West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL) (38th : 2020)

On multiple sluicing in Japanese Agbayani, Brian; Ishii, Toru 2020-03-06

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    1 ON MULTIPLE SLUICING IN JAPANESE Brian Agbayani and Toru Ishii California State University, Fresno and Meiji University WCCFL 38 University of British Columbia March 6, 2020 1.  Introduction (1) Single Sluicing (Takahashi 1994; Kizu 1997; 2005; Kuwabara 1997; Merchant 1998; Fukaya 2003; Saito 2003)      Mary-ga    nanika-o       katta  sooda   ga,  boku-wa [ nani-o    (da)  ka]                  correlate                                    remnant      Mary-Nom something-Acc  bought I.heard  but I-Top      what-Acc  (be)  Q      siranai      not.know      ‘I heard Mary bought something, but I don’t know what.’ (2)   Boku-wa [ Mary-ga    nani-o   katta  ka] siranai      I-Top      Mary-Nom what-Acc bought Q   not.know      ‘I don’t know what Mary bought.’ (3)   Multiple Sluicing      Mary-ga    dareka-ni     nanika-o       watasita  sooda   ga,       Mary-Nom someone-Dat  something-Acc  gave      I.heard  but       boku-wa [dare-ni   nani-o    (da) ka] siranai      I-Top     who-Dat what-Acc  (be) Q   not.know Lit. 'I heard Mary gave something to someone, but I don't know what to whom.'     2 (4)   Boku-wa [ Mary-ga    dare-ni   nani-o    watasita ka] siranai      I-Top      Mary-Nom who-Dat what-Acc  gave     Q  not.know      Lit. ‘I don’t know to whom what Mary gave.’  Roadmap: Section 2: Evidence against a syntactic movement analysis of Multiple Sluicing Section 3:  A prosodic movement analysis of Multiple Sluicing Section 4:  Conclusion   2.   Against a Syntactic Movement Analysis of Multiple Sluicing.  (5)   Syntactic Movement Analyses of Multiple Sluicing      a.   Takahashi (1994), Takahashi and Lin (2012)          Syntactic movement of an amalgamated wh-phrase      b.   Kuwabara (1996)          Syntactic VP-clefting  2.1   Island Effects (6) Island Effects with Single Sluicing (Takahashi 1994, Kuwabara 1997, Fukaya 2003, Saito 2003))      a.  *Boku-wa [ keisatu-ga [Complex NP [ Tanaka giin-ni    kabuken-o okutta]              I-Top      police-Nom            Rep. Takana-Dat  stock-Acc   gave           otoko]-o  taihosita no]-wa sitteiru ga, [ hokano dono giin-ni              man-Acc arrested  C  Top know  but  else     which representative-Dat            (da) ka]-wa  siranai          (be) Q  Top  not.know     3 Lit. 'I know that the police arrested [the man who had given stocks to Rep. Tanaka], but I don't know to which other representative (the police arrested [the man who had given stocks e ]).’      (adapted from Fukaya 2003: 181)     b.  *Boku-wa [keisatsu-ga [Adjunct denryoku gaisya-ga          Tanaka giin-ni           I-Top     police-Nom         electric power company-Nom  Rep. Tanaka-Dat           kabuken-o  okutta kara]    soosasiteiru no]-wa  sitteiru  ga,             stock-Acc   gave   because investigate  C  Top  know    but         [ hokano dono giin-ni             (da)  ka]-wa   siranai           else    which representative-Dat (be)  Q   Top  not.know Lit. 'I know the police are making an investigation [because the electric power company gave stocks to Rep. Tanaka], but I don't know to which other representative (the police are making an investigation [because Rep. Tanaka gave stocks e ]).' (7)   No Island Effects with Multiple Sluicing      a.   Boku-wa [ keisatu-ga [Complex NP [ Tanaka giin-ni    kabuken-o   okutta]               I-Top      police-Nom            Rep. Takana-Dat  bribe-Acc    gave           otoko]-o  taihosita no]-wa sitteiru ga, [hokano dono giin-ni     nani-o            man-Acc arrested  C  Top know  but  else   which Rep.-Dat  what-Acc            (da) ka]-wa siranai          (be) Q  Top not.know Lit. 'I know that the police arrested [the man who had given a bribe to Rep. Tanaka], but I don't know what, to which other Representative (the police arrested [the man who had given e e]).’     