Comp) wa(Top) Syntax ò ( ((.............)Φ (.............)Φ)MP )ɩ Phonology 3.2 An Analysis of Single/Multiple Sluicing (21) Multiple Sluicing Mary-ga dareka-ni nanika-o watasita sooda ga, Mary-Nom someone-Dat something-Acc gave I.heard but boku-wa [dare-ni nani-o (da) ka] siranai I-Top who-Dat what-Acc (be) Q not.know Lit. 'I heard Mary gave something to someone, but I don't know what to whom.' (22) Syntax (cf. Hiraiwa and Ishihara’s (2002, 2012) analysis of Cleft): a. boku-wa [TopP [FocP [CP ... [NP dare-ni] [NP nani-o] ... no] (da)] Top] ka I-Top who-Dat what-Acc C (be) Q siranai not.know - Topicalization of the presuppositional CP to the Spec of TopP -> b. boku-wa [TopP [CP...[NP dare-ni] [NP nani-o] ...no]-wa [FocP tCP (da)] Top] ka siranai Phonology: c. boku-wa (ι ... (MP (Φ ... ) (Φ .... )) ... no wa)ι (MP dare-ni nani-o) (da) ka siranai d. boku-wa (ι ... (MP (Φ ... ) (Φ .... )) ... no wa)ι (MP dare-ni nani-o) (da) ka siranai 10 (23) Single Sluicing Mary-ga nanika-o katta sooda ga, boku-wa [ nani-o (da) ka] Mary-Nom something-Acc bought I.heard but I-Top what-Acc (be) Q siranai not.know (24) Syntax: boku-wa [TopP [CP Mary-ga tNP katta no]-wa [FocP [NP nani-o] [tCP (da)]] Top] I-Top Mary-Nom bought C Top what-Acc (be) ka siranai Q not.know (25) 4. Conclusion References: Agbayani, Brian, Chris Golston, and Toru Ishii. 2015. Syntactic and prosodic scrambling in Japanese. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 33: 47-77. Fukaya, Teruhiko. 2003. Island (in)sensitivity in Japanese sluicing and stripping and some implications, WCCFL 22, 179-192. 11 Fukui, Naoki and Hironobu Kasai. 2004. Spelling-out scrambling, in Linguistic variation yearbook 4(1): 109-141. Hiraiwa, Ken and Shinichiro Ishihara. 2002. Missing links: Cleft, sluicing, and "no da" construction in Japanese, in Proceedings of the 2nd HUMIT student conference in language research (MIT working papers in linguistics 43), ed. by Tania Inoin, Heejeong Ko and Andrew Nevins, pp. 35-54, Cambridge, MA: MITWPL. Hiraiwa, Ken and Shinichiro Ishiahra. 2012. Syntactic metamorphosis: Clefts, sluicing, and in-situ focus in Japanese, Syntax 15.2: 142-180. Itô, Junko, and Armin Mester. 2013. Prosodic subcategories in Japanese. Lingua 124(1): 20-40. Kizu, Mika. 1997. Sluicing in wh-in-situ languages, CLS 33, 231-244. Kizu, Mika. 2005. Cleft constructions in Japanese syntax, London: Palgrave Macmillan. Kuwabara, Kazuki. 1996. Multiple wh-phrases in elliptical clauses, MIT working papers in linguistics 29, 97-116, Cambridge, MA: MITWPL. Martin, S. E. 1952. Morphophonemics of standard colloquial Japanese, Baltimore: Linguistic Society of America. McCawley, James D. 1968. The phonological component of a grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton. Merchant, Jason. 1998. “Pseudosluicing”: Elliptical clefts in Japanese and English, ZAS working papers in linguistics 10, 88-112. Pesetsky, David. 1989. Language-particular processes and the earliness principle, unpublished ms., MIT. Poser, William. 1984. The phonetics and phonology of tone and intonation in Japanese, doctoral dissertation, MIT. Richards, Norvin. 2016. Contiguity Theory. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Saito, Mamoru. 2003. Ellipsis and pronominal reference in Japanese clefts, Nanzan Linguistics 1, 21-50. 12 Selkirk, Elisabeth & Koichi Tateishi. 1988. Constraints on minor phrase formation in Japanese, in CLS vol. 24 Part One: The General Session, ed. by Lynn MacLeod, Gary Larson, and Diane Brentari, pp. 316-336, Chicago, IL: Chicago Linguistic Society. Takahashi, Daiko. 1994. Sluicing in Japanese, Journal of East Asian Linguistics 3, 265-300. Takahashi, Daiko and Sichao Lin. 2012. Two notes on multiple sluicing in Chinese and Japanese, Nanzan Linguistics 8, 129-145. van Gelderen, Veronique. 2003. Scrambling unscrambled. Doctoral dissertation, Leiden University. Zidai-Eroğlu, Leyla. 2019. Diagnosing English-style sluicing of wh-in-situ languages, a paper presented at WAFL (Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics) 15. Brian Agbayani Toru Ishii Department of Linguistics School of Arts and Letters California State University, Fresno Meiji University 5245 N. Backer, M/S PB92 1-1 Kandasurugadai, Chiyoda-ku Fresno, CA 93740 Tokyo, 101-8301 JAPAN bagbayan@mail.fresnostate.edu tishii@meiji.ac.jp
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On multiple sluicing in Japanese Agbayani, Brian; Ishii, Toru 2020-03-06
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Title | On multiple sluicing in Japanese |
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Agbayani, Brian Ishii, Toru |
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West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (38th : 2020 : Vancouver, B.C.) University of British Columbia. Department of Linguistics |
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Date Available | 2020-04-16 |
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