4     b.    Boku-wa [keisatsu-ga [Adjunct denryoku gaisya-ga          Tanaka giin-ni            I-Top     police-Nom         electric power company-Nom  Rep. Tanaka-Dat           kabuken-o  okutta kara]    soosasiteiru no]-wa  sitteiru  ga,             stock-Acc   gave   because investigate  C  Top  know    but          [ hokano dono giin-ni              nani-o    (da)  ka]-wa   siranai            else    which representative-Dat  what-Acc  (be)  Q   Top  not.know Lit. 'I know the police are making an investigation [because the electric power company gave stocks to Rep. Tanaka], but I don't know what, to which other representative (the police are making an investigation [because Rep. Tanaka gave e e ]).'  2.2   Single/Multiple Sluicing with a Nominative Phrase Remnant (8)   a.   No Single Sluicing with a Nominative Phrase Remnant (Kizu 1997)        ?* John-wa [dareka-ga    sono hon-o     katta  to]  itta   sooda   ga,           John-Top someone-Nom that book-Acc bought C   said   I.heard  but          boku-wa [dare-ga   ka]  siranai          I-Top     who-Nom Q   not.know Lit. ‘I heard John said someone bought that book, but I don’t know who (e  bought that book).’      b.   Multiple Sluicing with a Nominative Phrase Remnant           John-wa  [dareka-ga    nanika-o       katta  to]  itta  sooda   ga,           John-Top  someone-Nom something-Acc  bought C   said  I.heard  but          boku-wa  [dare-ga   nani-o    ka]  siranai          I-Top      who-Nom  what-Acc  Q   not.know     5 Lit. ‘I heard John said someone bought something, but I don’t know who what (e bought e).’  2.3   Single/Multiple Sluicing with an Adjunct Remnant (9)   a.  No Single Sluicing with an Adjunct Remnant        ?* Masukomi-wa   [ Mary-ga   [ Bill-ga    sono okoto-ni  wairo-o             Mass.media-Top  Mary-Nom  Bill-Nom  that man-Dat  bribe-Acc           donoyoona riyuu-de  watasita to]  syoogensita  ka] siranai    ga,            what reason-for      gave     C   witnessed   Q   not.know  but          boku-wa [donoyoona riyuu-de ka] sitteiru          I-Top     what reason-for     Q   know Lit. ‘The mass media don't know [Mary witnessed [Bill gave a bribe to that man for what reason]], but I know for what reason (Mary witnessed [Bill gave a bribe to that man e]).’      b.    Multiple Sluicing with an Adjunct Remnant            Masukomi-wa   [ Mary-ga    [ Bill-ga    sono otoko-ni   nani-o              Mass.media-Top  Mary-Nom  Bill-Nom  that man-Dat   what-Acc           donoyoona riyuu-de  watasita to] syoogensita ka] siranai    ga,            some reason-for      gave     C  witnessed  Q   not.know  but           boku-wa  [nani-o     donoyoona riyuu-de ka]  sitteiru          I-Top       what-Acc  what reason-for     Q   know Lit. ‘The mass media don't know [Mary witnessed [Bill gave what to that man for what reason]], but I know what, for what reason (Mary witnessed [Bill gave e to that man e]).’       6 2.4   Single/Multiple Sluicing with a Negative Polarity Item (NPI) Remnant (10)  a.   No Single Sluicing with an NPI Remnant          *John-wa [Bill-ga   Suzy-ni  mikan-o    hitotumo age-nakatta to] itta ga,           John-Top Bill-Nom Suzy-Dat orange-Acc one.even  gave-not   C said but           Mary-wa  [ ringo-o    hitotumo  to] itta          Mary-Top  apple-Acc  one.even  C  said Lit. ‘John said that Bill didn't give any orange to Suzy, but Mary said that any apple (Bill didn't give e to Suzy).’      b.   Multiple Sluicing with an NPI Remnant          John-wa  [Bill-ga   Suzy-ni  mikan-o hitotumo   age-nakatta to] itta ga,           John-Top [Bill-Nom Suzy-Dat orange-Acc one.even gave-not    C said but           Mary-wa [ Lily-ni  ringo-o    hitotumo  to] itta Mary-Top  L-Dat   apple-Acc one.even  C  said  Lit. ‘John said that Bill didn't give any orange to Suzy, but Mary said that any apple, to Lily (John didn't give e e).’  2.5   Variable Binding   (11)  a.   No Variable Binding with Single Sluicing            ?* Mass komi-wa   [Toyota-sae1-ga     soko1-no  kabunusi-ni              Mass.media-Top  Toyota-even-Nom  that-Gen  stockholder-Dat           sikinenzyo-o          yooseisita  to]  itta  ga,            financial support-Acc  asked.for   C   said  but            seihu-wa       [ soko1-no meinbanku-ni   to]  itta          government-Top  that-Gen main.bank-Dat  C   said     7 Lit. 'The mass media said that even Toyota1 asked its1 stockholders for financial support, but the government said that its1 main bank (even Toyota asked e for financial support).'     b.    Variable Binding with Multiple Sluicing          Mass komi-wa    [ Toyota-sae1-ga     soko1-no  kabunusi-ni              Mass.media-Top   Toyota-even-Nom  that-Gen  stockholder-Dat           sikinenzyo-o          yooseisita  to]  itta  ga,           financial support-Acc  asked.for   C   said  but            seihu-wa       [ soko1-no meinbanku-ni   yakuinhaken-o       to] itta          government-Top  that-Gen main.bank-Dat  dispatch.executive-Acc C said Lit. 'The mass media said that even Toyota1 asked its1 stockholders for financial support, but the government said that its1 main bank, for a dispatch executive (even Toyota asked e e).'  3.  A Proposal (12)  Sluicing as a “Concealed Cleft” (Kuwabara 1997; Merchant 1998; Saito 2003)      ... boku-wa [[Mary-ga    e  katta  no]-wa  nani-o    (da) ka] siranai        I-Top     Mary-Nom    bought C-Top   what-Acc  (be) Q   not.know      Lit. ‘I don’t know that it is what Mary bought.’  3.1  An Analysis of Single/Multiple Cleft (13) Material for Cleft is targeted within syntax, and is moved either in syntax or phonology.      8 (14)  a.    If the targeted material can undergo Cleft syntactically, it does;  b.  If the targeted material is not a single syntactic XP eligible for Cleft, then that material is packed into a prosodic constituent (through formation of a Major Phrase; cf. Itô & Mester 2013) and undergoes Prosodic Cleft to the right edge of an intonational phrase ι (corresponding to the presuppositional CP) at PF. (15)  Syntactic Cleft bleeds Prosodic Cleft. (cf. Agbayani, Golston & Ishii 2015) (16)  Earliness Principle (Pesetsky 1989)  Satisfy principles as early as possible on the hierarchy of levels (DS) > SS > LF > LP. (17)   Material targeted for Cleft must be        a.  non-predicative,       b.  maximal, and       c.  contained in a single constituent. (18)  a.   John-ga    sono hon-o     katta         John-Nom  that book-Acc  bought        ‘John bought that book.’    b. * [John-ga   sita  no]-wa  sono hon-o     kau da        John-Nom  did  C  Top  that  book-Acc  buy be        Lit. ‘It is buy that book that John did.’  (19)  a.   John-ga    Mary-ni   sono hon-o    yonde  kureta        John-Nom  Mary-Dat that book-Acc  read   had        ‘John had Mary read that book.’    b. * [John-ga    Mary-ni   (site)  kureta  no]-wa  sono hon-o    yonde da        John-Nom  Mary-Dat  (do)   had      C Top  that book-Acc read  be        Lit. ‘It is read that book that John had Mary (do).’     9 (20) [NP- Dat] [NP-Acc]     V  no (Comp) wa(Top)   Syntax      ò   ( ((.............)Φ  (.............)Φ)MP          )ɩ  Phonology    3.2   An Analysis of Single/Multiple Sluicing (21)  Multiple Sluicing      Mary-ga    dareka-ni     nanika-o       watasita sooda   ga,       Mary-Nom someone-Dat  something-Acc  gave     I.heard  but       boku-wa [dare-ni   nani-o    (da) ka] siranai      I-Top     who-Dat what-Acc  (be) Q   not.know Lit. 'I heard Mary gave something to someone, but I don't know what to whom.' (22)  Syntax (cf. Hiraiwa and Ishihara’s (2002, 2012) analysis of Cleft):      a.  boku-wa [TopP [FocP [CP ... [NP dare-ni] [NP nani-o] ... no] (da)] Top] ka          I-Top                       who-Dat   what-Acc  C   (be)      Q         siranai         not.know             - Topicalization of the presuppositional CP to the Spec of TopP ->      b.   boku-wa [TopP [CP...[NP dare-ni] [NP nani-o] ...no]-wa [FocP tCP (da)] Top] ka             siranai       Phonology:      c.   boku-wa (ι  ...   (MP (Φ  ...  ) (Φ  .... )) ... no wa)ι (MP dare-ni nani-o) (da) ka          siranai       d.   boku-wa (ι  ...   (MP (Φ  ...  ) (Φ  .... )) ... no wa)ι (MP dare-ni nani-o) (da) ka          siranai      10 (23) Single Sluicing      Mary-ga    nanika-o       katta  sooda   ga,  boku-wa [ nani-o   (da)  ka]       Mary-Nom something-Acc  bought I.heard  but I-Top      what-Acc  (be)  Q      siranai      not.know (24)  Syntax:      boku-wa [TopP [CP Mary-ga tNP  katta  no]-wa [FocP [NP nani-o] [tCP (da)]] Top]        I-Top           Mary-Nom   bought C  Top         what-Acc    (be)           ka   siranai       Q   not.know  (25)   4.  Conclusion  References: Agbayani, Brian, Chris Golston, and Toru Ishii. 2015. Syntactic and prosodic scrambling in Japanese. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 33: 47-77. Fukaya, Teruhiko. 2003. Island (in)sensitivity in Japanese sluicing and stripping and some implications, WCCFL 22, 179-192.     11 Fukui, Naoki and Hironobu Kasai. 2004. Spelling-out scrambling, in Linguistic variation yearbook 4(1): 109-141.  Hiraiwa, Ken and Shinichiro Ishihara. 2002. Missing links: Cleft, sluicing, and "no da" construction in Japanese, in Proceedings of the 2nd HUMIT student conference in language research (MIT working papers in linguistics 43), ed. by Tania Inoin, Heejeong Ko and Andrew Nevins, pp. 35-54, Cambridge, MA: MITWPL. Hiraiwa, Ken and Shinichiro Ishiahra. 2012. Syntactic metamorphosis: Clefts, sluicing, and in-situ focus in Japanese, Syntax 15.2: 142-180. Itô, Junko, and Armin Mester. 2013. Prosodic subcategories in Japanese. Lingua 124(1): 20-40.   Kizu, Mika. 1997. Sluicing in wh-in-situ languages, CLS 33, 231-244. Kizu, Mika. 2005. Cleft constructions in Japanese syntax, London: Palgrave Macmillan. Kuwabara, Kazuki. 1996. Multiple wh-phrases in elliptical clauses, MIT working papers in linguistics 29, 97-116, Cambridge, MA: MITWPL. Martin, S. E. 1952. Morphophonemics of standard colloquial Japanese, Baltimore:  Linguistic Society of America. McCawley, James D. 1968. The phonological component of a grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton.  Merchant, Jason. 1998. “Pseudosluicing”: Elliptical clefts in Japanese and English, ZAS working papers in linguistics 10, 88-112.  Pesetsky, David. 1989. Language-particular processes and the earliness principle, unpublished ms., MIT. Poser, William. 1984. The phonetics and phonology of tone and intonation in Japanese, doctoral dissertation, MIT. Richards, Norvin. 2016. Contiguity Theory. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.  Saito, Mamoru. 2003. Ellipsis and pronominal reference in Japanese clefts, Nanzan Linguistics 1, 21-50.     12 Selkirk, Elisabeth & Koichi Tateishi. 1988. Constraints on minor phrase formation in Japanese, in CLS vol. 24 Part One: The General Session, ed. by Lynn MacLeod, Gary Larson, and Diane Brentari, pp. 316-336, Chicago, IL: Chicago Linguistic Society. Takahashi, Daiko. 1994. Sluicing in Japanese, Journal of East Asian Linguistics 3, 265-300. Takahashi, Daiko and Sichao Lin. 2012. Two notes on multiple sluicing in Chinese and Japanese, Nanzan Linguistics 8, 129-145.    van Gelderen, Veronique. 2003. Scrambling unscrambled. Doctoral dissertation, Leiden University. Zidai-Eroğlu, Leyla. 2019. Diagnosing English-style sluicing of wh-in-situ languages, a paper presented at WAFL (Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics) 15.  Brian Agbayani                             Toru Ishii Department of Linguistics                   School of Arts and Letters California State University, Fresno           Meiji University 5245 N. Backer, M/S PB92                   1-1 Kandasurugadai, Chiyoda-ku Fresno, CA 93740                           Tokyo, 101-8301 JAPAN bagbayan@mail.fresnostate.edu              tishii@meiji.ac.jp  

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